Protect Children from Video Game Sex and Violence Act of 2003
Legislative Activity
Stay on top of the latest movement without scrolling through every action
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR H1030-1031)
March 11, 2004
View full timeline
Introduced in House
February 11, 2003
Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.
February 11, 2003
Referred to the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security.
March 6, 2003
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR H1030-1031)
March 11, 2004
Floor Debate
23 membersWhat members said about H.R. 669 on the floor
TO
FU
EJM
DEW
JB+18
Floor Debate
23 membersWhat members said about H.R. 669 on the floor
Mr. Speaker, I think that our recent military successes in Afghanistan and Iraq have demonstrated very clearly that we are the preeminent military force in the world. Our economy, although it has…
Mr. Speaker, I think that our recent military successes in Afghanistan and Iraq have demonstrated very clearly that we are the preeminent military force in the world. Our economy, although it has been somewhat slowed recently, is certainly the strongest in the world.
By most measures, the United States is the most powerful Nation in the world. At the present time, we stand alone in a position of preeminence; and so sometimes when one is in that position, it is easy to begin to think that we are invincible and that this will go on forever, and certainly we hope that that is the case.
Then I think it is important that we cast a historical frame of reference on all of the recent circumstances on things that have happened.
Certainly 2,500 years ago, the Greeks were preeminent; and they, I am sure, felt that their culture would last forever and that they would be in a preeminent position until history ended; and then 500 years later, 2000 years ago, we found that the Roman empire had superseded Greece, and again, for a period of time, it was the most powerful nation in the world, just dominated the then-civilized world as we knew it.
150 years ago, the British Empire certainly was the most dominant nation in the world and controlled most of the affairs in the discovered world at that time; and of course, even the Soviet Union just 20 years ago appeared to be an almost invincible force. It was our rival. And so the United States and Soviet Union were the two most powerful nations in the world; and yet in each case, each one of these great civilizations, each one of these nations fell, and the interesting thing was that they did not fall from outside forces. It was not because somebody took them over. Rather, they fell from internal factors; and so their unity of purpose, their national resolve, the character of their people began to crumble, and as a result, they all to some degree became less powerful, and to some degree they became history.
So what is America's greatest threat today? I am sure some would say al Qaeda. Some would say it is the ongoing conflict in the Middle East between Israel and Palestine. Some would say it is the nuclear capabilities of North Korea and possibly Iran. Others would say the biggest problem we have is the economy, and certainly all of these things are important, and certainly they are all worthy of our attention, and they certainly get it in this body on a daily basis.
I would submit to my colleagues that from my perspective the greatest threat that this Nation faces today is not outside forces, but rather, it is unraveling of the culture from within. So I am going to tonight, Mr. Speaker, document this thesis in some ways, and the reason I say this is because I have had considerable experience working with young people over 36 years.
From 1962 to 1997, I spent almost all of my time working with young people.
Most of them were ages 17 to 22, but I also spent a lot of time in high schools with summer camps where I worked with kids in the 9th, 10th and 11th and 12th grade. I coached 150 young men every year, visited 70 to 80 high schools in all parts of the country. Some were in inner cities, some were in suburbs, some were in rural areas; and I sat in 70 to 80 living rooms all around the country from wealthy to poor to rural. So I am not saying, Mr. Speaker, that I understand the whole situation that is going on in our country; but over those 36 years, I began to see some things that were of concern, some things that I think are worthy of note.
The young people I worked with were talented; and as time went on, they became bigger and faster and stronger and in some cases smarter, but they also were more troubled. I saw more personal problems. I saw more stress. I saw more young people who were off balance; and as a result, over that 36-year period, I progressively spent less and less time coaching and more and more time dealing with personal issues; and I think almost anyone in education would tell us the same thing, whether they are a school administrator or a teacher or a coach. Anyone who works consistently with young people over a period of time will tell us that things have changed. There has been a shift, and as far as stability, it has not been for the better.
I think, Mr. Speaker, there are several factors that have contributed to these changes, and the first of these that is very obvious, and I think almost anyone would recognize this, is a change in family stability. In 1960, when I first started working with young people, the out-of-wedlock birthrate was 5 percent. Today, it is 33 percent. So roughly one out of every three children are born out of wedlock, with no stable marriage and have two strikes against them. That is an increase over that period of time of 600 percent.
In 1960, the great majority of young people lived with both biological parents. We would occasionally see a young person who was from a single-parent family, but usually if we did so, it was because one parent or the other was deceased. Today, roughly one-half of our young people are growing up without both biological parents, again, an increase of probably 3 to 500 percent in terms of lack of stable families.
Today, only 7 percent of our families are so-called traditional families. So the family that we have is generally a father works, a mother stays home with the children and is a full-time homemaker or at least if the mother works, the father stays home, and yet only 7 percent of our families are of that nature today.
So we often think of latchkey kids belonging in the inner city where they come home after school and nobody is there, but I can tell Members from personal experience that there are roughly 80-90 percent of the young people in the suburbs and rural areas, nobody is home at 3 o'clock and they are latchkey kids as well.
So this has been a tremendous shift in our demographics. Parents today spend 40 percent less time with their children than a generation ago. The average parent spends no more than a few minutes with each child, and a huge amount of time is eaten up with the television set and work activities. The divorce rate has increased, from 1960 to 1995, 300 percent. Currently today, 24 million children are living without their real father.
I dealt with a lot of those young people and I remember particularly one case where this young man was a good football player, and by his junior year he was being mentioned as being an All-American. One day I got a phone call from a man living in another State and he wanted to know if I knew this player. I said, I coach him. He said, ``That is my son. I would like to talk to him.''
So I talked to this young man and I thought he would be thrilled being reunited with his father. He said, ``He left me when I was 1 or 2 years old and now the only reason he wants to talk to me is because I am somewhat famous as a player, and I do not want to talk to him.''
I sensed the anguish. I saw young people time and time again who had a father who was missing in their life and they were trying to fill that void, and usually it was with all the wrong stuff; and it was not just young men, it was young women as well.
This Sunday is Father's Day, and fatherless children are in some difficult circumstances at the present time. Fatherless children are 120 percent more likely to experience child abuse, twice as likely to drop out of school, 2-3 times more likely to have mental or emotional problems, 1\1/2\ times to 2 times more likely to abuse drugs and alcohol, and 11 times more likely to commit a violent act.
I ran into a story recently that is true, and this had to do with a greeting card business that contacted a prison. Mother's Day was approaching and they notified all of the prisoners that they would provide a Mother's Day card free if the prisoner would use it and send it to his mother. They had almost 100 percent participation. Practically all of the inmates took the card and mailed it to their mother. They thought this was quite a success.
So Father's Day was rolling around and they thought they would do it again. And the interesting thing, Mr. Speaker, in that particular prison there was hardly anyone who asked for a card to send to his father because, I would assume, because none knew their father, or their father had abandoned them.
What I am saying as far as the family is that the launching pad, the family, is not totally broken. We have some good families in our country, but the launching pad is certainly cracked, and changes have been undertaken in our society that are going to be really difficult for us to rectify in the immediate future.
So on top of the family disintegrating to some degree, we find that the environment in which young people are living has changed dramatically. When I began coaching in the 1960s, drug abuse was almost unheard of. We had never heard of cocaine, steroids, methamphetamine. We heard a little bit about marijuana, but that was somebody out in Hollywood, and none of the young people I was dealing with had experienced it. Of course today, currently, we find that we have a drug epidemic on our hands, and that includes alcohol. We have between 2 and 3 million teenage alcoholics in our country today. So the drug issue has become one of epidemic proportion.
The thing that is really interesting to me and astounding to me and discouraging to me is at one time we assumed rural America was the bastion of the family, and that was the one place we could count on traditional values. Yet we find at the present time that drug abuse in rural areas is equal to that of the urban areas, if not greater. The greatest scourge currently in rural areas that we have is methamphetamine abuse. It is roughly twice as prevalent as it is in the cities. If you are addicted to meth, the time that you are going to have to spend in inpatient treatment to have any chance of being cured is not 3 months as it is for alcohol and other drugs, it is roughly 24- 36 months, and then the odds are very good you will not beat it and meth probably at some point will kill you.
The average meth addict will commit roughly 130 crimes per year to support that habit. Imagine the cost to each community of one meth addict, and we have rampant meth abuse in the rural areas. We also have the highest rate of violence of any civilized nation in the world at the present time. The United States has the highest homicide rate. We have the highest suicide rate, and of course we have had numerous school shootings in the United States in recent years, and Columbine is almost the catch word for that type of activity. So the violence activity has escalated astronomically over the last 25 years.
Also, pornography has exploded. There are over 1 million porn sites on the Internet today. Sixty percent of all sites on the Internet have to do with pornography, and that is more than one-half. Additionally, there are more than 100,000 child porn sites on the Internet. Child pornography is illegal, and yet we have 100,000 child porn sites. So our children, our young people, are being engulfed by a wave of pornography.
It has been estimated that 1 out of 10 children between the ages of 8 and 16
have viewed pornography on the Internet, and mostly this has been unintentional. They have used a search word such as Pokemon, Disney, Barbie, ESPN, and those search words bring up a porn site, and once you bring up a porn site, you begin to get spam, which is dozens of porn sites and the child is inundated with pornography.
I was really surprised about a year ago, Mr. Speaker, to realize that my name used as a search word brought up a porn site. We were able to get that rectified, but the average young person in my district who is maybe doing a research paper on his or her Congressman and plugged in my name would all of a sudden be confronted with a porn site. In a civilized Nation that simply should not happen. I have grandchildren ages 3-10. I have four of them. I can imagine that they will someday be exposed to hard-core pornography, and this should not happen. Many people say pornography is a victimless crime. It does not really hurt anybody so what you see and hear does not make any difference in terms of how you behave.
If that is true, why do we have an advertising industry that spends billions of dollars on advertising? Obviously, if you see a soft drink advertised in an appealing ad, it changes your behavior. You are more apt to purchase that soft drink or automobile or whatever is being advertised. Obviously what we see and what we hear has a tremendous impact on our behavior, and our young people today are being inundated with these kinds of messages, and that is discouraging to see.
The video game is also a problem. Today, 8- to 18-year-old boys average 40 minutes a day playing video games. There is nothing wrong with that as long as the video games are within the lines. They might be a little bit violent, but they are probably not going to be a real problem. But we see that some of these games have gotten progressively more and more violent and more and more graphic. Many of them teach stalking and killing techniques that are actually used in training military personnel, Special Forces, to go out and kill people.
One particular video game that we saw recently here in Congress was such an example. It was one in which the young person would engage in stalking someone and shooting them, and if you hit them in the right place in the head and the blood flew, you were rewarded by a series of pornographic images. That was your reward. So people say that is for adults and those were adult-rated games, but the average person who plays those games is 12 years old. The marketing is beamed directly at young people who are teenage and preteenage children.
There is no way, Mr. Speaker, that you can play these kinds of games for any length of time and not have it impact you in some way in the depths of your psyche.
There was a school shooting in Kentucky a couple of years ago, and the young man who did the shooting went 9 for 9. He shot at 9 young people and he hit all 9. Many law enforcement people said that was amazing. Hardly any law enforcement individual could have done that, but the amazing thing was this particular shooter had not fired a gun before. He had played a lot of video games, and in playing those video games, he had shot lots of people. Apparently he got very good at it because he was almost perfect in his score. That shows you what video games can do.
We have much music, some television, many movies, some talk shows are very explicit and very graphic, and all of these things, if you think about it, simply could not have been put on the airwaves 30 years ago. It would have been impossible to present this kind of material, and yet we have drifted so far that this becomes commonplace and nobody objects. And obviously, this is impacting the minds and hearts of our young people.
The family is less stable. The environment young people are growing up in is more threatening, and also I would submit that our value system has shifted and shifted considerably. I would point to a study that was done by Stephen Covey who wrote the ``7 Habits of Highly Successful People'' and what he did was research everything that he could find that had to do with success. He said that he noticed a marked shift. He said in the first 150 years in our country's history, success was defined primarily in terms of character traits. A successful person was honest, a successful person was hardworking, a successful person was faithful, was loyal, compassionate. And so really it had to do with qualities of virtue, and that is what success was.
Then he said about 50-60 years ago he began to notice a shift in the literature that he was reading. He noticed that at the present time and for the last 50 years or so that success is now defined in terms of material possessions, in terms of power, and in terms of prestige. So a successful person has money. He may not be an admirable person, but if he has enough money, he is successful. He may have influence and power, and if that is the case, he may not be a good person or an admirable person, but he is a successful person. He may be very popular. He may have people wanting his or her autograph, and he may not be a very good role model, but if he has popularity, he is labeled successful.
So success is no longer linked to character and that is an interesting shift in the way that our value system has come about.
In 1998, there was a poll done that indicated a very high approval rating for the President who was in office at that time. Even though that particular President had misbehaved rather badly with an intern in the Oval Office and had lied to the American public, he still enjoyed a very high approval rating.
The thing that really grabbed my attention was that there was a poll that was done and the question that was posed to the American public was this: Is there any correlation between job performance and private behavior? In other words, what you do in your private life, does that have anything to do with your job performance? Seventy percent of American adults say it has no connection, that there is no relation. You can be a bank president and do all kinds of unscrupulous things in your private life, and it does not affect your job. You can be a very unscrupulous coach, and it would not make any difference in how you did your job. It was amazing to me that this many people in the American public would say that there is no correlation between job performance and private behavior, because what we are saying here is that character really does not count, because what you do in private essentially is an issue of character. The value system has certainly changed in that regard.
In the business world, we have seen some changes. I would submit that WorldCom and Enron and Global Crossing were not isolated instances. These were not accidental happenings. It was simply a reflection of the shift that we have had in this culture to an all-out infatuation with material success. And so anything goes in those types of situations. The Great Wall of China, Mr. Speaker, was breached twice. It was several thousand miles long. It was believed to be impenetrable. As a result, it was built to keep out the barbarian hordes. Yet twice it was breached. In neither case was it a situation where the barbarians overran the wall, knocked it down or had a military victory. It was because they bribed the gatekeeper. What I would submit at the present time is that a lot of our gatekeepers at the present time have not been responsible. As a result, we see a lack of trust in our country today that is almost unprecedented. Many people no longer believe that some of the leaders that we have in various industries and politics and athletics and the business world can be trusted. Of course, the alarming thing here is that democracy is based on trust. When trust evaporates, then it is very difficult to run an effective democracy.
The predominant world view today, Mr. Speaker, is something called postmodernism. Postmodernism is a belief that there are no moral absolutes, that nothing is absolutely good or bad in and of itself. As a famous individual recently said, the Ten Commandments are irrelevant. And so everything is relative. Theft is justified at times. If you need what you are stealing bad enough, it can be justified. Everything is relative. Murder certainly could be justified if you happen to kill someone who is really not an admirable person. You can rationalize that it is okay. Adultery is certainly something that is acceptable if nobody
is going to find out. Even treason would be okay if you were angry enough or hated your country badly enough. Postmodernism has dominated our thought and I think has had a tremendous amount to do with the way our young people and our country begin to see things.
In view of the fact that we have had a family breakdown, we have had a decline of the culture and a shifting of values, this is an extremely difficult time for our young people. They are being asked to weave their way through a minefield. In this minefield, there is alcohol and drug abuse over here, there is harmful video games over here, unwholesome music and television over here, there is promiscuity over here and gangs here, violent behavior and broken homes and all of those things; and somehow we are saying, you have got to get through this thing and you are probably going to have to do it by yourself because you are not going to get much parental support or adult support. And so we are asking our young people to do something that is very, very difficult and in some cases almost impossible. What we find is that our children's feet are not set on a rock but they are, rather, set on sand.
I think it is important we pay attention to these issues because a culture is never more than one generation away from dissolution. There is no permanence if the next generation coming up cannot pull it off. And so we need to think about this. De Tocqueville said something that was very interesting. It was a powerful sentence. He said, America is great because America is good. He said this probably 100, 150 years ago. He did not say that America was rich or powerful or perfect, but he said America was good and that is why America was great. I think America still is good, and I think America is great; but I would say that there are some signs on the horizon, some storm clouds that would lead us to wonder a little bit where we are headed and to cause us to sit up and pay attention.
What can be done? It is easy to state the problems, we hear that all the time, particularly around here, what is wrong. It seems to me, Mr. Speaker, that you do not leave an issue without at least setting out some possible solutions. One thing that I would submit that makes sense to me is the issue of mentoring. We cannot legislate strong families, we cannot legislate morality; but one thing that we can do is provide a mentor in the life of a young person who badly needs it. It is assumed that at the present time in our culture there are roughly 18 million young people who lack a stable, caring adult in their life and badly need a mentor. What is a mentor? A mentor, number one, is someone who cares, someone who has no ax to grind, someone who simply cares enough to show up and spend time with that person. He is not a father, not a mother, not a grandparent, not a preacher, not a teacher, no one who is paid to do this; but it is someone who simply cares enough to be there with that child and provide stability and a caring environment and a stable relationship in the life of a young person who probably does not know what that looks like.
The second thing that a mentor does is he affirms. I guess I saw that very clearly in athletics. If you told a player that you really believed in him, that you really thought that he could amount to something, that someday he had a future with you, oftentimes he would grow into that which he did not know that he was even capable of being. On the other hand, if you said, you know, I really do not think that you are going to make it, son, we do not really think we have a place for you here, his performance would begin to tail off and pretty soon he would play down to that level of expectation and he would be gone. So affirmation is critical. No one can live without some type of affirmation, whether you are 50 years old or whether you are 30 or whether you are 10. A mentor is someone who says, I believe in you. I really think you can do this. And you are important to me. A mentor is one who affirms.
Also, thirdly, a mentor is one who provides some guidance. So many young people that we have today have never seen anyone in their immediate family or their immediate life who has graduated from high school, maybe no one who has held down a steady job, no one who has a concept of what it is like to be a good parent. A mentor is someone who provides some guidance and says, I believe in you. I think you can do this. I think you can graduate from high school. I think you could make it in this college, or I think you would be really good at this. Guidance is critical. Mentoring works. It reduces dropout rates by roughly 100 percent, reduces drug and alcohol abuse by 50 percent, teenage pregnancy by 40 percent, violent acts by roughly 30 percent, and improves relations with peers and parents, improves self-esteem. Even though it is not perfect, it is the best thing that we know of, the best opportunity that we have to begin to rectify some of those relationships that have been so badly broken and have damaged those young people so badly.
The President has proposed currently $450 million over the next 3 years for mentoring. That is $150 million a year; $100 million would go for mentoring for all children and $50 million would be designated for children of prisoners. If that program is enacted, and I hope Congress will do that, I hope it will be funded, that will reach 1 million young people. That still leaves 17 million that are not being reached. But mentoring is cost effective, because a good mentoring program will cost $300 to $500 per child per year. It costs $30,000 to lock somebody up. As we mentioned earlier, a meth addict, someone who commits 130 crimes, would be almost difficult if not impossible to total up the dollars. What we are doing in our society today is we are spending huge amounts of money on the back end, and we are losing person after person after person, the recidivism rate is about 85 percent, and we are not spending the money on the front end where we can really make a difference. Mentoring is something that we think is a possible solution, at least a partial solution.
The President has been talking about the Call to Service Act. This is legislation which encourages volunteerism in our country. One of the greatest resources that we have in this country today is our senior citizens. We have so many people who have retired in their late 50s or in their 60s, and they are going to live until they are 80 or 90 years old and they are still healthy and they are still vibrant. The greatest need that we have in our country today is extended family. Our kids growing up do not have grandparents, some do not have parents at all; and so we feel that the Call to Service Act can certainly be used to hook up people who will volunteer, who have some life experience to help our young people, to mentor them, to tutor them, to be supportive; and we think this is a tremendous opportunity.
The Internet gambling bill was passed today on this floor. I hope that it will have some success over in the other body. As a culture, we are trying to gamble our way to prosperity. The difficult thing is that it impoverishes those who can least afford to gamble, breaks up families, directs money from children's needs. It is tied to organized crime, and students are particularly susceptible. One thing that we noticed on Internet gambling is that the most high-risk group of people in our country is students. All you need is a computer and a credit card. Most college students and an awful lot of high school students have that and the more times that you gamble in a short period of time and the less troublesome it is to do it, which Internet gambling provides the optimal situation, the more addictive it becomes. For some it has the same addictive effect as crack cocaine. So a certain percentage of our young people are getting addicted very quickly. This is a powerful issue, and I believe that the Internet gambling bill if it is passed in the other body can certainly be a tremendous help.
We eliminated the marriage tax penalty which was certainly countercultural to tell people that if you live together, you are going to have less tax consequences, it is going to save you $1,000 or $1,500 a year as opposed to if you were married just makes no sense, because marriage is the basic family unit in this country. We have rectified to some degree that particular marriage penalty.
I think it is really critical that we fund drug prevention programs. Let me just mention one here, Mr. Speaker. Byrne grants. Byrne grants go out to fight meth. It is amazing how much
methamphetamines cost. If you find a meth lab, to get that dismantled and all the chemicals disposed of costs thousands and thousands of dollars. So if we do not fund this, and right now it is not scheduled to be funded, this is a tremendous blow to our culture and particularly to our rural areas where most of these meth labs occur. We need to make sure that we are giving people the tools that they need.
H.R. 669, the Protect Children From Video Game Sex and Violence Act of 2003. I am its cosponsor. I think this is certainly one that can correct some of the problems of video games. H.R. 756, the Child Modeling Exploitation Prevention Act, addresses the issue of some people trying to get around the child pornography statutes by having children pose as models in provocative poses, and so this addresses that.
Above all, Mr. Speaker, we need a fundamental shift in the way that we address first amendment rights in the courts. This is a dangerous statement for somebody to make, that we have got to watch out for the first amendment. Everybody is in favor of free speech and the first amendment, and I certainly go along with that as well; but I would like to point out some things that have happened in the courts in recent years that I think have been very damaging to this culture.
In 1996, Congress passed the Communications Decency Act that made it illegal to send indecent material to children via the Internet. Listen to what happened to that, Mr. Speaker. In June of 1997, the Supreme Court overturned portions of the law and made this statement. They said, indecent material is protected by the first amendment. And so what we are saying is those who produce indecent material have protection, and yet those children who receive that material and are influenced by it have no protection.
In 1996, the Child Pornography Prevention Act outlawed child pornography, including visual depictions that appeared to be of a minor and so it may not actually be a minor involved; but it could be a computer-generated image, or it could be an adult posing as a minor and how do you know? The Supreme Court ruled that unconstitutional and overturned the law banning computer graphics showing child pornography.
In October 1998, the Children Online Protection Act was signed into law to prohibit the communication of harmful material to children on publicly accessible Web sites. It makes sense that you should not be able to on publicly accessible Web sites send pornography to children. Yet the Supreme Court refused to rule on the 1998 law. As a result, it was never enacted; and it still sits there today and is void.
The 106th Congress passed the Child Internet Protection Act to require schools and libraries that receive Federal funds to use Internet filtering to protect minors from harmful material on the Internet.
In May of 2002, the Federal court declared the law unconstitutional. Free speech is protected, while women and children are attacked.
It is important to note that 80 to 90 percent of rapists and pedophiles reported using pornography usually right before they commit the act, and they will admit that this has shaped their behavior and made a difference. It seems to me our women and children ought to have rights and freedoms as well, and yet it seems the way we have phrased the argument that they are being victimized, whereas others who are perpetrators are being given freedoms to do so.
The Court has often ruled against school prayer. I would not do so necessarily, but some have traced some of the cultural decline I have mentioned tonight to the absence of school prayer, which began I believe in the 1960s. But there have been some decisions that really caused me to wonder. I will mention some of these.
In 1992, the Supreme Court declared an invocation and benediction at a graduation ceremony unconstitutional. On the floor of this House, every day we start with a prayer. In many public places, prayer is used. And yet at a school graduation it is not legitimate to have a minister, a priest, a rabbi, a cleric say a prayer. Again, this seems to fly in the face of the way our country was founded.
The Court also has held that a minute of silence in school is unconstitutional. Now, a child may spend a minute of silence and may say a prayer, may look out the window, may think about the upcoming test. He is not forced to believe in any doctrine. He is not forced to pray. Yet the Court said that a minute of silence is unconstitutional.
The Court also ruled not long ago that a student-led prayer at a football game was unconstitutional. The students voted in this particular student body to have a prayer. They wanted a student-led prayer before the game. The Court said this would really violate the rights of the football players who had to be there and also some of the cheerleaders required to be there. Yet this violated the rights I think of those who chose to have the prayer, the students themselves.
As most people understand, the words ``under God'' were struck from the Pledge of Allegiance by the Ninth Circuit court. Most of the framers of the Constitution obviously mentioned time and time again their dependence upon God, and yet we are trying to strip this away also from our Pledge of Allegiance.
I am not going to get into the abortion issue at any great length. It is very controversial. I realize there are many people on both sides of the issue. But I will mention one thing.
Just recently Congress and this House passed the partial-birth abortion ban. The reason I do not think this is particularly controversial is that this particular ban I believe drew something like 84 votes in the affirmative on the Senate side, and we had a fairly large majority here, and we saw a great many people who are for abortion, who are pro-choice, in quotes, vote for this ban. They were beginning to get the idea of how barbaric it really is.
So this was something where there has been a real shift. Currently 70-some percent of Americans do not favor partial-birth abortion; and many of them, as I said earlier, are in favor of abortion. Yet this particular law, I am sure, will be challenged in the courts, and there is a fair chance it may be overturned as somehow being unconstitutional.
So we have seen a steady erosion of the culture by some decisions that have been made in the courts. The reason I think this is so important to bring up today is that some people cannot understand why there is so much controversy over in the other body regarding the appointment of judges and justices; and the reason is that what is at stake, I believe, is the future course in many of these issues, particularly in moral issues, that our country is going to take. So these are monumental issues, and the shape of the Supreme Court, the shape of our district courts, our courts of appeal, are going to go a long ways in deciding what this country abides by in upcoming years.
Mr. Speaker, this country was founded upon principles of dependence upon God, a recognition that life is sacred, the importance of sound character, and the fact that children are our most important assets. There is no question that we are involved in a cultural and spiritual struggle of Titanic proportions. This struggle may present the greatest crisis facing the United States today, as I have outlined I think fairly clearly.
As Congress addresses critical issues such as national defense, the economy and health care, which we certainly need to spend a lot of time on, it is critical that we not lose sight of the fact that our Nation's survival is directly linked to the character of our people, and particularly our young people. I say it again, our Nation's survival, long-term, will rest primarily upon the character of our people.
Mr. Speaker, I was privileged to hear British Prime Minister Tony Blair speak in this Chamber a few months ago, and one comment he made particularly caught my attention. He said, ``As Britain knows,…
Mr. Speaker, I was privileged to hear British Prime Minister Tony Blair speak in this Chamber a few months ago, and one comment he made particularly caught my attention. He said, ``As Britain knows, all predominant power seems for a time invincible, but in fact, it is transitory.'' I think what he was saying is that essentially nothing lasts forever, including great nations.
History teaches us that, most of the world's great powers are not overcome by external force, but rather disintegrate internally. And let us take a quick study of three such examples.
Rome, of course, 2,000 odd years ago, stood astride the then- civilized world and appeared to be invincible. Yet it fell from preeminence, and the reasons historians have given us, there was a general decline in morality, increasing corruption and instability in leadership, an increasing public addiction to ever more violent public spectacles, an increase in crime and prostitution, and a populace that had become more self-absorbed, apathetic, and unwilling to sacrifice for the common good.
Then, of course, the country that Tony Blair was referring to, Great Britain, had a colonial empire that dominated much of the world through
much of the 1800s, and, of course, that empire slowly began to crumble. The reasons that some have given for this demise was that Great Britain had lost the national resolve to maintain its territory, values that led to ascendancy were eroded, spiritual underpinnings were shifted at some point.
The third example would be the Soviet Union, one of two great super powers as recently as 20 years ago, and in a matter of months, Russian disintegrated before our eyes. Alexander Solzhenitsyn reflected on this fall when he observed that, ``Over a half century ago, while I was still a child, I recall a number of older people offering the following explanation for the great disasters that had befallen Russia, men have forgotten God, that is why all of this has happened.''
And so, Marx and Lenin dismantled Russia's heritage and value system. Russia's foundation was broken, and it collapsed like a house of cards with nothing to sustain it.
These are just three examples. I think there are many others that history is replete with that show the declines of some great nations, again without any outside military intervention. I think some of the common themes that we begin to see are that in cases like these, citizens are less willing to sacrifice for others and for country, citizens become more self-absorbed, a greater desire for comfort, for the state to provide for their welfare, a weakening of commonly held values and a decline of spiritual commitment in those countries.
What does all this have to do with the United States and our present situation? I hope I am not overdrawing the case here, but I would have to say that right now we are certainly on top, we have the most powerful military, the strongest economy, the most stable government of any nation in the world and so it is easy to think, as Tony Blair mentioned, that we are invincible but also as he said, as Britain knows, all predominant power for a time seems invincible, but in fact it is transitory. I think that was a well-taken word of warning.
Over 36 years of coaching and dealing with young people, I saw some very disturbing signs. I am going to take some time this evening to develop the theme that I saw occurring before my very eyes over that 36-year period that I think certainly bode a sense of warning, at least as far as I am concerned. The young men that I worked with were more talented with each year, yet they showed more signs of stress, they had more personal struggles, and they had less moral clarity as the years went by.
This chart here to my left reflects at least one alarming trend. In 1960, which was about the time that I started working with young people, we had roughly 400,000 cases that were referred to the juvenile courts. In 1999, that figure was well over 1.6 million. I would say today in 2003, this is the most recent figures that we have, but I would imagine that by 2002, 2003, the caseload is much higher. That represents a 400 percent increase. I really do not care what figure you look at; you will find that the chart looks about like this for issues such as teen pregnancy, teenage murder, violence, drug and alcohol abuse involving teenagers and, of course, the divorce rate for seniors and all the other social pathology that we are so familiar with. I think there are several factors that contributed to these changes that we see here. I would say the first major factor is simply some of the things that have happened to our family structure in the United States. In 1960, the out-of-wedlock birthrate was 5 percent. Today it is right at 33 percent, a 600 percent increase. So roughly one out of three children coming into our Nation today have basically two strikes against them and in most cases will not have both a father and mother to care for them. Some will, but most will not.
In 1960, the great majority of children lived with both biological parents. Today nearly one-half grow up without both biological parents. Only 7 percent of today's families are traditional families as we would normally define it, with usually a father working full-time, a mother at home full-time or vice versa, but at least one parent being at home and one parent being the primary provider. This is according to the Fatherhood Initiative statistics.
So actually in many cases, and as a matter of fact in some cases, in most cases with our children, nobody is home after 3 p.m., and between 3 and 6 p.m. we find the greatest source of problems, of criminal activity and so on with our children, because no one is home. Parents today spend 40 percent less time with their children than they did a generation ago. The divorce rate, of course, has increased 300 percent since 1960 and 24 million children today live without their biological father. Fatherless children are more likely to be abused, have mental and emotional problems, abuse drugs and alcohol, commit suicide, commit a crime and be promiscuous.
I think this is graphically driven home when we realize what a greeting card company did a few years ago when they approached the prisoners in one of our Federal prisons. It was Mother's Day. They said, we'll give you prisoners a Mother's Day card free if you'll just simply send your mother a card and they had almost 100 percent participation. And so they thought that this was somewhat gratifying. They thought, well, when Father's Day comes around, we will do the same thing. They made the same offer with Father's Day cards and as you may suppose, maybe you would not suppose, there were no takers. That shows you the devastation, particularly in some of our disaffected population, that fatherlessness has caused and I think really is at the root of most of the social pathology that we see in front of us.
The foundation of our culture, the family, is certainly under assault and we have seen great changes over the last 30 to 40 years. Another major issue that has contributed to some of the problems that our young people are dealing with today is that the environment has changed. The environment that they live and move and have their being in is not the same as it was back in the 1940s and the 1950s and even the early part of the 1960s. In 1960, drug abuse was almost unheard of. I know in the area of the country that I lived in, I had heard the word marijuana, I had never seen any instances of it, had never heard of cocaine, methamphetamines, ecstacy and so on; and of course today those drugs are of somewhat epidemic proportion. Alcohol abuse involving underage drinking has exploded.
I would like to take a little time right now, Mr. Speaker, to develop this particular theme because so often we feel in the United States that the drug problem has to do with hard drugs, but by far the biggest drug problem that we are facing today with our young people is that of alcohol. A recent National Academy of Science study that was released, I believe 2 weeks ago, showed that alcohol kills 6.5 times more children than all other drugs combined. More than cocaine, methamphetamine, ecstasy and all of those drugs put together, alcohol kills 6.5 times more.
Underage drinking costs the U.S. $53 billion annually, 2\1/2\ times what it is going to cost us to rebuild Iraq. There are more than 3 million teenage alcoholics estimated in our country today. This is by far the biggest drug problem. The average age of first drink in our country is currently 12.8 years of age, less than 13 years of age; and the discouraging thing is that when young people drink, on the average they will consume almost twice as much alcohol per occurrence as an adult will. So young people on average tend to drink to get drunk and they often do. Twenty percent of our eighth graders drink regularly. Children who drink before age 15 are four times more likely to become alcoholics because of psychological and physiological immaturity. Alcohol impacts them much differently when they are 12 and 13 and 14 and 15 years old than it impacts them when they are 24, 25, or 26. And so there is a great increase in addiction.
The thing that I would really like to emphasize, Mr. Speaker, is this, that young people for the most part do not start their experimentation with illegal drugs by using marijuana, they do not start with cocaine, they do not start with methamphetamine. They start with alcohol. Therefore, if you really want to stop the abuse of hard drugs, the important thing to do is start with stopping the abuse of alcohol with underage drinkers.
Yet we have really pretty much ignored this whole problem because we spend more than 25 times as much money on curbing illegal hard drugs as we do on underage drinking. We spend a minimal amount discouraging young people from drinking as underaged young people. We spend hundreds of millions to fight drug production in Afghanistan and Colombia and around the world and a fraction of that money spent on curbing underage drinking would be more cost effective. It would dry up the demand. I think some type of a national advertising program, a national education program with a fairly large infusion of dollars at the Federal level is warranted. It would probably help us cure and clear up the drug problem more than anything else that we could do in this country.
Another issue that is certainly affecting our young people as they try to weave their way through the environment that they are placed in is the violence factor. As many people know, the United States is currently the most violent Nation in the world for young people ages 14 through 23, 24. The second-place country is not even close to us. We lead the world in homicide rates and suicide rates for young people.
Pornography has exploded. We have over 1 million porn sites on the Internet. Not 1,000. Not 100,000. We have 1 million porn sites currently on the Internet. That is unthinkable. I think when the Internet first began many years ago, no one would have assumed that this was even possible or probable. And here it is and so nine out of 10 children ages 9 through 16 have viewed pornography on the Internet. Again, that is nine out of 10 children who are ages 9 through 16 have viewed pornography. Much of that is hard core pornography, which really sears an impression into your mind that sometimes you really cannot get out of it and most of that viewing has been unintentional. It has been by accident.
We have corporations such as AT&T that have been involved in hard core pornography. At one time AT&T I think was the gold standard as far as how a large corporation should be run. Yet we find some of our most reputable companies involved in this industry which yields profits of 10 to $15 billion a year. And so the profit motive certainly supersedes any national interest that they might perceive. Such words as Barbie, Disney, ESPN, at one time my name, would pull up a porn site. And so a child who innocently wants to do research or look at some information regarding their hobby will oftimes pull up a porn site, and we do not seem to be able to do anything about it.
Many of us are dismayed by the way the FCC is regulating obscenity on the Nation's airwaves. They are the primary arbiter. They are the ones who are supposed to be the watchdog in this area. According to the Parents Television Council as of July 23, 2003, the FCC had not fined a single broadcast station in the United States for airing indecent material. Also they had not suspended a single license in the United States for airing indecent material. Not in the entire history of the FCC have they done anything like this, despite thousands of complaints. This is something, Mr. Speaker, that absolutely needs to change. Many of us in this body are attempting to cause the FCC to begin to take their responsibility seriously.
The Department of Justice has been focusing on eliminating child pornography but has done relatively little to enforce hard core Internet obscenity laws. Of course the Department of Justice has had their hands full, particularly since 9/11. We realize that they have a very heavy caseload. But we have really petitioned the Department of Justice to get more active. In the preceding 8 years prior to 2000, practically nothing was done to enforce obscenity laws in the Department of Justice, and we feel that we have not seen a whole lot of action in the last couple of years as well.
Another issue that has been a concern is that of the video game industry, eight- to 18-year-old children average spending 40 minutes per day playing video games. Again, 40 minutes a day on the average, ages 8 through 18. And video games, as most people know, have become increasingly violent. A recent video game that was displayed to Members of Congress showed stalking and killing activities that are used on training films in the military to teach people how to kill people. In this particular video game, if you were a good shot and you hit somebody in a vital spot, such as the head, blood spurted and everything happened; the reward was several frames of pornographic material.
This is, as far as I am concerned, off the charts. I do not think the average adult can even conceive of some of the things that our children are seeing in terms of video games. The average player of video games is 12 years of age. The Kentucky school shooter who was very effective and killed several of his classmates had never fired a gun prior to the day that he took a gun to school, but he had been very proficient in playing video games, and he had done a lot of firing and shooting in video games which translated apparently quite well into his activities on the school ground that day.
Of course much music, some television, many movies are graphic. The current content would have been impossible to present for public consumption 30 years ago or even 20 years ago. This is particularly disturbing to me because I have grandchildren ages 4 through 11. I am very concerned about the environment that they are moving into and the things that they are either advertently or inadvertently exposed to because it certainly has an impact on the way they see the world.
In addition to some of these issues, I would have to say that our value system has shifted considerably. Stephen Covey wrote the book ``Seven Habits of Highly Effective People'' several years ago, and the thing that he noted was this: he said that in the first 150 years of our country's history, success was primarily defined in terms of character traits. A successful person was honest, a successful person was loyal, a successful person was hard working, kind, et cetera, generous. And then he said something happened about 50, 60 years ago as he began to survey the literature of our Nation as it had to do with the issue of success, he noticed that success began to be defined more and more in terms of material possessions. A successful person was no longer one who had good character; a successful person was one who had money; a successful person was one who had power; a successful person was one who had celebrity. And so today we find that many people who are labeled successful are really not people of character. They are people who have material wealth, celebrity, publicity, and so on. So certainly our value system has switched a great deal. And we have seen this affect the business world, WorldCom, Enron. We have seen it in the press. We have seen it in athletics, in the church, and in politics; and so it is quite concerning as to what effect this has on our culture at the present time.
The predominant world view that I noticed today, Mr. Speaker, is something called post-modernism, and what this states, the view of the world being post-modernism, is that there are no moral absolutes. So murder is not absolutely wrong. It depends on the circumstance. There may be cases when this is justified. Adultery is not absolutely wrong. There may be circumstances in which it is okay. Everything is relative. It may be okay to dishonor one's father and one's mother. It may be okay to steal or to lie or to do all of the things that have been taboo in societies throughout history.
So we have a system of relativism that leaves our young people with nothing firm to hold on to at the present time; and particularly on the college campus we will find that post-modernism is currently almost 100 percent holding sway in terms of the minds of our young people.
So, Mr. Speaker, in view of the family breakdown, the decline in our culture and shifting values, it is an extremely difficult time for our children. We are asking them to weave their way through a minefield littered with alcohol and drug abuse, harmful video games, music, TV, movies, promiscuity games, violent behavior, and broken homes; and we are asking them to do this with little or no parental guidance in an ever-shifting value system.
So it is a very difficult time, and I think we need to pay very close attention to these changes in our family, to these changes in our environment. And as de Toqueville said, he made an observation that I thought was rather astute a couple hundred years ago. He
said: ``America is great because America is good,'' and what he was doing was he was referring to the large number of churches, civic clubs, youth groups, and individuals who reach out and help others. This was somewhat unique to the United States at that time that we would help those who were less able to help themselves, and we had all of the different groups who were reaching out, and he had not noticed that in Europe. He said this is really the key to America's greatness. So he was referring to the inherent decency of the American people. He was referring to the strong moral and spiritual underpinning of the Nation. He was referring to the basic American ethic: ``Do unto to others as you would have them do unto you.'' So I think the important thing to remember, that these observations were made 200 years ago, and I suppose the corollary to his observation would be this: if America is no longer good, then America may no longer be great.
I am not one who believes that we are not a great country, and I believe there is a tremendous reservoir of innate goodness in our country today. But by the same token, I think it is important to point out that some of the standards and some of the values that have made us great have slipped considerably.
So one may say, what can be done? This has been a discouraging picture that I have painted, and sometimes I even hesitate to do this, but I think it is something that we need to face, we need to talk about on this floor. So some of the things that can be done in this body and throughout our culture are as follows: number one, we can do some things to provide mentoring for some of our young children, and mentoring is simply providing an adult who cares about the lives of young persons. So many of our young kids today do not have anyone who cares for them unconditionally and to have someone who is not a father, not a mother, not a preacher, not a teacher, no one who has an ax to grind, is paid to do so, to have a person who is a mentor, who is an adult who cares enough about someone, to show up and say I care about you unconditionally, and whatever happens, I am here for you.
It is very powerful in the life of a young person. A mentor is one who affirms, who says I believe in you, I know you can do it. I think that this is something that you are capable of. I see great promise in you. And I saw that in athletics, that if they affirmed a young person, they ofttimes became that which they did not even know they could be; and on other hand if they did not affirm them, if they beat them down, if they are negative, which so many of our kids experience all the time, it would not be long before that player played down to that level, and before long he would quit.
And of course a mentor also provides a vision. So many of our young people simply have no vision of what they could be, that they could go on to college, that they could do something in electronics, that they have musical ability. So a mentor is one who guides them in those directions. Mentoring reduces dropout rates, drug and alcohol abuse, teenage pregnancy, violence. And the President has proposed $150 million annually over the next 3 years for mentoring initiatives. Actually, the funding will be about half of that, but it is still much better than we had in the past.
The National Mentoring Partnership says that roughly 18 million children in the United States today are badly in need of a mentor, and yet at the present time we have roughly 2 million who are being mentors. Roughly one out of every 10 has a mentor. So I think one thing that could greatly change the shape of our Nation and our future would be to provide a much more systematic mentoring program, and I think the President is behind that.
I think some legislation can help. The Internet Gambling Bill, H.R. 2143, is something that I think could be very beneficial. We have a great many young people, particularly college students, who are inundated with credit cards. And anymore all one has to do to build a huge gambling debt is to have a credit card and a computer. So we would like to shut this practice down because some kids run up a 10, 15, $20,000 gambling debt in a matter of days; and of course their future and their credit rating is ruined. So we feel that this would be an important bill. H.R. 669, Protect Children from Video Game Sex and Violence Act of 2003, sponsored by the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca), of which I am a cosponsor, prevents marketing extremely graphic violent video games to children. We think this would be a step in the right direction; but, again, we would worry about the courts declaring it unconstitutional. So I think we need a fundamental shift in court decisions regarding the first amendment.
I am not a constitutional expert and do not pretend to be so, but I would like to point out some court cases that have certainly shaped the course of our Nation's history and its future. In 1996 Congress passed the Communications Decency Act that made it illegal to send indecent material to children via the Internet; but in June of 1997, the Supreme Court overturned portions of the law and, get this, said in the opinion: ``Indecent material is protected by first amendment.'' So this was one of the first times, I believe, that the Supreme Court said that indecent material is okay. The first amendment gives one the ability to do that, and we are not going to stand in the way of people sending indecent material to children over the Internet.
That was a landmark case.
In 1996 also, the Child Pornography Prevention Act outlawed child pornography, including visual depictions that appeared to be of a minor. So the issue at hand was this: You cannot have an actual minor involved in the production of child pornography, but if you use computer-generated images, which you can not tell whether they are real or not real, then that type of child pornography is apparently okay, according to this particular Supreme Court decision.
In October 1998 the Children On-Line Protection Act was signed into law to prohibit the communication of harmful material to children on publicly accessible web sites. The Supreme Court's refusal to rule on the 1988 law prevented the law from being enacted, so we were not able to protect children who were involved in receiving harmful material on publicly accessible web sites.
The 106th Congress passed the Children's Internet Protection Act to require schools and libraries that receive Federal funds to use Internet filtering to protect minors from harmful material on the Internet. In May 2002 a Federal Court declared the law unconstitutional.
What we have here is free speech is protected for pornographers and, in some case pedophiles, while women and children are attacked. Roughly 80 to 90 percent of pedophiles and rapists report using pornography, oft times before they commit an event.
So, some people say, well, what is the big deal? Pornography is harmless. It does not really have any victim. Yet, if you think about it, we spend billions of dollars in this country on commercials, and if those commercials did not change behavior, if what you see and what you hear and what you read does not change your behavior, then we are spending billions of dollars unnecessarily. So, obviously, the pornography industry does have a tremendous impact on behavior and the environments that our young people exist in.
I would also point out that there have been some issues that have to do with prayer that are somewhat concerning in our schools. In 1962 the Supreme Court ruled the following prayer unconstitutional. This was the landmark decision. This was the particular prayer: ``Almighty God, we acknowledge our dependence on thee and we beg thy blessings upon us, our teachers and our country.'' It seemed relatively innocuous and relatively simple, but that prayer was ruled unconstitutional because of separation of church and state.
It would appear that many court rulings regarding separation of church and state have ranged far afield from the intent of our framers of the Constitution. The First Amendment states, ``Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.''
Of course, most everyone realizes where that came from, the Constitution, was that this country was founded by people who were attempting to
escape from a religious state, the Church of England, so they did not want a government-sponsored religion which took over the country.
But I think that in the interpretations that we have seen in the courts, we have ranged far afield from what the Constitution actually intended. The framers of the Constitution were assumed to be hostile to expressions of faith in the recent interpretations of the court that we have seen.
Benjamin Franklin, who was one of the framers of the Constitution, said this: ``We have been assured, sir,'' and this is his quote, ``In the sacred writings, that except the Lord build a house, they labor in vain that build it. I firmly believe this. I also believe that without his concurring aid, we shall succeed in the political building no better than the builders of Babel. We shall be divided by our little partial local interests. Our projects will be confounded, and we ourselves shall become a reproach and a byword down future ages. I therefore beg leave to move that, henceforth, prayers imploring the assistance of heaven and its blessings on our deliberation be held in this assembly every morning before we proceed to business.''
What he was talking about was in this body, on this floor, he was saying we should have a prayer at the start of business every day. This is one of the framers of the Constitution. So at this point, both the House and the Senate begin their business daily with a prayer, and yet we have moved so far as a Nation away from what Franklin originally intended.
George Washington said this: ``The propitious smiles of heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which heaven itself has ordained.''
In assessing the writings of some of the Founding Fathers, David Barton, an historian, said this: ``Franklin had warned that forgetting God and imagining that we no longer needed his concurring aid would result in internal disputes, the decay of the Nation's prestige and reputation and a diminished national success. Washington had warned that if religious principles were excluded, the Nation's morality and political prosperity would suffer. Yet despite such clear words in cases beginning in 1962, the Supreme Court offered rulings which eventually divorced the Nation, its schools and its public affairs from more than three centuries of its heritage. America is now learning exponentially what both Washington and Franklin knew to be true. We are suffering in the very areas they predicted.''
I think it is important that the Founding Fathers really did not intend for the pendulum to swing as far as it has. I think that they obviously acknowledged the importance of issues of faith, and this was the foundation upon which the Nation was built.
There are some other decisions that I think are worth looking at. In 1992 a Supreme Court decision declared an invocation and benediction at a graduation ceremony constitutional, so a preacher, a rabbi, a Muslim cleric, cannot at a graduation exercise lead any type of prayer. That was decided in 1992.
The court also has held more recently a minute of silence in school is unconstitutional, so at the beginning of the classroom day it is not constitutional for a minute of silence to be held in which a child may choose to pray in his own way. He may look out the window, he may think about his history lesson, but it is just a minute of silence. There is no formal, organized prayer, no one is proselytizing, and yet that has become unconstitutional.
Then this, one of the strangest rulings that I heard of, was the court ruled that a student-led prayer at a football game was unconstitutional. This is not inside the school building, it is not a school administrator, it is not a teacher; this was a prayer that was chosen to be selected by the students, and a student was going to lead the prayer. Yet this was unconstitutional because the football players might have to listen to it and might be offended, I guess.
Of course, most recently, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals struck down the term ``under God'' from the Pledge of Allegiance, and that will now be heard by the Supreme Court, probably within the next few months, and it appears that those are there is a very strong probability that this may be a four-to-four deadlock, which means that the Ninth Circuit Court will be upheld and that will become the law of the land, at least for that part of the country.
Certainly I am not advocating here that teachers or administrators be allowed to proselytize in the schools. I do not think that would be appropriate. I do not think that is intended. But it does seem that we have come a long, long ways from where the framers of the Constitution originally intended us to go.
The Constitution is increasingly being interpreted as a ``living document.'' That sounds really good, does it not, because it is kind of progressive. It sounds like we are forward-thinking and the Constitution is not a dead piece of legislation, but it is currently alive and it is being changed and it is moving ahead.
Yet the important thing to realize is that the Constitution is often not interpreted as it was written, but rather as justices believe that it should be. Look at the legal decisions increasingly coming down, based not upon what the law states, but based upon the personal ideology of the jurists.
The Constitution is not based upon absolute principles, but rather the shifting sands of relativism. This philosophical bent of the Supreme Court justices and District Court justices determines the course of the Nation.
Over the last 20 or 30 years we have seen the Nation slowly but surely driven in certain directions that many people would believe is not what the framers of the Constitution intended. That, Mr. Speaker, is why the activities in the other body regarding the makeup of the courts and the court appointees is becoming such an important issue, because, within the next 1 or 2 or 3 years, the shape of the Supreme Court certainly will be determined, and, with it, the direction that our Nation proceeds over the next 15, 20, 30 years I think will largely be decided.
The willingness of Congress to focus upon the pernicious influences impacting our children, the willingness of the American people to demand that those profiteering at the expense of our culture and our young people be reined in, will largely shape the future of our Nation.
Terrorism is an ever-present threat. The economy is of concern. However, terrorism and economic distress will not prevail as long as our national character is sound. I would like to say that one more time. There is certainly no intent on my part to minimize the critical nature of terrorism, the crisis in the Middle East, the situation in Iraq, the difficulties with the economy, health care, Medicare, all of those types of things. Those are critical issues and they occupy almost 100 percent of this body's attention. But the reason I am here tonight is to try to point out the fact that we will handle all of those problems. None of those problems will overcome the United States if our character is sound, if our young people are nurtured in the right direction.
And, therefore, something that I think is very pernicious is slipping under the radar screen and something that this Congress, this body, and the American people need to address on a consistent manner. So this struggle may present the most critical crisis facing the United States today.
As Congress addresses important issues such as national defense, economy, health care, and so on, it is critical that we not lose sight of the fact that our Nation's survival is directly linked to the character of our people.
I would conclude by saying this our future rests with our young people and with the soundness of their character, their willingness to sacrifice, and their spiritual grounding. And I hope that we will give adequate attention to these issues some of which can be handled through legislation, some through expenditures of money, for instance, in the trying to prevent underage drinking, some in our attention to who goes on to the courts and who does not, but above all this really rests with the American people and with their willingness to persevere.
And I would like to echo what de Tocqueville said, ``America is great because America is good.'' And I think we need to maintain our vigilance that America continues to be good.
Mr. Speaker, I want to compliment the Committee on Rules and the leadership for getting this bill on a fast track, and I want to compliment my colleagues on the Committee on Energy and Commerce. We…
Mr. Speaker, I want to compliment the Committee on Rules and the leadership for getting this bill on a fast track, and I want to compliment my colleagues on the Committee on Energy and Commerce. We acted very swiftly to get this bill to the floor. In fact, we passed the bill out 49 to 1 just last week.
I would like to say as well that I think this rule is a fair rule. I think the amendments will be debated fairly. I think that the membership of the House will respond to those amendments; and obviously my hope is to adopt the bill, the legislation, overwhelmingly at the end of the day.
I want to say to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) on media ownership, there will be a time and place for that debate. We had a little debate on this last year. There was a compromise that was made as part of the appropriations process. This issue is not going to go away, but I think it is imperative that we get this bill to the President's desk as fast we can.
The President did send a veto signal as a statement of administration policy last year on this very issue. If for some reason that amendment was attached to this bill, there is no question it would delay enactment of this bill. It is not in place to add that amendment to this bill. I accept what the Committee on Rules did yesterday. We had a good debate on it yesterday afternoon. I think they made a wise decision not to make that amendment in order, knowing there is another day and time when we can debate that issue.
Mr. Speaker, I compliment the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) for offering virtually the same amendment in full committee last week and then withdrawing that amendment even though a point of order had been raised.
I urge Members to support this fair rule so we can get this bill to the President's desk as fast as we can.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 5 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, I ask my colleagues to support this legislation this morning. This legislation actually appeared on my radar screen last year as we began to set our agenda for 2004. I introduced the legislation in early January, held our first hearing on the legislation before the Super Bowl, and the administration supports our bill. They sent us a statement that they supported our bill in committee, and I will include that Statement of Administration Policy as part of the Record in support of this legislation today.
Statement of Administration Policy
The Administration strongly supports House passage of H.R.
3717. This legislation will make broadcast television and
radio more suitable for family viewing by giving the Federal
Communications Commission (FCC) the authority to impose
meaningful penalties on broadcasters that air obscene or
indecent material over the public airwaves. In particular,
the Administration applauds the inclusion in the bill of its
proposal to require that the FCC consider whether
inappropriate material has been aired during children's
television programming in determining the fine to be imposed
for violations of the law. The Administration looks forward
to continuing to work with the Congress to make appropriate
adjustments to the language of the bill as it moves through
the legislative process.
I remember a speech well by Michael Powell, the Chairman of the Federal Communications Commission, where he said the fines under current law are peanuts. It is a cost of doing business. They are not high enough.
In fact, in the hearings that we held, we discovered that by the time you saddle up some of those attorneys at the Department of Justice and send them out to file a claim in Federal Court to go after the dollars that the FCC might have fined, they are not going to recoup their costs.
The Upton-Markey-Tauzin-Dingell-Barton bill has been cosponsored by more than 140 Members of Congress, Republicans and Democrats. Chairman Powell and his four other commissioners, two Republicans and two Democrats, when you look at their statements in support of this legislation, when you look at their statements as they imposed fines on broadcasters who cross that line, every one of them, Republican or Democrat, has lamented the fact that they cannot raise the fines higher than they are under current law, a maximum of only $27,500.
Because of the legislation we pursued on a strong bipartisan basis, and again, I commend my colleagues on the other side, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), we were able to pass this legislation out of the Committee on Energy and Commerce last week on a recorded vote of 49 to 1. The other body is beginning to move as well. They passed their legislation out 34 to 0.
Our bill was strengthened in the full committee markup. We added a provision on three-strikes-and-you-are-out. That is, if you are a repeat offender, a broadcaster, and you go through three series of fines violating the current standard, there is set up an automatic revocation hearing to take away that license.
We established a ``shot clock'' so that the FCC has to act on complaints within a certain number of days. We protected affiliated broadcasters. They do not always know what is coming down the pike in terms of what they are broadcasting. We raised the fine from the initial bill as I introduced it of $275,000 for the maximum fine to $500,000. We added a provision asking for the National Association of Broadcasters to make part of their code a Broadcast Decency Code, something they had years ago and was struck under antitrust violations.
We also added a provision making the performers, the talent, liable for their own words. You cannot tell me that they do not know what the standards are. I have heard them whine, I have heard them take out that violin and whine about what this bill will do. Well, guess what, Mr. Chairman? It is time to take away that violin and give them the fork. They are done. This ought to stop.
Guess what? Our bill does nothing to change existing standards. Zero. Nada. Not a thing. I would note that the 1927 Radio Act has held up in the courts for more than 75 years. The FCC has the authority to punish those who air obscene, indecent or profane language. It has been upheld by the Supreme Court, who ruled in 1978 that the government does have the right to regulate indecent broadcasts and to, in fact, establish a definition of indecency that remains the FCC's guiding principle.
There is language, material, that describes sexual or excretory material or organs, and it is deemed patently offensive as measured by contemporary community standards. In the mid 1990s, the court limited the ban on indecent airing between the hours of 6:00 in the morning and 10:00 at night, when kids are most likely to be watching or listening.
This legislation pertains only to broadcast radio or TV. Why is that? Because it is the public airwaves, that is why. And for those that challenge the standards that are out there and do not realize what some of these broadcasters have said, I would ask them to come see me during the next couple of hours of debate on the floor, because with me I have a notebook, and in that notebook we have the specific language that broadcasters have used in defiance of the law.
You cannot tell me that this stuff should be on the air. It should not be. We need to make sure we stop it, and we do, in its tracks.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from the good State of Indiana (Mr. Buyer), a member of the subcommittee, a cosponsor of the bill, and a very helpful force in getting this bill to the floor.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from the State of Pennsylvania (Mr. Pitts), a very active member on this issue, an original cosponsor, one that has helped in many ways to get this bill to the floor.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, my friend and colleague.
(Mr. BARTON of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Walden), who offered a very constructive bipartisan amendment that is part of the package of this bill.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Yes, I do. The testimony was provided by Brent Bozell, President of the Parents Television Council. The FCC claims, however, that they no longer adhere to that policy.
I agree with the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Rush), consumers should not be forced to record every program that they watch or listen to in order to submit a complaint to the FCC alleging indecent content. It is an outrage that the FCC continues its practice of dismissing consumer complaints for lack of a tape or transcript.
I agree with the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Rush).
The committee will closely monitor the FCC's action to ensure that the FCC actually changes their policy in that regard, and I thank the gentleman for bringing this to our attention; and I look forward to working with him on this issue to make sure that that change, in fact, is made in order.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey).
(Mr. GINGREY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Forbes), a cosponsor of the legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from the good State of California (Mr. Ose).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith), an original cosponsor of the legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Osborne), not only an original cosponsor of this legislation, but also one that came, before the Super Bowl, who sat through our first hearing, way back in January, to sit with the audience.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from New Mexico (Mrs. Wilson), another original cosponsor of the legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Pickering), an original cosponsor of the bill and, more importantly, a fellow dad.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte).
(Mr. GOODLATTE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence), a cosponsor of the legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Cox), an original cosponsor of the legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor), again, an original cosponsor of the legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, I spoke last night with our former chairman, the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Tauzin). He wishes that he was going to be here today, but he is preparing himself for cancer surgery next week. But I know that he would very much like to cast votes on every one of the recorded votes that we have the balance of the afternoon.
I want to remind my colleagues that we do not change the standards. That is not what this bill does. It strictly enforces the standards that are already on the books.
I told this story in my first hearing back in January before the Super Bowl. My staff prepared this broadcast indecency briefing materials book for me. Inside this book are the transcripts of broadcasters that have been fined for broadcasting indecent material. The material that is in this book was all on radio, it was not on TV. But what alarmed me more than anything else was the series of repeat offenders, whether they be in Detroit, Chicago, Washington or Los Angeles, and all broadcast on the public airwaves.
When I read through this book, I was embarrassed. I was embarrassed for the fellow that was sitting next to me on the airplane, because I had to read it like this. I had to shield the material in this book, the transcripts, that were fined thousands of dollars.
I made a mistake that day, Mr. Chairman. I read through the book, it was a long flight, we had terrible weather. In fact, frankly that day when we landed back at DCA, I thought we had gone back to Detroit, there was such bad weather here.
I looked through a lot of material, and I left it by mistake in the pocket in the seat that was in front of me. I walked off the plane, went back through the security, and got all the way to my car when I realized this book was still on the plane. Now, with the new security arrangements, I could not go back to the plane to get this book.
It has got my name on it, ``Chairman Upton, broadcast indecency briefing materials.'' Man, was I embarrassed, to go back into the Northwest Airline ticket line and ask someone to go retrieve that book. And, yes, they had found it. They saw my name, and they were very chagrined to get it back to me. But, thank goodness, I did get it back, and I do not think anybody read some of the material. But it is public record, and this stuff, this XXX smut stuff, should never be broadcast on the public airwaves.
I was asked the question by the press when we introduced our bill several weeks ago, ``Do you think, Mr. Upton, that your legislation is going to take this stuff down, that it will increase somehow the FCC's enforcement division?''
I thought about it, and I said, ``You know, I hope not. I hope that this legislation will send a message to the broadcasters and to the talent that is making these indecent remarks,'' and more than just a word, if you come over here and read these transcripts, it is more than a word, it is page, after page, after page, ``that we can get this stuff stopped with this legislation.''
I welcome the opportunity to work with my friend, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey). Together, we fashioned a very bipartisan bill every step of the way, from the calling of the witnesses to the questioning to the amendments, every step of the way, and I am pleased that the other body is working on that same procedure, where, again, they voted 34 to 0 earlier this week to pass similar legislation.
Our bill that passed 49 to 1 is a credit to this institution and to the Members on both sides who care about the public airwaves, to make sure that this stuff is not broadcast, and we send a message, whether it be to the shock jock or the DJ or the person with the finger on the pause button at one of those awards, whether it be the Academy Awards, Golden Globes or whatever else, we are going to make an impact,
and we are going to let our families know that this stuff has got to stop.
This bill does it. It is not an infringement of first amendment rights. It has all been certified, made legitimate from the courts of the land, from the highest court of the land down to the lowest court, and needs a positive vote here this afternoon.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Blunt), the distinguished whip of the House, an original cosponsor of our legislation, and once a proud member of our proud subcommittee.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, obviously I rise in strong support of the Upton amendment. This amendment ensures that
those who are the subject of indecency complaints are provided with a constitutional right to due process. For instance, until a forfeiture penalty has been paid or a court has finally determined that a forfeiture penalty is justified, a complaint should not be held against the broadcast station license.
Just like someone who is presumed innocent until proven guilty, this amendment guarantees that a broadcast license cannot be revoked or license renewal rejected until all of the appeals have been heard. This is a good amendment, it was pointed out in our hearing at the very end, and I would hope has bipartisan support. It tightens the loophole.
I just want to say in closing in support of this amendment, I want to thank in particular, I think, the many Members who have been so engaged in this legislation, and I want to thank the staff as well. On our side of the aisle, we have had terrific staff that have worked with the very good staff, terrific staff on the other side as well; but I want to particularly cite a number of individuals: Will Nordwind, Howard Waltzman, Neil Fried, Kelly Zerzan, Joan Hillebrands, Sean Bonyur, Jim Barnette, Jaylyn Connaughton, and Andy Black for their hard work in making sure that this bill got to the floor quickly and swiftly, and that, in fact, it was in a very strong bipartisan fashion.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 7 minutes. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this legislation. This is a bipartisan bill that the Subcommittee on Telecommunications and the Internet, led by the…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 7 minutes.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this legislation. This is a bipartisan bill that the Subcommittee on Telecommunications and the Internet, led by the gentleman from Michigan (Chairman Upton) and the Chairman of the full committee, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), have put together, working in conjunction with the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) and myself and the other members of the minority on the Committee on Energy and Commerce, working in a bipartisan fashion, in order to craft a bill related to the broadcast radio and television obscenity and decency and profanity issues.
Mr. Chairman, at the outset, I would like to note that this legislation was introduced before the Super Bowl this year, not after. It was an issue that had already percolated up to the attention of the American public and to our subcommittee, and we had already decided that extra attention needed to be paid to the Federal Communications Commission and its lack of enforcement of these very important provisions.
The Subcommittee on Telecommunications and the Internet held three hearings on this issue, and from our hearings we confirmed a number of things. We have learned that although the Federal Communications Commission is charged with ensuring that licensees serve the public interest and that the stations do not air obscene, indecent or profane content in violation of the law and Commission rules, that until very recently, the Commission has not been an aggressive enforcer of the rules. Testimony from Federal Communications Commission
Chairman Michael Powell indicates that cases are still languishing from 2 to 3 years ago.
We also learned that although the Federal Communications Commission has numerous enforcement tools, including the ability to revoke a station license, it appears as though the industry has largely concluded that the Federal Communications Commission is a paper tiger. The rare and paltry fines the Commission assesses have become nothing more than a joke within the broadcast industry, and the Commission never raises license revocation as a consequence for repeated indecency violations, even in the most egregious cases of these repeat violators. This legislation will help us to address the serious enforcement shortcomings at the Federal Communications Commission that we have identified.
Finally, we have also learned that the industry needs to do a better job in educating parents about the tools that already may be in their hands that parents can utilize to address the myriad concerns they raise with us about what is on television. Parents can use the television rating system and the V-Chip, which stems from legislation which I authored as part of the Telecommunications Act of 1996.
However, we have a huge educational challenge with the TV ratings system and how parents can use it in conjunction with the V-Chip. Studies indicate that if a parent of a child 12 and under has a V-Chip- ready TV and knows this, that some 47 percent of such parents use the V-Chip, and they like it, because it allows them to program their TV set for their children 12 and under. Almost all of these parents who know about it are enthused about it. The problem is with the qualifiers. Almost half of those who have bought the approximately 100 million V-Chip capable televisions since 2000 are not aware that they possess a television set with a V-Chip in it.
In addition, many of these parents express confusion over the TV rating system itself, and one major network, NBC, still does not use the comprehensive rating system utilized by everyone else in the television industry. The industry did a good job with much fanfare after the TV rating system was initially finalized, in doing public service announcements and other educational messages regarding the ratings. Yet those efforts have waned in recent years.
In my view, we need a comprehensive, industry-wide campaign to address this issue. The TV set manufacturers and the electronic retailers need to do a better job in alerting television buyers to the V-Chip, in part because many retail employees at these stores who sell TV sets are apparently unaware that the TV sets have a V-Chip in it. In addition, print media ought to include the television ratings of programs in the television guide so that parents see them when they look up what is on television that day or that evening.
Finally, I believe the broadcast industry should renew its educational efforts on the television ratings system and also consider a number of other ideas to better assist parents, which I will address to our television networks on an ongoing basis, in order to ensure that they know that this is an issue that Americans care about.
At our recent hearings, I challenged the industry to do several things to better help parents understand the TV rating system:
First, use the V-Chip and utilize available per-channel blocking technologies on cable television.
I requested that the television industry increase its public service advertisements about the television rating system and the V-Chip. I am happy to report that many, many industry participants on the networks and cable operators have agreed to do so, with some, such as Fox Television, including print advertising in their campaign as well.
I will come back in a while and outline what is happening in the rest of the television and cable industry, but I think it is important for the Congress to pass this legislation, and then to keep up the pressure so that parents are given the tools that they need in order to protect the sights and the sounds which their children are exposed to.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wynn), who added two very important amendments to this legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Los Angeles, California (Ms. Watson).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Chicago, Illinois (Mr. Rush).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 3 minutes.
I just wanted to point out that I have requested that the television industry increase its public service advertisements about the television rating system, and I am happy to report that many in the industry have agreed to provide much more public education about this technology in TV sets so it is easier for parents to be able to figure out how to program it and to provide just the level of protection which they want for the children in their home, at whatever particular age they may be.
I also challenged the television networks to consider a couple of suggestions with respect to the broadcast of the ratings icon on the screen. I requested that the TV ratings icon appear not only at the top of a show but also after commercial breaks when the show resumes. That is because a lot of times people turn on the show after it has already started and they have no idea what the rating is. So I have asked them to actually put on the rating at each commercial break as well so that parents can see what the level of the rating is and make an adjustment for their own particular families.
I also requested that the networks add a voice-over when the ratings appear to also better alert parents. The ABC television network readily agreed to both suggestions, as did Bud Paxon on behalf of his PAX network. The other three major networks, Fox, NBC and CBS, have indicated that they are considering it but have not yet committed to doing so. I hope that they join ABC in doing it because I think it is helpful, quite frankly, to give parents this kind of additional information.
It does not detract from any network's ability to be able to put any programming on that they want. It just gives parents the information they need in order to shield their children from material which they believe may be inappropriate.
I also challenged the cable industry, in addition to increasing their public service advertisements, to increase consumer awareness of the provisions of the 1992 Cable Act that permits any cable subscriber in America to request that the cable company block any one of the cable programs that they believe is inappropriate for their family. It is a right that every American has in terms of their relationship with their cable company, but no more than 1 percent of all Americans even know they have the right to have any one of these individual cable channels blocked from coming into their home, even if they have bought the whole other part of the cable package.
I believe that if the cable industry made it clear in their bills, the information they give to consumers, that millions of American families would be much happier if they could take the whole cable package and then delete a couple of channels that they believe were too offensive for their young children and their family. I think it can be a real step forward, and I have received some very encouraging information from some of these cable networks that they will provide that option.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), who is the ranking member of the full committee.
(Mr. DINGELL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price).
(Mr. PRICE of North Carolina asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, could the Chair tell me how much time is remaining on either side?
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Hinchey).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Serrano).
(Mr. SERRANO asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, if there is no one seeking recognition in opposition, I ask unanimous consent to control the time in opposition, even though I support the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute.
I would like to say that this is a good amendment. It has been crafted on a bipartisan basis. We have worked very closely together, Democrat and Republican, on this issue right from the beginning; and this amendment reflects that continuing level of cooperation. I just want any of the Members who are listening to this debate to understand that that consensus has been reached.
Mr. Chairman, I have no other Members seeking recognition, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the rules for H.R. 3717. Yesterday I offered an amendment to the bill that would end industry-paid travel for commissioners and staff of the Federal…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the rules for H.R. 3717. Yesterday I offered an amendment to the bill that would end industry-paid travel for commissioners and staff of the Federal Communications Commission once and for all. I am very disappointed that it was not made in order. In fact, 5 of the 6 amendments offered by my Democratic colleagues were not made in order. I hope my colleagues would join me in opposing this rule and request an open rule.
My amendment was a modified version of a bill that I introduced last year in response to a report documenting over $2.8 million in travel costs spent by FCC-regulated private companies for more than 2,500 trips taken by FCC commissioners and staff over the past 8 years. Such practices have contributed to the FCC's reputation as a ``captured agency'' controlled by the industries it regulates.
I am aware that Chairman Powell promised last fall to eliminate the practice of corporate sponsored travel, but I don't believe a one-time promise is strong enough to eliminate the practice once and for all. What if the commission decides to re-institute the policy in a few years? What if there is a change in the administration this fall, and we end up having a new chairman? There is no guarantee that what the FCC has decided to do is not just a way to wait out the storm caused by the report, and that it could revert back to the old arrangement any time.
I support granting the FCC the authority to impose severe penalties for indecent broadcasting, but we must also ensure that the Commission uses the new enforcement powers this bill would provide. One way to do so is to eliminate, once and for all, any potential conflict of interest caused by the practice of corporate sponsored travel for FCC travel. I hope my colleagues would join me in rejecting this rule and allow consideration of my amendment.
Mr. Chairman, very quickly, I want all to know that I rise in support of H.R. 3717, the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004, but I am sorry that this was a closed rule on that bill. There are a couple of points I wanted to make.
I have received a letter from the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists on behalf of 80,000 actors, broadcast journalists, announcers, disc jockeys, and sound recording artists saying that they are asking us to reject the provisions of the bill that would fine individual performers and announcers for the programming decisions controlled and implemented by the broadcast licensees. And I would ask my colleagues to think about that particular provision. I understand we have already voted on the rule.
The next point I wanted to make is that since the FCC has already allowed the major networks to own up to 45 percent of the market, I feel that that is the root cause for some of this indecency that we hear through the media. And it is important for us to recognize that this bill taps into the underlying anger of over 2 million individuals who wrote to the FCC last summer opposing its relaxation of media ownership rules. And I just want to mention some shocking statistics that illustrate the connection between indecency and media concentration.
The 1996 Communications Act cleared the way for relaxing some media ownership limits. Since then, complaints received by the FCC regarding indecent programs on television have jumped from 26 in the year 2000 to 217 in the year 2003. Clear Channel Communications Incorporated, the Nation's largest radio chain with 11 percent of the Nation's total studios and stations, has
received about 52 percent of the fines that the FCC has imposed. Viacom's Infinity station, about 2 percent of all stations, has received 28 percent of the FCC's fines. So the fact is when big media gets bigger and the race for audiences turns to the lowest denominator in trash programming to appeal to the broadest possible audience, those conglomerates move further away from quality programming and the principles of ``diversity, localism and competition'' crucial for the service of the public interest.
Finally, I was in support of the Schakowsky amendment that would have exempted individuals from increases in indecency fines. And hearing from the industry, they are very upset about the possibility. So I am hoping that we can clear up some of these issues in another piece of legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3717, the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004. While I support giving the Federal Communication Commission greater authority in the enforcement of indecency rules, I don't believe it addressed the root cause of indecency in media, namely, the current trend of unfettered media conglomeration and its impact on creative voices.
I think it is important for us to recognize that this bill taps into the underlying anger of the over 2 million individuals who wrote to the FCC last summer opposing its relaxation of media ownership rules, individuals who were truly turned off by a dumb-down media culture that has failed to serve the public interest. The bottom line is, a consolidated media market controlled by profit-driven conglomerates are bound to produce indecent, shock-value programming for the sake of viewership.
I just want to mention some shocking statistics that illustrate the connection between indecency and media concentration. The 1996 Telecommunications Act cleared the way for relaxing some media ownership limits. Since then, complaints received by the FCC regarding indecent programming on television have jumped from 26 in 2000, to 217 in 2003. Clear Channel Communications Inc., the Nation's largest radio chain with 11 percent of the Nation's total stations, has received about 52 percent of the fines the FCC has imposed. Viacom's Infinity Stations, about 2 percent of all stations, has received 28 percent of the FCC's fines.
The fact is, when big media gets bigger, and the race for audiences turns to the lowest denominator in trash programming to appeal to the broadest possible audience, those conglomerates move further away from quality programming and the principles of ``diversity, localism, and competition'' crucial for the service of public interest.
That is why the Senate this week adopted a provision to impose a 1- year moratorium on the FCC's new media-ownership rules pending the outcome of a new GAO study on the connection between media indecency and ownership. I am very disappointed that a similar amendment offered by the gentleman from New York (Mr. Hinchey) was rejected by the Rules Committee. Mr. Chairman, while I am prepared to vote for the bill, I strongly urge this Chamber to allow a thorough debate on the issue of media consolidation.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support to the Schakowsky amendment to H.R. 3717, which would exempt individuals from increase in indecency fines. While I support the goals of H.R. 3717 in giving the Federal Communication Commission more authority to enforce indecency rules, I don't believe individual performers and artists should be threatened by the same penalties imposed on multi-billion dollar corporations, who have the ultimate control on programming decisions.
I believe the provisions within H.R. 3717 to fine individuals would constitute a dangerous chilling effect on artistic expression and a threat to our first amendment rights. It is also completely unnecessary, since broadcast licensees and networks are responsible for programming contents and the decision to air, not the individual artists. Why else would networks start implementing the so-called ``five second delay'' that would remove any objectionable content before it is broadcasted? The broadcasters understand that they are the ones responsible for the contents they air, because they are the ones who eventually profit from the controversies generated by offensive, indecent, and dumb-down programming.
I hope my colleagues will join me in supporting Congresswoman Shakowsky's amendment that would prevent he broadcasters from scapegoating individual artists and hold them truly responsible in the enforcement of indecency rules.
Show 8 more
Mr. Speaker, I am in support of this rule. The Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004, H.R. 3717, has overwhelming bipartisan support. H.R. 3717, which was adopted on a vote of 49 to 1 by my…
Mr. Speaker, I am in support of this rule.
The Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004, H.R. 3717, has overwhelming bipartisan support. H.R. 3717, which was adopted on a vote of 49 to 1 by my Committee, increases the Federal Communications Commission's authority to assess fines for indecent broadcasts. As Janet Jackson revealed to the entire Nation during the Super Bowl Halftime, broadcasters and performers have stopped minding the public's store, allowing all sorts of offensive material to travel across the public airways.
This is not a new problem. For years now, radio programming has gotten progressively more base, and within the last year and a half a number of so-called celebrities have let expletives fly on live broadcast television coverage of awards shows. Federal law already allows the FCC to assess fines on licensees and non-licensees for the broadcast of indecent content during hours when children are likely to be in the audience, and courts have made clear that the FCC's definition and regulation of indecent content is constitutional.
The problem, however, is that the FCC currently is authorized to assess a maximum fine of only $27,500 per violation on licensees, and $11,000 per violation on individuals. Such weak penalties amount to little more than a cost of doing business, and provide little to no deterrent. What's more, the FCC can only assess such fines on individuals on the second infraction, which means that celebrities such as Ms. Jackson get a free pass on the first offense should they do something indecent.
H.R. 3717 addresses these problems by raising the maximum fine to $500,000; permitting the FCC to consider revoking a broadcast license after the third offense; and allowing the FCC to fine an individual on the first offense. H.R. 3717 does not require such severe penalties, but gives the FCC needed discretion to tailor its sanctions to each particular offense. Perhaps this will send the message to broadcasters and individuals that indecency on our airwaves is no laughing matter. H.R. 3717 also imposes a shot clock on the FCC to ensure that these matters are resolved expeditiously.
Mr. Speaker, this is a fair rule, and I urge Members to support it.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3717, the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004. And I want to compliment the subcommittee chairman, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) and the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) for their strong leadership on this issue as well as the ranking full committee member, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell). They have all worked very well and very positively on this very important legislation.
This bill has strong bipartisan support, 145 cosponsors in the House. It was reported out of the committee last week 49 to 1. The bill has been dubbed the ``Super Bowl Bill,'' but what many people I think do not realize is that H.R. 3717 was well on its way before the antics that we witnessed during the Super Bowl half-time show.
In fact, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) had already held a hearing on it before the Super Bowl show occurred. But after that event did occur, one thing is absolutely crystal clear: This bill answers the call that we have heard from parents around the country, hundreds of thousands, if not millions of them, who are begging for some help. H.R. 3717 will make living rooms safe again all over America.
We have been bombarded in recent past with indecent language and images over and over again. Between the use of an expletive by Bono at the 2003 Golden Globe Awards, Nicole Ritchie's string of expletives at the 2003 Billboard Awards, Janet Jackson's infamous performance during the 2004 Super Bowl half-time show, and innumerable instances of graphic sexual broadcasts by radio ``shock jocks,'' parents want and demand help.
There is a clear need to provide the FCC with increased authority to hold all parties responsible for their actions. H.R. 3717 targets broadcast indecency by doing the following: Number one, it raises the maximum penalty cap for broadcast stations, networks, and performers to $500,000 for each indecency violation.
Number two, it sets out specific factors the FCC must consider when setting fines so that the FCC must examine whether the violator is a small or large broadcaster, a company or an individual, and what entity is responsible for the indecent programming.
Three, it streamlines the FCC enforcement process for networks and individuals who ``willfully and intentionally'' put indecent material over broadcast airwaves so that the FCC can prosecute on the first instance, instead of having to wait for a second violation. Now everyone, including performers, will be held responsible for their action from the get-go.
Four, the bill requires the FCC to complete an action on indecency complaints within 270 days of receipt so that complaints do not languish at the FCC. In addition to collecting fines for indecency, the bill gives the FCC the authority to require broadcasters to air public service announcements to reverse harm from indecent programming.
This is an idea that came from the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), and it is a very good idea.
Five, it requires the FCC to take indecency violations into account during license applications, renewals and modifications.
This idea came from the gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Wilson).
Number six, after three indecency violations, the bill would require the FCC to hold a hearing to consider revoking the broadcast station license, the gravest of penalties for a broadcaster. That idea, among others, came from the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Stearns).
Seventh and finally, the bill requires the FCC to report annually to Congress on the progress it is making as a result of legislation.
Mr. Chairman, H.R. 3717 makes great strides in our effort to clean up the broadcast airwaves and return them to the decent Americans of our country. I urge all of my colleagues to support it.
Before I conclude, let me say that on the Schakowsky amendment I am going to strongly oppose that particular amendment. I think it is absolutely constitutional that performers themselves can be held accountable in the first instance and not after the second instance after the so-called ``warning ticket'' approach. So I will strongly oppose the Schakowsky amendment and then strongly support passage of the final bill.
I thank the chairman for his strong leadership on the bill.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from North Carolina for…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. FROST asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from North Carolina for yielding me this time, and I rise in support of the rule and the underlying bill. I do so because it is time to send a strong message to broadcasters that indecent television and radio programs are not okay.
For too long, the producers of indecent programming have regarded FCC fines as just a minor nuisance; as a cost of doing business. That attitude has to end. Congress needs to send a strong message to broadcasters that doing anything for profit, no matter how much it offends American viewers and harms the public interest, is definitely not okay.
Mr. Speaker, the basic principle of broadcasting in our country is that the American people grant private businesses the ability to make money while using our public airwaves. In exchange for a license, we ask that broadcasters air programs that serve the public interest, and we ask them not to broadcast indecent material at times when children are likely to be watching or listening. In other words, we have a social contract with our media companies. They can use the airwaves, but they must run their businesses in a socially responsible way. They must remember they have a duty to serve not only their shareholders but also the American people.
The reason we have special rules for radio and television programming is that the broadcast media is, in the words of Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens, ``a uniquely pervasive presence in the lives of all Americans.''
When 100 million Americans, including myself, tuned into the Super Bowl, we allowed a broadcast company to enter the privacy of our homes. Just like any other guest, we welcomed them into our home. We expected the Super Bowl broadcast to be respectful of us and our families. We do not expect to agree with our house guests on everything, but we do expect them to show good judgment and to refrain from saying crude and offensive things, especially when children are in the room. What we all got on February 1 was anything but a good guest, Mr. Speaker.
Besides the now infamous incident involving Justin Timberlake and Janet Jackson, the half-time show was full of crude and sexually explicit performances. Throughout the game, we were subjected also to some offensive advertising. And all this was going on in our dens, our living rooms, and the other places we gather every year to watch the Super Bowl. It is estimated that one in five American children were watching this year's Super Bowl broadcast.
I would like to note, Mr. Speaker, that the actual Super Bowl game was one of the most exciting, best-played games in the 38-year history of the sporting event. Decided by a field goal kicked with 4 seconds left, this year's game had plenty of action and drama to sell itself on its own merits, without adding the controversial material that has provoked so much outrage for the past month.
To be fair, we should not be singling out the Super Bowl broadcast for our disapproval. When I drive around the Dallas-Fort Worth metropolitan area, I enjoy going up and down the radio dial to listen to many different stations that offer information and entertainment to the people of North Texas. I hear a lot of good programming, but I am also astonished at the amount of gratuitous foul language some talk show hosts use on a daily basis. The hosts of my favorite sports talk shows in the Dallas market seem to be using more and more offensive language.
I applaud the FCC commissioners for aggressively cracking down on this type of programming and hope that this legislation gives them a more effective enforcement tool.
I would also like to note that this problem goes beyond just the programming we receive in our homes from the FCC broadcast licensees. Congress does not currently have the same power to regulate the indecent content of cable programming as we do over broadcast programming. But all of us who have cable television know that there are cable network shows aired during family hours that are equally offensive and indecent. Although they operate under a regulatory system that would not be covered by the bill we are considering today, I urge the cable networks to remember that they have a social responsibility to the American people too.
Mr. Speaker, some people may be suggesting that with this bill and the speeches we are giving today, we are trying to censor speech or limit expression in our society. Nothing could be further from the truth. As a former broadcast journalist, and as the father of a broadcast journalist, I have a deep respect for the right of journalists, artists, political and religious leaders, and anyone else for that matter, to exercise their constitutional freedom of speech. Our communication laws on obscenity and indecency do not stop free speech or suppression. They simply say it is not always appropriate to broadcast crude and sexually explicit material into our homes and into our motor vehicles, especially when our children could be watching or listening.
I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill and the FCC's new efforts to take back our air waives from the people who have cynically decided the best way to sell advertising is by shocking and offending us. I have more faith in Americans than that. Voting for this bill is not just a vote to protect our families from indecent programming, it is also a vote in support of the vast majority of broadcasters, producers, and performers today who are running profitable businesses while broadcasting in a way that serves the interests of our families and our society.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner).
Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the ranking member for yielding me time. I want to engage in colloquy with the chairman of the subcommittee, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton). During a recent…
Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the ranking member for yielding me time.
I want to engage in colloquy with the chairman of the subcommittee, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton).
During a recent subcommittee hearing on broadcast indecency, we heard testimony that it is the Federal Communication Commission's policy that persons submitting complaints alleging indecent broadcast must submit a tape, transcript, or significant excerpt of the alleged indecent content or risk having the complaint dismissed.
Do you recall that testimony?
I yield to the gentleman from Michigan.
I understand that it is the FCC's official position; however, unfortunately, the FCC's claim is incorrect. According to a March 2, 2004, letter from Chairman Powell to the ranking member, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), since 2001 the commission has dismissed 170 complaints for lack of a tape or transcript, including six already this year, 2004.
Does the gentleman agree that this policy places an enormous and inappropriate burden on consumers who simply wish to file a complaint about indecent broadcast?
I appreciate the gentleman's concern, Mr. Chairman, on this matter. Do you agree that our committee must closely watch this issue and urge the FCC to change its policy statement in this matter?
I thank my good friend and chairman of the Subcommittee on Telecommunications and the Internet for his concern and assurance on this matter.
That said, Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3717. For the past month, the Committee on Energy and Commerce has held numerous hearings on the issue of broadcast indecency. In those hearings, we heard from the FCC commissioners and the broadcasters on the enforcement of indecency rules. It became clear that the FCC has been neglectful in its duty in enforcing indecency rules. From 2000 to 2003, the commission has received 255,000 complaints on the subject of indecency, yet the commission had filed less than 10 notices of apparent liability. To add insult to injury, since its existence, the commission has yet to fine a broadcaster for airing language that is obscene and profane.
As we can see, there has been a dereliction by the FCC of its duties. Some have argued that the commission needs additional authority from Congress to
make a serious effort to stop indecency. That said, Mr. Chairman, I believe that H.R. 3717 will give the commission the ammunition it needs to do just that.
The bill not only increases fines but compels the FCC to use its renewal and revocation processes to go after licensees, and it compels the FCC to act in a timely manner regarding consumer complaints.
Mr. Chairman, I would be remiss if I did not discuss the pervasiveness of violent programs on our airwaves. During our month- long hearing discussing this issue, I offered and withdrew an amendment that would have required the FCC to include excessive violence in its definition of indecency.
Study after study has shown that there may be a causal link between violence in the media and violence in society.
Mr. Chairman, I am pleased that the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), the ranking member, have agreed to hold a separate hearing on this issue. Such a hearing is needed to focus the collective attention of this committee on detrimental effects of violence in the media as it relates to our children.
Again, I urge Members on both sides of the aisle to vote in favor of this wonderful bill, H.R. 3717, the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3717, the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act. For the past month the Energy and Commerce Committee has held numerous hearings on the issue of broadcast indecency. In those hearings we heard from the FCC Commissioners and the broadcasters on the enforcement of the indecency rules. It became clear that the FCC had been neglectful in its duty in enforcing indecency rules. From 2000 to 2003 the Commission had received 255,000 complaints on the subject of indecency yet the Commission had filed less then ten notices of apparent liability (NAL's). To add insult to injury, since its existence the Commission has yet to fine a broadcaster for airing language that is obscene or profane. As you see, there has been a dereliction by the FCC of its duties. Some have argued that the Commission needs additional authority from Congress to make a serious effort to stop indecency. That said, I believe H.R. 3717 would give the Commission the ammunition it needs to do just that. The bill not only increases fines but compels the FCC to use its renewal and renovation processes to go after licensees and it compels the FCC to act in a timely manner regarding consumer complaints.
I would be remiss if I did not discuss the pervasiveness of violent programming on our airwaves. During our month long hearing discussing this issue I offered and withdrew an amendment that would have required the FCC to include excessive violence in the definition of indecency. Study after study has shown that there may be a causal link between violence in the media and violence in society. I am pleased that Chairman Upton and Ranking Member Markey have agreed to have a separate hearing on this issue. Such a hearing is needed to focus the collective attention of this committee on the detrimental effects of violence in the media as it relates to our children.
And lastly, as we give the FCC this increased power, I would like us to consider giving preference to socially and economically disadvantaged groups for the purchase of the revoked licenses.
Again, I urge members on both sides of the aisle to vote in favor of H.R. 3717, the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to my colleague from California (Mr. Waxman.) Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Broadcast Decency and Enforcement Act of 2004, which is a bipartisan product of the House…
Mr. Chairman, I yield to my colleague from California (Mr. Waxman.)
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Broadcast Decency and Enforcement Act of 2004, which is a bipartisan product of the
House Committee on Energy and Commerce and the Subcommittee on Telecommunications and the Internet. Both the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) and our chairman, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton), have produced a good bill incorporating ideas of a number of Members.
Let me say in response to my colleague from California, I noticed a substantial change in the last 2 months with the Federal Communications Commission. And I will talk about that a little bit. That without this legislation increasing the penalties, without the hearings we held, we would not see renewed vigor and renewed interest by the FCC enforcing the decency standards.
And so, that is why even though the bill basically just increases the fines, what it did was it brought attention to the issue along with what has happened with our media outlets all across the country, I think, culminated in with what I think my colleague from New England would agree, was a great Super Bowl football game, but was eclipsed by what happened at half time.
So, granted, this bill raises the penalties, but it also brought the attention of the regulators and a renewed vigor in enforcing the current law.
It also includes an accountability in the bill that allows broadcast TV affiliates to place liability for content provided by the networks when the affiliates had little or no input on programming.
Again, I want to thank the chairman and the ranking member for working with me on this provision. We ought to make the penalties be where the people are making the decisions on the content, and not someone who just happens to have a license, who would not want the Super Bowl.
The legislation also reaffirms the authority of the FCC to evaluate the licenses for television, radio, or broadcasters that repeatedly run afoul of FCC's indecency standards. Congress is not creating a new standard for content for public airwaves, we are only requiring that the current standards be enforced in a meaningful way.
I think many radio and television broadcasters and cable and satellite providers are taking significant steps to respond to the American public on this issue. Broadcasters are going to convene a decency submit at the end of this month. The sickest radio shock jock, Bubba the Love Sponge, is off the air. The television networks are going to delayed feed for live shows so we will not have any accidents as we saw at the Super Bowl.
The cable and satellite providers are stepping up efforts to educate their customers about their ability to block out channels they do not want to receive. And I hope these industry actions continue, and combined with our legislation, will cause the increasing indecency of broadcast content over the past few years to be reversed.
In Congress, we can get back to our important things. And this I do agree with my California colleague on reducing the national debt, creating more American jobs, expanding health care for our needy children.
The FCC has never been particularly motivated on the indecency cases, but in the last 3 years, complaints have increased so substantially, and after these hearings, now the Commission has seen a renewed interest in enforcement, particularly, again, after the hearings. And hopefully our action today will get the Commission in an even more aggressive motion.
Again, the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), the chairman, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton), the ranking member, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), and our new chairman, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) are to be commended on their work here today. I urge my colleagues to approve the legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I would just briefly say something about our immediate past chairman. I think all of us send our prayers and our hope to the chairman, the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Tauzin) on his treatment and his surgery for his illness that was announced this week. Again, as a Democrat, we worked together typically on our committee, and all of us hope that the gentleman and his family are successful in being treated. Again, I yield back my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3717, a bill that would increase the fines the Federal Communications Commission can impose for the broadcast of obscene, indecent, or profane material. The…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3717, a bill that would increase the fines the Federal Communications Commission can impose for the broadcast of obscene, indecent, or profane material.
The level of violent and sexual content in all of forms of media has reached a point where Congress has no choice but to act.
Many people first became aware of this problem while they were watching the Super Bowl, but this is not a new problem.
Whether it is television, movies, video games, or the Internet, you cannot get away from it, and it is getting worse.
As Democrats and Republicans we must continue to work together to address these issues. That is the only way we will be able prevent our children from being needlessly exposed to violent and sexual content in the media.
A growing body of evidence suggests that these messages can be harmful to children's development.
That is why I submitted an amendment that would call on the Surgeon General to produce an annual report assessing the impact of violent media content on children.
Although my amendment was not accepted I hope the Surgeon General will hear us today and understand that Congress takes these issues very seriously and that we demand to know more.
That is also why I created the bipartisan Congressional Sex and Violence in the Media Caucus last October with my friend and colleague, Congressman Tom Osborne.
We will be a strong voice within Congress to reduce violent and sexual content in the media.
We will identify ways to work effectively in Congress and in our districts to prevent violence by and against children through legislation, education, outreach, and advocacy.
Just this Tuesday, we introduced H.R. 3914, the Children's Protection from Violent Programming Act, along with Congressman David Price.
Our bill would require the FCC to assess the effectiveness of the V- chip to determine if it effectively protects children from television violence.
If the study shows that the V-chip is not effective, then it requires the FCC to create a ``safe harbor'' so that violent programming is not televised when children are likely to be watching.
I am proud to have received the endorsement of the Parents Television Council and the Consumers Union.
Last year I re-introduced the Protect Children from Video Game Sex and Violence Act, H.R. 669, which would impose penalties on those who rent or sell video games with violent or sexual content to minors.
It is wrong that our children are being exposed to this kind of violence at an age when their minds and values are still being formed. They play these games when many of them cannot distinguish fantasy from reality. Yet today's most popular games are full of senseless acts of sex and violence that brainwash our kids.
These games show people having sex with prostitutes, car-jacking soccer moms, using illegal drugs, decapitating police officers, and killing innocent people as they beg for mercy. If that isn't enough, games like BMX Triple X even show live video footage of naked strippers. Is that what we really want our kids to be watching?
Let me be clear. It is the responsibility of parents to raise their children and determine what they watch on television or what kinds of games they buy. But when children see these things when they are watching the Super Bowl or when they can walk into their neighborhood store and buy video games with mature content, a parent is cut out of the process.
Some will tell you that early exposure to violence has no harmful effects, but a growing body of academic research tells a different story.
Several of the Nation's most respected public health groups have found that viewing entertainment violence can lead to increases in aggressive attitudes, values, and behaviors, particularly in children.
But we have to go beyond facts and figures. What does this mean for our kids?
We are at the beginning of a long and difficult battle for the hearts, the minds, and the souls of our children.
I hope that other Members of Congress and the public will continue to work to protect our children from these harmful materials.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 554 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 554 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Frost); pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
On Tuesday, the Committee on Rules met and granted a structured rule for H.R. 3717, the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004. H.R. 3717 is a direct response to the increasing levels of indecency on broadcast television and radio. The bill has strong bipartisan support, with over 145 cosponsors, and is a comprehensive measure that is reasonable, fair and firm.
The problem of obscenity on TV has been going on for far too long. However, the Super Bowl brought it to national attention. On February 1, millions of families were at home watching the Super Bowl together. I myself was watching the game, cheering on my Carolina Panthers. This was a moment of pride for my district, and in one moment the attention was shifted.
I was appalled by the shameless stunt that took place during the Super Bowl. And the excuses I have heard ring very hollow. Obviously, if it was deliberate, then Janet Jackson and Justin Timberlake thought they could get away with it.
Mr. Speaker, my constituents are very tired of having to cover over their children's eyes and ears every time they turn on the television set, especially during the time that is supposed to be considered family time.
H.R. 3717 the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004 raises the maximum penalty cap for broadcast stations, networks, and performers to $500,000 for each indecency violation. By significantly increasing the FCC fines for indecency, networks and individuals will do more than just apologize for airing such brazen material, they will be paying big bucks for their offenses.
I am very pleased that this legislation streamlines the Federal Communication Commission enforcement process for networks and individuals who willfully and intentionally put indecent material over the broadcast airwaves. So complaints do not languish at the FCC, the bill requires them to complete action on indecency complaints within 270 days of receipt. In the past, there have been examples where it has taken several years, and the broadcasters know they will not be taken to task until long after the offense is over.
I want to commend the chairman of the Subcommittee on Energy and Air Quality of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), for moving this legislation so swiftly through his committee. I also want to thank the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) for his resolve to protect our Nation's airwaves. He has been working on this issue for a long, long time.
Broadcast airwaves belong to the American people, not to the networks. So I believe it is time for Congress to defend and protect America's parents and children and pass a tough bill to ensure decency on the airwaves. To that end, I urge my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Linder), a fellow member of the Committee on Rules.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton), the subcommittee chairman whose bill this is.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Paul).
(Mr. PAUL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I
move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
Mr. Chairman, never would I have thought that defending the Constitution would be so lonely a job on the floor of the United States House of Representatives. Do not get me wrong, I believe in decency…
Mr. Chairman, never would I have thought that defending the Constitution would be so lonely a job on the floor of the United States House of Representatives. Do not get me wrong, I believe in decency and Mary Poppins and all things nice; but what is at stake here is freedom of speech and the assault thereon.
I become more and more concerned about the concentration of the media in the hands of so few players, that kind of media power concentrated in the hands of so few and influenced specifically by the far right wing and religious right in this country.
We talk about the President and the Presidency, and we say that the President has a bully pulpit, and he does. That does not concern me. What concerns me is the bullyism and the bullying that is going on. When networks and stations and people-owned medias are afraid to be critical of the administration, to impose a fine on speech that you do not like of a half a million dollars a shot, multiplied by 30 or 300 stations, does not have a chilling effect. It has a freezing-out effect where people will be afraid to speak out.
It is not for us to put limits on free speech. The public decides what they want to listen to and wants to hear. They can change the channel, they can change the station, they can turn it off. To talk about motherhood and breast feeding as something that is good is fine, but people are offended by a breast? Is that obscene? Maybe it was in poor taste at the time, but is it obscene?
That Howard Stern on the radio would be threatened with extinction from broadcast because he did not hang up in time on somebody that called in, that was not the issue. The issue is that he is beginning to speak out against the President and the administration, and he is paying the price because of the pressure on the media by the President and his media cronies.
This concentration of the media denies the public access to the right to speak out. It is not just speech that we agree with and we think is pretty that we have to tolerate. The test of freedom of speech is if we tolerate ugly speech, obnoxious speech, and speech that we disagree with. And saying that we are protecting the country and the children, what about personal responsibility? Everybody should protect their own children from what they do not want to listen to or see.
These become weapons of mass communication, and no one will own them except those who have the hands on the levers of power in the White House and their friends.
That is what we find obscene? What is obscene is public officials lying to the public, lying about public policy, lying about education. It is about not providing enough money for AIDS or cancer; that is what is obscene in this country. We need people to defend our Constitution. We need people to defend freedom of speech, and that is really what is at stake here. This is going to become a very dark day in American history. We are going down the slippery slope of limiting our Constitution and the protections that it gives to the American people.
Mr. Chairman, I for one will be voting against this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I would also like to thank the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), for allowing me to have this time. I rise in strong support of this piece of legislation. I…
Mr. Chairman, I would also like to thank the ranking member, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), for allowing me to have this time.
I rise in strong support of this piece of legislation. I would also add in my thanks to the chairman, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) and my thanks to the ranking member, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) for working with me on some amendments that I do believe strengthen this bill.
I think this is a very important issue for our country and our society. I do not think Congressmen should be the overseers of morality, I do not think Congress people are in a position to dictate censorship; but I do believe we are in a position to say that there ought to be some standards for decency in this country on broadcast TV.
You see, unlike cable TV, which we invite into our homes, broadcast TV is ubiquitous. It is a public asset which we give away free to broadcasters to make a great deal of money. Because of that relationship, I believe they should adhere to high standards of decency, particularly during family viewing hours. That is why I think this bill is so important.
I think the situation at the Super Bowl was only a small example of some of the things that American families are concerned about. We have to ask
the question, will we sink to the lowest common denominator, the lewdest, most lascivious type of content, or will we say there are standards that have to be balanced. I think this bill says yes, there have to be standards.
Let me tell you, from the Baptist church to the barber shop, people are saying this is the right thing to do. This bill strengthens penalties against broadcasters and others who engage in indecent content, indecent speech over public broadcast airwaves during family hours. And I think it is very appropriate.
I worked with other members, my colleague, the gentlewoman from New Mexico (Mrs. Wilson), as well as my colleague, the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Pickering) on the Republican side, to add some strengthening measures in this legislation. Specifically, current law provides a presumption of license renewal. We should not have that presumption. We have now modified that. There is no presumption if there is evidence of incidents of indecent broadcasting.
Similarly, routinely broadcasters have their licenses renewed. We believe that after three strikes, there ought to be an automatic revocation proceeding in which the merits of your conduct are examined before your license is renewed.
As I said at the onset, this is a very important issue for our society. It describes the type of people we are. We are not censors, we are not morality police, but we are fair and decent people who care about what our children see and what they are exposed to.
This bill, I think, strikes a proper balance by giving some real teeth to the enforcement process and providing incentives for broadcasters to be more conscious, to be more aware of public sensibilities. I think we have done the right thing. I am very proud and pleased to support this legislation.
Show 11 more
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time. The big question on this bill is why now? There are enough laws in place and regulations to deal with this issue. I feel that some of the…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
The big question on this bill is why now? There are enough laws in place and regulations to deal with this issue. I feel that some of the good, well-intentioned Members have been caught up in this desire to all of a sudden clear up the airwaves. I believe it is a distraction. It is a weapon of mass distraction, to keep us away from the real issues at hand.
The fact is that this is part, in my opinion, of the continuing thinking of the PATRIOT Act, the philosophy of the PATRIOT Act, that says we will read your e-mails, we will find out what you take out from the library, we will hold you in detention without charges or a lawyer, and we will then tell you what you can listen to on the radio.
Now, let us understand something: The target here is coming from the political and religious right, and it is directed only at that which they think is bad anti-American or indecent. Right-wing radio, which demonizes liberals, minorities, environmentalists, pro-choice and animal rights activists, they are fine. They will not be touched. And let me, for the record, say that I support their right to say whatever they want about me and other liberals and Democrats and minorities. They can say whatever they want. But what we are doing in this country is curtailing only people who are saying something else.
The main target these days is Howard Stern. Now, what does Howard Stern have to do with this issue and the political agenda? Well, for years he supported the administration on the war, he supported the administration on capital punishment, he supported the administration on just about everything.
In the last couple of months, he has had a change of heart and started opposing the war, started opposing the opposition to research, opposing the opposition to pro-choice, and, all of a sudden, he is in deeper trouble than he has ever been before.
How else can we explain that the day before his bosses, Clear Channel, were to face a Congressional committee, they fired him from six markets throughout this country? The FCC has been complaining about his locker humor jokes for years. Some people have suggested that he was not in good taste for years. But now, the big bang to get him off the air. He is left now on Infinity Radio, and he says he will be gone in about another 2 weeks.
Why? Was he okay when he was supporting the administration and in trouble, and how did Clear Channel decide to knock out its number one money maker one day before facing Congress? I wish I was the telephone company and could have heard those phone calls coming in with the political pressure.
My friends, this is a dangerous time. This bill should be defeated, if, for no other reason, than to send a message that there is something larger here at work than simply something you do not like. What I do not like may be something you like and vice versa. The best protection we have is not this bill. Just turn the channel, switch the station.
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of this bill, but it is only a partial step in the battle to clean up our airwaves. By increasing fines for broadcasters, we are addressing only a symptom of the…
Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of this bill, but it is only a partial step in the battle to clean up our airwaves.
By increasing fines for broadcasters, we are addressing only a symptom of the problem, not the cause. We cannot ignore the correlation between indecency on our airwaves and the increased concentration of media ownership. It is not a perfect correlation, but it is a strong one.
In recognition of that, our colleagues in the other body have improved this bill in several ways. I wish our colleagues in this Chamber had followed suit.
First, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Hinchey) and I pushed for an
amendment, not made in order, unfortunately, which would have addressed the true effects of media consolidation before moving forward with the FCC's newly relaxed rules. This amendment, introduced by Senator Dorgan and adopted in committee, calls for a GAO study, and it stays the new rules pending the completion of that study. I wish the leadership in this Chamber had allowed us to offer the same.
Secondly, the Senate Commerce Committee also adopted an amendment, sponsored by Senator Hollings, which would take steps to ensure that parents can use V-chips to block violent programming. The bill would require either that programs be rated for content, so that they may be filtered with the V-chip, or that a ``safe harbor'' family hour be created so that violent programming is simply not televised when children are likely to be watching. My colleagues, the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca) and the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Osborne) and I have introduced a companion bill in this Chamber.
Mr. Chairman, at the root of all these efforts is the undeniable fact that we are losing control of our airwaves. I hear from constituents all the time saying, ``Where are the standards? How can I shield my children from inappropriate programming? And why are the people who put this on the air not held accountable?''
They are right. Our communities virtually have no say in the quality of the programming they are subjected to on broadcast television. And the network executives in L.A. or New York do not seem to feel they owe them anything.
As big media conglomerates get bigger, they are sinking to new lows. We are witnessing a race to the bottom as these networks seek to expand their influence through shock value instead of quality programming.
The Super Bowl was only one example, Mr. Chairman. CBS may blame MTV for its infamous half-time spectacle, but the common denominator for both networks is their owner, Viacom. And the ``wardrobe malfunctions,'' or whatever you want to call these episodes, will not stop there.
If we are serious about cleaning up our airwaves, we need to do what the American people are demanding: Give them back their local media. And we need to do much more than impose fines on the broadcasters that, even if they are increased, are hardly going to make these corporations bat an eye.
Mr. Chairman, with thanks I accept 2 minutes from my dear friend. First of all, Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the legislation. Second of all, I congratulate my dear friend, the gentleman from…
Mr. Chairman, with thanks I accept 2 minutes from my dear friend.
First of all, Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the legislation.
Second of all, I congratulate my dear friend, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), for his outstanding leadership in this matter. He has been long interested in this matter and has provided remarkably good leadership in this matter.
I also commend my good friend from Michigan (Mr. Upton). He has served in this body with distinction and has provided extraordinary leadership here, also.
I congratulate the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) for his new position and for his leadership in shepherding H.R. 3717 through the committee process.
This is a bill which is bipartisan; and the committee has worked well in a bipartisan fashion which does great credit to the Members, and particularly the leadership of the committee, for having done so.
Our constituents are fed up with the level of sex and violence on television and radio, as well as the lax attitude of the Federal Communications Commission's handling of decency complaints. Clearly, the commission has been asleep at the switch for some time.
The bill sets a deadline by which the commission must act on consumer indecency complaints. It raises the penalties for that kind of misbehavior. It makes these matters subject to review in connection with license renewal, or makes it possible for the commission to do what they have now the power to do; and it encourages them so to do by seeing to it that this matter will be raised also at the time of license renewal.
The bill raises fines by a significant amount. That is good. It also requires the commission to report annually to the Congress on the handling of these matters, something which will perhaps alert them to the need to proceed with greater vigor.
I applaud the fact that the commission has developed a remarkable and acute sense of newly found virtue. This is good, and it is my hope that the commission will remain awake, alert and vigilant, although their history is significantly against that kind of prospect.
In any event, I look forward to the bill being enacted into law. I commend my colleagues for the work they have done. I look forward to the prospect that this is going to see to it that free, over-the-air television will be something which we can see to it that our families in this country can have their children watch television without having to worry about the kind of situation that they will confront in terms of decency, profanity and other things which are unseemly and unsuited to the way in which most American parents wish to raise their kids.
I urge my colleagues to support the bill. I, again, commend my colleague, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), and the others for the outstanding job which they have done in presenting this bill to the House, and I urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. Chairman, public decency on the airwaves should be a subject on which we all agree. Alabama citizens, like the vast majority of Americans, respect and value the meaning of decency, and appreciate…
Mr. Chairman, public decency on the airwaves should be a subject on which we all agree. Alabama citizens, like the vast majority of Americans, respect and value the meaning of decency, and appreciate public institutions that reflect the common values of our society.
But what happens when one or more of those institutions repeatedly violate those standards of decency? In the past year, we have seen one or more of the major broadcast networks repeatedly and blatantly violate the Federal Communications Commission standards for decency, and openly flaunt the laws so clearly upheld in the courts.
CBS's halftime show during the 2004 Super Bowl was a new low for television, Mr. Speaker. Watched by nearly 100 million Americans, as well as my family and children, this 30-minute fantasy of filth managed to break all standards of decency, and brazenly shattered all concepts of responsibility and accountability for our Nation's public broadcasters.
Mr. Chairman, this must stop. It's time we hold the broadcasters accountable for their decisions and help take out the televised trash that continues to invade our homes. H.R. 3717, the Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004, will help turn the tide. The legislation brings accountability for those broadcasters who follow the rules, as well as penalties for those, like CBS during the Super Bowl, knowingly choose to violate them.
H.R. 3717 increases the FCC's penalties for broadcasting obscene, indecent, and profane language to $275,000 for each violation or each day of a continuing violation. The bill also limits the total amount assessed for any continuing violation to $3 million for any single act or failure to act.
As a co-sponsor of this bi-partisan legislation, I am pleased Congress has chosen to bring this to the House floor today. Let me be clear Mr. Chairman: I am not an advocate of censorship. Although I may find the type of programming seen during the 2004 Super Bowl and the 2003 Golden Globe Awards disgusting and disturbing, we must always work hard to defend the cherished freedoms so clearly outlined in our Constitution, including a healthy and free press.
But when those institutions that are charged with upholding the public trust refuse to live up to their responsibilities, someone must draw the line. The Broadcast Decency Enforcement Act of 2004 helps address the continuing degradation on the broadcast airwaves and helps send a clear message to the broadcast industry that Alabama families, like the rest of American families, have had enough.
Programs like the Super Bowl should be celebrations, not cesspools, Mr. Speaker. It is time we as a Congress rise to this occasion and pass this bill, and help stop the recklessness that has so unnecessarily invaded our homes.
Thank you and congratulations to you, Mr. Upton, for your work in bringing this importance piece of legislation to the House today.
Mr. Speaker, there are clearly some messages to take from recent events and the bill that is on the floor today. The overriding message is that there is a responsibility that comes with being…
Mr. Speaker, there are clearly some messages to take from recent events and the bill that is on the floor today. The overriding message is that there is a responsibility that comes with being entrusted to broadcast over the public airwaves.
People say if viewers do not like the content of a certain show and find it offensive, just do not watch. The problem with that argument is when content is being broadcast over public airwaves, it sometimes cannot be avoided. The fact is that people in this country surf and flip up and down channels on
TV and radio. If we do not regulate what people can see and hear in these forums, children in particular will be exposed to material that is completely inappropriate.
While we, and broadcasters in particular, should take action to crack down on indecent material, we must not allow this focus on indecency to become a mission instead to do everything possible to gain favor with the FCC and their ultimate leader, President Bush. Being contrary to the government and offensive to the President and his campaign donors should not fall into the category of indecent material.
Unfortunately, the Clear Channel case with Howard Stern leaves that impression. Consider the facts: on February 25, Clear Channel announced that its radio stations would no longer carry the ``Howard Stern Show,'' citing ``indecent content'' in Stern's February 24 radio broadcast. But nothing in Mr. Stern's recent shows has been cited for indecency, and it has been years since he has been fined by the FCC. Some commentators have said his show has been milder in recent months. According to the Wall Street Journal, Mr. Stern's sponsors have not pulled their advertisements, meaning that the sponsors do not believe the show is across the line.
The only thing that has changed is that just 2 days before his suspension, Mr. Stern had become more critical of the Bush administration, an administration Clear Channel and its top executives have bank-rolled to the tune of $42,000 this election campaign cycle, and hundreds of thousands of dollars in years past.
Even more curious is the location where Mr. Stern's show is being dropped. Is it simple coincidence that political battlegrounds of Ohio and Florida are losing a popular critic of the Bush administration just as the election season begins?
While we are right to take action today to keep indecent material off the public airwaves, this should not be seen as open season on a diversity of views. If we only have radio personalities who are sympathetic to the President and his large corporate backers, then we will only have a small number of voices being heard, and all of them will be at the far right end of the radio dial.
Mr. Chairman, with any luck, a future member of the chairman's subcommittee. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the great work the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) did on this bill, bringing this bill to…
Mr. Chairman, with any luck, a future member of the chairman's subcommittee.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the great work the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) did on this bill, bringing this bill to the floor at this time. I also want to say how much I appreciate the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton), the new chairman of our committee, moving quickly to get this legislation to the floor, and also to join my colleagues in our appreciation for and our concern about our former chairman, the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Tauzin), as he and his family deal with a health crisis right now.
Mr. Chairman, I think this bill is a bill that we need to do. The gentleman's amendment is one that improves the bill and clarifies the process through which people would have to go if they are subject to the penalties of the bill.
I think the penalties here, the enhanced penalties we heard from many, many people, that the current penalties just are not a deterrent. Not only are the penalties now more in the range that they become a real thing for people who are given custody, temporary custody, of the airwaves to think about, but there is also the possibility they could actually lose their license if they become repeat offenders.
Anybody can have something happen on one occasion that they do not expect to happen, do not anticipate happening, do not approve, are embarrassed by, but the gentleman's bill makes the case that these airwaves do belong to the American people, that this is commercial airspace. If repeatedly somebody chooses to try to benefit financially by what they put on the air that goes beyond the bounds of decency, goes beyond their agreement when they are given custody and right to use these airwaves, I think this bill and the gentleman's clarifying amendment is an amendment that the House needs to deal with.
We all know that it was the Super Bowl half-time show that sort of brought this issue to everybody's attention in this current context, but we also know that if you watched the Super Bowl, if you were watching sort of halfway as I was the half-time show, that we see so much there drifting beyond where we need to be in family entertainment. There are plenty of opportunities in other kinds of entertainment that are not on the airwaves used by commercial television and radio for that.
I appreciate the gentleman's hard work in bringing this bill to the floor in such important and quick fashion, and I rise to support the bill and the gentleman's important amendment to it.
Mr. Chairman, it is about time that we act on broadcast indecency. First I want to commend and thank the chairman, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) for his steadfast leadership on this issue.…
Mr. Chairman, it is about time that we act on broadcast indecency. First I want to commend and thank the chairman, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) for his steadfast leadership on this issue. He has been one of the primary reasons for its success.
This is not a new issue. Parents have been pleading with us to take action on this issue for years. Unfortunately, it took the use of the four letter word on network TV and Janet Jackson's indecent exposure at the Super Bowl and Howard Stern's foul and racist language to push us into action.
I, for one, am tired of parents telling me how they need to cover their children's eyes and ears often too late because of the unacceptable language that has infiltrated television and radio. For too long, we have told the entertainment industry that the Federal Government is unwilling to hold them accountable for their actions.
Today we are saying enough is enough. H.R. 3717 sends a clear signal to the entertainment industry, we are no longer going to stand idly by and force our parents to put up with this filth.
H.R. 3717 is a good bill. Serious fines ensure that the FCC has the freedom to truly hit these huge companies where it hurts. And one of the most important provisions in the bill was added by my friend, the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Pickering), the three-strikes-and-you- are-out provision. It allows broadcast licensees up to two broadcast indecency violations. On the third, proceedings for license revocation will begin. And this provision will make it clear that Congress is not going to put up with multiple violators.
Mr. Chairman, families are sick and tired of worrying about what their children may see or hear every time they turn on television. They are frustrated that the media and industry has seemingly been able to broadcast any type of behavior or speech they feel will bring in advertising dollars. Meanwhile, they feel that the Federal Government has sided with the media elites and turned a blind eye to the concerns of ordinary mom and dads.
To American parents, Congress has finally heard you. We will no longer stand idly by on this topic. As one of our Members said, if the entertainment industry cannot police themselves, we will do it for them. So I thank the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton), I thank the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), and the leadership of the committee for moving this important bill.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution, but I would like to express a few views on why I will oppose the legislation. I am convinced that the Congress has been a very poor steward of the…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution, but I would like to express a few views on why I will oppose the legislation.
I am convinced that the Congress has been a very poor steward of the first amendment, and we are moving in the direction of further undermining the first amendment with this legislation.
First, many years ago, it was an attack on commercial speech by dividing commercial and noncommercial speech, which the Constitution does not permit. Then there was a systematic attack from the left, writing rules against hate speech which introduced the notion of political correctness. Recently, there was a petition to the Department of Justice that has asked the Department to evaluate ``The Passion of Christ'' as an example of hate speech. Unintended consequences do occur.
Next came along a coalition between right and left, and there was an attack on campaign speech with the campaign finance reform with a suspension of freedom of speech during an election period.
Now, once again, we are attacking indecency, which we all should, but how we do it is critical; because ``indecency'' is a subjective term, and it has yet to be defined by the courts.
We should remember that the Congress very clearly by the Constitution is instructed to: ``make no laws abridging the freedom of speech.'' It cannot be any clearer. If we have problems with indecency they are to be solved in different manners. The excuse, because the government is responsible and owns the airwaves, that we can suspend the first amendment is incorrect. That is a good argument for privatizing the airwaves rather than an excuse for suspension of the first amendment.
I would like to close by quoting someone who is obviously not a libertarian and obviously not a liberal who has great concern about what we are doing, and he comes from the conservative right, Rush Limbaugh. He said: ``If the government is going to `censor' what they think is right and wrong, what happens if a whole bunch John Kerrys or Terry McAuliffes start running this country and decide conservative views are leading to violence? I am in the free speech business. It is one thing for a company to determine if they are going to be a party to it. It is another thing for the government to do it.''
Mr. Speaker, we all should be in the free speech business.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this rule and thank the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Mrs. Myrick) for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 554 is a fair and balanced rule that will…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this rule and thank the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Mrs. Myrick) for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 554 is a fair and balanced rule that will provide House Members with the opportunity to consider a number of issues affecting our efforts to get indecent material off our airwaves. Under this rule, the House will have the opportunity to consider a manager's amendment by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) and an amendment by the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky) to strike the increased fine limit on entertainers, and an amendment by the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Sessions) to direct the General Accounting Office to provide a detailed report to Congress about the number of complaints about indecent broadcasting and the processes and procedures that the FCC has implemented to investigate these complaints.
With respect to H.R. 3717, the underlying legislation, I want to commend the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Telecommunications and the Internet, for all of the time and effort he has invested in bringing this very important and well-crafted legislation to the House floor.
Vulgarity, profanity, and even obscenity are an all-too-common trend on our television and radio airwaves today. Originally, the Golden Globe Awards incident last year appeared to be an isolated event; however, the subsequent profanity during the Billboard Music Awards broadcast and the grossly inappropriate halftime show of the 2004 Super Bowl made clear that Congress needs to take action and give the FCC the tools it needs to crack down on such tawdry programming.
H.R. 3717 provides some of these tools for the FCC and is a step in the right direction. This legislation increases the penalties imposed for broadcast indecency, which allows the FCC to more authoritatively regulate on-air programming. Also, this bill makes it easier for the FCC to hold individuals subject to the same fines as broadcasters for indecent actions.
In conclusion, families must be able to watch prime-time TV together without the fear of watching obscene, profane, or vulgar programming; and H.R. 3717 will help make this a reality.
Mr. Speaker, I urge Members to support the rule so we may proceed to debate the underlying legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3717. Every second of every day and in almost everything we do we are confronted by a multitude of images, some of which benefit our lives, others which do…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 3717. Every second of every day and in almost everything we do we are confronted by a multitude of images, some of which benefit our lives, others which do just the complete opposite.
We live at a time when 98 percent of the households have one or more television sets. As of 2001, there were over 100 million Americans on- line, with almost half of all of U.S. households with Internet access. This new media has enriched our lives. It has given up-to-the-very- minute news reports from around the world, television shows that both educate and entertain, and Web sites that have every answer to every question posed, it seems.
However, unfortunately, there is a negative side, those Web sites whose sole purpose is to satiate the prurient interests of its viewers, television programs that play to the lowest denominator of decency. There are those who seek to test the boundaries, and those who try to ignite a firestorm, so the 24-hour news stations have something to report on at 3 a.m., or attempt to revitalize a career by shocking viewers. It is these images, the ones we shield our children from, that this legislation seeks to penalize.
This legislation was not born out of an isolated incident from a Super Bowl. It is not a hasty reaction to that at all.
This is a very serious level of effort that has lasted over the last year.
We are raising the fine so that it is feasible and equitable for the government to enforce standards of decency. We are allowing the independent broadcasters who have no control over what they air to avoid liability. We are looking to the individual, who willfully and intentionally defies the law, to be held accountable.
There are some who claim that we are towing the line of censorship; that that is the next step and we will go too far. However, I place the onus upon the network, the broadcasters, the entertainers, and the Web site managers to be their own guideposts of the Constitution and community standards.
Governments should not be the decency police, but when laws are defied, we are required to step in and enforce the law.
I support this bill and I want to compliment the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) and also the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton) for the bill.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. My amendment is a simple contribution to this bill that I believe will bring some additional…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
My amendment is a simple contribution to this bill that I believe will bring some additional accountability and enforcement to the FCC's current process of handling broadcasting complaints and proposed violation of FCC rules.
My amendment to this legislation would give the General Accounting Office 1 year to study and report back to Congress on the number of complaints concerning the broadcasting of obscenity, indecency, and profane material to the Federal Communications Commission; the number of such complaints that result in final agency actions by the commission; the length of time taken by the commission in responding to such complaints; what mechanisms the commission has established to proceed, investigate, and respond to such complaints; and whether such complaints to the commission are adequately informed by the commission of their responses to those complainants.
I believe that this amendment will help this body to conform with third-party data and the relevant facts and figures that the FCC is doing its utmost to carry out the intent of the important legislation that we are considering today.
The Upton legislation will crack down on indecent over-the-air broadcasts and will bring much-needed accountability to our public airwaves. Last year, there were over 240,000 complaints against 375 programs, but the FCC issued only three notices of proposed violations. I believe that Congress should get more information about what the FCC is doing to help us perform an important oversight function over the FCC's action and its accountability to the American public.
I would like to thank the gentleman from Michigan (Chairman Upton), the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton), and the gentleman from California (Chairman Dreier) for their important work and leadership in bringing this legislation to the floor today. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment to allow the GAO to gain more information from the FCC about how they are handling complaints that they receive on indecent material.
Mr. Chairman, I would simply ask that we include this amendment, and I ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H.R. 669 Introduced in House (IH)]
108th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. R. 669
To amend title 18, United States Code, to prohibit the sale or rental
of adult video games to minors.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
February 11, 2003
Mr. Baca introduced the following bill; which was referred to the
Committee on the Judiciary
_______________________________________________________________________
A BILL
To amend title 18, United States Code, to prohibit the sale or rental
of adult video games to minors.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Protect Children from Video Game Sex
and Violence Act of 2003''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress finds the following:
(1) The video game industry has grown into a $10 billion
market for game software publishing, wholesaling, and
retailing.
(2) The use and observation of video games that contain
sexual or violent content can be harmful to minors and
reasonable restrictions will significantly decrease the number
of minors using these games.
(3) On July 26, 2000, six of the Nation's most respected
public health groups, including the American Medical
Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American
Academy of Family Physicians, and the American Academy of Child
and Adolescent Psychiatry, found that viewing entertainment
violence can lead to increases in aggressive attitudes,
behaviors, and values, particularly in children.
(4) The ratings and content descriptors of video and
computer games issued by the entertainment industry reflect the
notion that certain video and computer games are suitable only
for adults due to graphic depictions of sex or violence.
(5) In December 2001, a study by the Federal Trade
Commission showed that retailers allowed 78 percent of
unaccompanied minors, ages 13 to 16, to purchase games rated as
``Mature'' by the Entertainment Software Rating Board.
(6) The sale of video games and computer games
substantially affects interstate commerce because they are sold
in interstate commerce on a nationwide basis.
(7) The Nation has a compelling interest in preventing
minors from purchasing video and computer games that are only
suitable for adults due to graphic depictions of sex or
violence.
(8) There is a need to enact narrowly tailored legislation
to restrict the sale and use of video games that contain sexual
or violent content that is intended for adults only, and that
such legislation not restrict adults' access to these games.
SEC. 3. PROHIBITION ON SALE OR RENTAL OF ADULT VIDEO GAMES TO MINORS.
(a) In General.--Part 1 of title 18, United States Code, is amended
by adding at the end the following new chapter:
``CHAPTER 124--PROHIBITION ON SALE OR RENTAL OF ADULT VIDEO GAMES TO
MINORS
``Sec. 2731. Definitions
``As used in this chapter, the following definitions apply:
``(1) The term `graphic violence' means the visual
depiction of serious injury to human beings, actual or virtual,
including aggravated assault, decapitation, dismemberment, or
death.
``(2) The term `content harmful to minors' means video game
content that predominantly appeals to minors' morbid interest
in violence or minors' prurient interest in sex, is patently
offensive to prevailing standards in the adult community as a
whole with respect to what is suitable material for minors, and
lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific
value for minors, and contains--
``(A) graphic violence;
``(B) sexual violence; or
``(C) strong sexual content.
``(3) The term `minor' means a person age 17 and younger.
``(4) The term `nudity' means the visual depiction, actual
or virtual, of the human male or female genitals, pubic area or
buttocks with less than a fully opaque covering, of a female
breast with less than a fully opaque covering of any part of
the nipple or of any portion of the breast below the nipple, or
the depiction of covered male genitals in a discernibly turgid
state.
``(5) The term `sexual conduct' means acts, actual or
virtual, of masturbation, sexual intercourse, or physical
contact with a person's clothed or unclothed genitals, pubic
area, buttocks or, if such person be a female, a breast.
``(6) The term `strong sexual content' means the visual
depiction, actual or virtual, of human nudity or explicit human
sexual behavior, including acts of masturbation, deviate sexual
conduct, sexual intercourse, or fondling of genitals.
``(7) The term `sexual violence' means the visual
depiction, actual or virtual, of rape or other sexual assault.
``(8) The term `video game' means any copy of an electronic
game that may be played using a portable electronic device or
with a hand-held gaming device using a television or computer.
``Sec. 2732. Prohibition on sale or rental of adult video games to
minors
``Whoever sells at retail or rents, or attempts to sell at retail
or rent, to a minor any video game that depicts nudity, sexual conduct,
or other content harmful to minors, shall be fined under this chapter.
``Sec. 2733. Penalties
``(a) First Violation.--Whoever knowingly violates section 2732
shall be fined not more than $1,000.
``(b) Second Violation.--Whoever knowingly violates section 2732,
having previously been fined under subsection (a), shall be fined not
less than $1,000 and not more than $5,000.
``(c) Subsequent Violations.--Whoever knowingly violates section
2732, having previously been fined under subsection (b), shall be fined
not less than $5,000.''.
(b) Clerical Amendment.--The table of chapters at the beginning of
part I of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end
the following new item:
``124. Prohibition on sale or rental of adult video games to 2731''.
minors.
<all>