Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce a bill that will help bring about a more reliable system of medical justice for all Americans.

Earlier this month, we had a robust debate on a critical issue-- medical liability reform. Though a majority of the Members of this body wanted to begin working to pass the bill, we didn't have the 60 Senators necessary to begin the real work on the legislation.

I co-sponsored that bill, the Patients First Act, and I still support it. Passing the Patients First Act would be an important short-term step to controlling the excesses in our legal system that have sent medical liability insurance premiums through the roof. Skyrocketing premiums are forcing doctors to move their practices to States with better legal environments and lower insurance premiums. This is endangering the availability of critical healthcare services in many areas of Wyoming and other states.

Throughout our debate, I heard many of my colleagues say that they wanted to work on this issue, but that they simply could not support the bill as it stood. We heard that the bill approaches the issue from too narrow of a perspective. We heard that the bill's caps on non- economic damages are unfair to patients, despite the fact that the bill places no limits whatsoever on a patient's right to recover all quantifiable economic damages.

While I disagree with my colleagues who oppose the Patients First Act, I

respect their opposition. I also trust that they sincerely want to help solve our Nation's medical liability and litigation crisis.

During the debate this month, I noticed something interesting. While we argued the ``pros and cons'' of the bill, no one stood up to defend our current system of medical litigation. Now, we heard a lot about the caps, and the insurance industry, and we heard Senators say that ``Yes, there is a problem, but the bill before us won't solve it.''

One thing we didn't hear was a rousing defense of our medical litigation system. Even some of the lawyers in this body agreed that frivolous lawsuits are a problem and that our medical litigation system needs reform.

Why didn't we hear anyone defend the merits of our current medical litigation system? It's because our system doesn't work. It simply doesn't work for patients or for healthcare providers.

Compensation to patients injured by healthcare errors is neither prompt nor fair. The randomness and delay associated with medical litigation does not contribute to timely, reasonable compensation for most injured patients. Some injured patients get huge jury awards, while many others get nothing at all.

Let's look at the facts. In 1991, a group of researchers published a study in the New England Journal of Medicine. The study, known as the Harvard Medical Practice Study, was the basis for the Institute of Medicine's estimate that nearly 100,000 people die every year from healthcare errors.

As part of their study, the researchers reviewed the medical records of a random sample of more than 31,000 patients in New York State. They matched those records with statewide data on medical malpractice claims. The researchers found that nearly 30 percent of injuries caused by medical negligence resulted in temporary disability, permanent disability or death. However, less than 2 percent of those who were injured by medical negligence filed a claim. These figures suggest that most people who suffer negligent injuries don't receive any compensation.

When a patient does decide to litigate, only a few recover anything. Only one of every ten medical malpractice cases actually goes to trial, and of those cases, plaintiffs win less than one of every five. In addition, patients who file suit and are ultimately successful must wait a long time for their compensation--the average length of a medical malpractice action filed in state court is about 30 months.

While the vast majority of malpractice cases that go to trial are settled before the court hands down a verdict, the settlements even then don't guarantee that patients are compensated fairly, particularly after legal fees are subtracted. Research shows that for every dollar paid in malpractice insurance premiums, about 40 cents in compensation is actually paid to the plaintiff--the rest goes for legal fees, court costs, and other administrative expenditures.

To sum up: most patients injured by negligence don't file claims or receive compensation. Few of those that do file claims and go to court recover anything, and those who are successful wait a long time for their compensation. And those who settle out of court end up receiving only 40 cents for every dollar that healthcare providers pay in liability insurance premiums.

It's hard to say that our medical litigation system does right by patients in light of those facts. Unfortunately, our system doesn't work for healthcare providers either.

Earlier, I spoke about those Harvard researchers who found that fewer than 2 percent of those who were injured by medical negligence even filed a claim. As they reviewed the medical records for their study, the researchers also found another interesting fact--most of the providers against whom claims were eventually filed were not negligent at all.

That's right--most providers who were sued had not committed a negligent act.

In matching the records they reviewed to data on malpractice claims, the Harvard researchers found 47 actual malpractice claims. In only 8 of the 47 claims did they find evidence that medical malpractice had caused an injury. Even more amazingly, the physician reviewers found no evidence of any medical injury, negligent or not, in 26 of the 47 claims. However, 40 percent of these cases where they found no evidence of negligence nonetheless resulted in a payment by the provider. Basically, the researchers found no positive relationship between medical negligence and compensation.

That study was based on 1984 data. The same group of researchers conducted another study in Colorado and Utah in 1992, and they found the same thing. As in the 1984 study, they found that only 3 percent of patients who suffered an injury as a result of negligence actually sued. And again, physician reviewers could not find negligence in most of the cases in which lawsuits were filed.

Now, I assume that the patients who sued had either an adverse medical outcome, or at least an outcome that was less satisfactory than the patient expected. But our medical litigation system is not supposed to compensate patients for adverse outcomes or dissatisfaction--it's supposed to compensate patients who are victims of negligent behavior. It's supposed to be a deterrent to substandard medical care.

It's not fair to doctors and hospitals that they must pay to defend against meritless lawsuits. Nor is it fair that they must face a choice between settling for a small sum, even if they aren't at fault, so that they avoid getting sucked into a whirlpool of our medical litigation system.

It's not hard to understand why physicians and hospitals and their insurers want to stay out of court. When they lose, the decisions are increasingly resulting in mega-awards based on subjective ``non- economic'' damages. The number of awards exceeding $1 million grew by 50 percent between the periods of 1994-1996 and 1999-2000. Today, more than half of all jury awards exceed $1 million.

As a result, when a patient suffers a bad outcome and sues, providers have an incentive to settle the case out of court, even if the provider isn't at fault. But is this how our medical litigation system is supposed to work--as a tool for shaking down our healthcare providers?

Let's face it--our medical litigation system is broken. It doesn't work for patients or providers. Even worse, it replaces the trust in the provider-patient relationship with distrust.

Then, when courts and juries render verdicts with huge awards that bear no relation to the conduct of the defendants, this destabilizes the insurance markets and sends premiums skyrocketing. This forces many physicians to curtail, move or drop their practices, leaving patients without access to necessary medical care. This is a particular problem in states like Wyoming, where we traditionally struggle with recruiting doctors and other healthcare providers.

Perhaps we could live with this flawed system if litigation served to improve quality or safety, but it doesn't. Litigation discourages the exchange of critical information that could be used to improve the quality and safety of patient care. The constant threat of litigation also drives the inefficient, costly and even dangerous practice of ``defensive medicine.''

Yes, indeed, defensive medicine is dangerous. A recent study found that one of every 1200 children who receive a CAT scan may die later in life from radiation-induced cancer. Knowing this puts a physician faced with anxious parents in a difficult situation. Does the doctor use his or her professional judgment and tell the parents of a sick child not to worry, or does the doctor order the CAT scan and subject the child to radiation that is probably unnecessary, just to provide some protection against a possible lawsuit?

We have a medical litigation system in which many patients who are hurt by negligent actions receive no compensation for their loss. Those who do receive compensation end up with about 40 cents of every premium dollar after legal fees and other costs are subtracted. And the likelihood and the outcomes of lawsuits and settlements bear little relation to whether or not a healthcare provider was at fault.

We like to say that justice is blind. With respect to our medical litigation system, I would say that justice is absent and nowhere to be found.

During our debate on the Patients First Act, I said that the current medical liability crisis and the shortcomings of our medical litigation system make it clear that it is time for a major change. I also said that regardless of how we voted, we all should work toward replacing the current medical tort liability scheme with a more reliable and predictable system of medical justice.

Today, I am introducing a bill that would help achieve that goal.

Most of us are familiar with the report on medical errors from the Institute of Medicine, also known as the IOM. Many of us may be less familiar with another report that the IOM published earlier this year. That report is called ``Fostering Rapid Advances in Healthcare: Learning from System Demonstrations.''

Our Secretary of Health and Human Services, Tommy Thompson, challenged the IOM to identify bold ideas that would challenge conventional thinking about some of the most vexing problems facing our healthcare system. In response, an IOM committee developed this report, which identified a set of demonstration projects that committee members felt would break new ground and yield a very high return-on-investment in terms of dollars and health.

Medical liability was one of the areas upon which the IOM committee focused. The IOM suggested that the federal government should support demonstration projects in the states. These demonstrations should be based on ``replacing tort liability with a system of patient-centered and safety-focused non-judicial compensation.''

The bill I am introducing today is in the spirit of this IOM report. This bill, the Reliable Medical Justice Act, would authorize funding for States to create demonstration programs to test alternatives to current medical tort litigation.

The funding to States under this bill would cover planning grants for developing proposals based on the models or other innovative ideas. Funding to States would also include the initial costs of getting the alternatives up and running.

The Reliable Medical Justice Act would require participating states and the Federal Government to collaborate in continuous evaluations of the results of the alternatives as compared to traditional tort litigation. This way, all States and the federal government can learn from new approaches.

By funding demonstration projects, I believe Congress could enable States to experiment with and learn from ideas that could provide long- term solutions to the current medical liability and litigation crisis.

In introducing this bill, I wanted to provide some alternative ideas that would contribute to the debate. As a result, the bill describes three models to which states could look in designing their alternatives.

For instance, a State could provide healthcare providers and organizations with immunity from lawsuits if they make a timely offer to compensate an injured patient for his or her actual net economic loss, plus a payment for pain and suffering if experts deem such a payment to be appropriate. This could give a healthcare provider who makes an honest mistake the chance to make amends financially with a patient, without the provider fearing that their honesty would land them in a lawsuit.

Another idea would be for a state to set up classes of avoidable injuries and a schedule of compensation for them, and then establish an administrative board to resolve claims related to those injuries. A scientifically rigorous process of identifying preventable injuries and setting appropriate compensation would be preferable to the randomness of the current system.

Still another option would be for a state to establish a special healthcare court for adjudicating medical malpractice cases. For this idea to work, the State would need to ensure that the presiding judges have expertise in and an understanding of healthcare, and allow them to make binding rulings on issues like causation compensation, and standards of care.

We already have specialized courts for complicated issues like taxes and highly charged issues like substance abuse and domestic violence. With all the flaws in our current medical litigation system, perhaps we should consider special courts for the complex and emotional issue of medical malpractice.

I believe one thing in our medical liability debate is absolutely clear--people are demanding change. Ten States have passed some liability reform in the past year, and another 17 have debated it. States are heeding this call for change, and Congress should support those efforts.

My own State, Wyoming, had a lively legislative debate on medical liability reform this year, but we have a constitutional amendment that prohibits limits on the amounts that can be recovered through lawsuits. The Wyoming Senate considered a bill to amend our State's constitution to create a commission on healthcare errors. That commission would have had the power to review claims, decide if healthcare negligence had occurred, and determine the compensation for the death or injury according to a schedule or formula provided by law. However, the bill died in a tie vote on the Wyoming Senate floor.

According to one of the sponsors of the bill, Senator Charlie Scott, one of the biggest obstacles to passage was the uncertainty surrounding this new idea. No one had any basis for knowing what a proper schedule or formula for compensation would be. No one knew how much the system might cost, or how much injured patients would recover compared to what they recover now.

Senator Scott wrote me to say that federal support for finding answers to these questions might help the bill's sponsors sufficiently respond to the legitimate concerns of their fellow Wyoming legislators. We should be helping state legislators like Senator Scott develop thoughtful and innovative ideas such as the one he has proposed. That's one of the reasons I am offering this bill.

Clearly, the American people and their elected representatives have identified the need to reform our current medical litigation system. The United States Senate did not vote to proceed to the Patients First Act this month, but no member of this body denied that there is a medical liability crisis, or that Congress needs to act sooner rather than later.

While we continue that debate, we ought to lend a hand to States that are working to change their current medical litigation systems and to develop creative alternatives that could work much better for patients and providers. The States have been policy pioneers in many areas-- workers' compensation, welfare reform, and electricity de-regulation, to name three. Medical litigation should be the next item on the agenda of the laboratories of democracy that are our 50 States.

No one questions the need to restore reliability to our medical justice system. But how do we begin the process? One way is to foster innovation by encouraging States to develop more rational and predictable methods for resolving healthcare injury claims. And that is what the Reliable Medical Justice Act aims to do.

In the long run, we would all be better off with a more reliable system of medical justice than we have today. I know that my fellow Senators recognize this, so I hope my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will work with me on this legislation.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, the U.S. economy is still the greatest economy in the world and our credit markets have helped to make that happen. During the past decade, our credit markets have taken advantage of technology and innovation in order to provide more consumers with more timely credit approvals and with more financing options. Nowhere is there a better example of this than our housing market.

Today, the time it takes to review a mortgage application and approve it has been cut drastically by our financial institutions. Consumers find that they have a wide array of financing options they can choose from to secure the purchase of a home--from fixed-rated loans to variable-rate loans, or even adjustable rate loans. While the wide variety of choices has helped more families to purchase homes in the past decade, even more families could buy homes if they understood how the credit market works.

Although there are many pluses to the expansion of the availability of credit there is also a downside. Individuals may get in over their heads when too much credit is made available to them. In addition, identity theft is a bigger problem than it has been before. Consumers need to educate themselves about the potential problems they might face and how to avoid them. Increasing consumer financial literacy is not just about providing information, however, it is about giving families the proper informational tools so that they can put their financial affairs in order.

Today, my friend and colleague, Senator Stabenow and I are introducing the ``Financial Literacy Community Outreach Act'' to help to bring together all of the federal government's financial literacy programs under one roof.

The Department of Treasury, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, the Federal Trade Commission, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and the Department of Labor are just a few of the many federal agencies that have established excellent financial literacy programs and initiatives. These programs cover a wide variety of topics ranging from how to save, spend, and invest to programs that provide guidance on how to prepare for retirement, select a pension plan, or purchase a home. Still others help individuals avoid the threat of identity theft.

Unfortunately, consumers attempting to find financial literacy information from the federal government may find that information scattered throughout the government. Our bill would provide a one-stop- shop where consumers could find the appropriate financial literacy programs for their needs. A single web site and a toll-free number will go a long way toward bringing this vital information to the individuals and families who need it.

In addition, the bill establishes the Financial Literacy Commission, a body comprised of the heads of the federal agencies with financial literacy programs. The Commission will ensure that the federal government has a cohesive and coordinated federal policy on financial literacy as it provides Congress with vital information on what can be improved in our government's financial literacy outreach efforts. In addition to the web site and the toll-free number, the Commission will highlight successful public/private partnerships already existing around the country.

One such partnership is thriving in my home state of Wyoming. The Wyoming Partners in HomeBuyer Education, led by the Wyoming Community Development Authority, includes local banks, real estate agents, the University of Wyoming, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, and Fannie Mae, in the effort to provide distance learning to potential home-buyers through the use of compressed video technology. This training program is perfect for a state like Wyoming in that home-buyers in rural communities have access to all of the essential elements of the home buying experience just like their urban community counterparts.

To date, more than 3,000 individuals have completed the training program and it has led to making the home-buying process easier and more understandable for rural and urban families alike.

I strongly believe that this bill will help millions of families find the appropriate financial literacy materials they need to make better credit and investment decisions.

It is my pleasure to be cosponsoring this bill with Senator Stabenow because of our shared concern about making financial literacy available to more families across the country. In addition, I would like to recognize Senator Sarbanes' tremendous effort to focus our attention on financial literacy, both when he was Chairman of the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs last year and as Ranking Member of the Committee this year. He has been an extraordinary advocate for this important issue. Chairman Shelby of the Committee has also recognized the importance of this issue, as just this week, it was the subject of a hearing by the Committee. I look forward to working with my colleagues on the Committee and in the full Senate to ensure that we expand and build upon the government's present financial literacy efforts to help individuals and families increase their knowledge of and access to our credit and investment markets.

Mr. President, every morning, from the time we wake up to the time we turn out the lights and go to sleep, we all spend a good portion of our day in cyberspace. Probably without thinking, each time we head out to the internet, we broadcast some very specific information about our lives as we use our computers for email. Each time we use our cell phones we rely on a sense of privacy about the information we convey, which may not be present. And, when we use hand held devices to send quick messages back and forth to friends, coworkers and family we assume no one else is listening or receiving our information, which often includes social security numbers, family names and even credit card and pin numbers.

Cyberspace is a high tech criminal's dream and it has helped contribute to the fastest growing crime in America--identity theft.

Simply put, identity theft is the ability to impersonate someone else and steal their credit, their money and even their identity for their own use.

Although the use of high-tech devices has certainly contributed to the proliferation of identity theft, many individuals have been victimized by simple criminals who have carefully picked through trash cans and mailboxes to find old receipts and social security numbers. Regardless of the medium through which the information is collected, identity theft is the result of criminals who have learned how to manipulate a growing network of information--some public, some private--and then use that data to their own advantage.

The problem with identity theft is that it is not confined to one state. It affects Americans from every walk of life from coast to coast. Some Americans may discover that someone else has been using their social security number to obtain fraudulent employment, while others learn that people have been using fraudulent identification cards to obtain lines of credit and then leaving innocent victims to deal with the bills they left behind.

People from small States like Wyoming are not immune to this new crime wave. Although there are only 493,000 people in Wyoming, we have the same rate of identity theft per capita as is present anywhere else in the United States. That is why we have to approach this issue from every angle, taking a systemic approach that includes prevention, enforcement and assistance to victims of identity theft.

Today, we will take the first step with victim's assistance for this crime. I believe we have to provide some real options for our constituents who are trying to recover from the trauma that identity theft has caused in their lives. That is why my colleague from Washington and I are introducing legislation that will make it easier for victims to get the information they need to begin reversing the damage and lasting effects of this crime. Our bill, the Identity Theft Victim's Assistance Act of 2003, is very similar to a bill we offered last year that passed the Senate unanimously in November. I expect and hope for the same result this year since this is a growing problem and the need for action on this issue grows more urgent with each passing day.

Our bill includes key provisions that would allow victims to work with businesses to obtain information related to cases of identity theft and then contact credit reporting agencies to block false information on credit reports. In drafting this legislation we worked with all of the stakeholders to ensure a balance between the needs of consumers and the needs of small businesses, banks and other credit agencies.

The reintroduction of this bill is timely given the recent hearings in the Senate Banking and Commerce Committees and recent action by both the House and Administration.

Earlier this month, the House Financial Services Subcommittee reported a bill called the Fair and Accurate Credit Transactions Act. Also known as the FACT Act, the bill includes a provision nearly identical to Section 4 of our bill. Section 4 of our bill requires consumer credit reporting agencies to block information that appears on a victim's credit report as a result of identity theft, provided the victim did not knowingly obtain goods, services or money as a result of the blocked transaction.

Our provision, which amends the Fair Credit Reporting Act, was also addressed in a recent hearing before the Senate Banking Committee. On July 10, the Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission testified that ``blocking would mitigate the harm to consumers' credit record that can result from identity theft'' and recommended that this practice be codified.

I am also encouraged by similar recommendations from the Treasury Department that would require credit reporting agencies to cease reporting allegedly fraudulent account information on consumer reports when the consumer submits a police report or similar document, unless there is a reason to believe the report is false.

Providing consumers with the tools necessary to recover from identity theft is the first step in providing real relief to the hundreds of thousands of individuals whose lives have already been turned upside down by identity theft. I urge my colleagues to work with me as we move forward on this important issue and make progress on the reauthorization of critical legislation like the Fair Credit Reporting Act. We must take action this year before the crime of identity theft hurts the hundreds of thousands of working people and families who are expected to become victims this year.

October 26 will mark the second anniversary of the USA PATRIOT Act. I wish to speak today about the continuing and growing controversy surrounding that law, which was passed just 6 weeks after the September 11 terrorist attack.

I was the only Senator to vote against the PATRIOT Act. As I said during the debate in the fall of 2001, the act contained many provisions that were necessary and appropriate to help protect our Nation against terrorism. I still believe that. But I also argue that the PATRIOT Act went too far; that it threatened our citizens' constitutional rights and liberties. That is why I could not support it and why I insisted on offering amendments to the bill on the floor.

Today, 2 years later, I still believe that as well. An increasing number of Americans have agreed and have expressed their concerns that certain provisions of the PATRIOT Act threaten the rights and liberties guaranteed by our Constitution for over 200 years. The chorus of voices of doubt has grown so loud that the Bush administration has responded but not, I am sorry to say, by addressing these concerns in a constructive and open way. Rather, the administration has initiated what seems to be a public relations campaign in recent weeks to simply defend the PATRIOT Act in its entirety.

The Attorney General has gone on the road and on the Internet to extol the virtues of the law. Speaking before hand-picked audiences of law enforcement personnel, he has ridiculed and dismissed those who have raised concerns about the law. A few weeks ago he denounced ``the charges of the hysterics'' as ``castles in the air, built on misrepresentation, supported by unfounded fear, held aloft by hysteria.''

I think these words are unfortunate, and in its zeal to defend the act the administration appears unwilling to even acknowledge the legitimate concerns of many Americans; and it objects to commonsense proposals to protect privacy and civil liberties that would not in any way undermine the fight against terrorism--proposals such as my bill, the Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act, and Senator Craig's bill, the SAFE Act, which I also strongly support, which would protect the constitutional rights of innocent citizens, while still allowing the FBI to do its job to protect our Nation from another terrorist attack.

As Members of Congress, we have taken a solemn oath to uphold the Constitution of the United States. The President and the executive branch officials, of course, take this same oath. The burden is on the administration, which sought the powers included in the PATRIOT Act and which now seeks even more powers, to show that the current law and proposed new laws are consistent with the Constitution.

Let me take a moment to remind my colleagues how a commitment to individual rights became part of the founding principles of our Nation and enshrined as the Bill of Rights.

In 1787, in the halls of the State House of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, GEN George Washington, who led our Nation to victory during the Revolution, convened the Constitutional Convention. A number of great political figures were delegates to that convention. Joining Washington were other distinguished Americans such as James Madison, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, and George Mason. Mason participated in the Convention, but he was concerned that the deliberations would result in a Constitution creating a central government with too much power over the States and individuals.

Mason, a patriotic American, who loved his newly found freedom from British rule, had reservations when he made the trip to Philadelphia. Prior to the Convention, he had written a bill of rights for the State Constitution of Virginia. He urged delegates to the Convention to include a bill of rights also in the national Constitution.

But a majority of delegates initially disagreed with Mason. When the draft of the Constitution was released, it failed to contain a bill of rights or any other explicit protection for the rights of individuals. Mason was bitterly disappointed.

Mason was concerned that, without any explicit protection for individual liberties, the Constitution would open the doors to tyranny by a central government. Why? Because our experience with British rule, in which the colonial power was able to infringe on individual rights, was still very much on his mind. So after the Constitutional Convention adjourned, Mason continued to push for a bill of rights.

During the next 2 years, as the Constitution made its way to the States for consideration and ratification, the American people came to agree with Mason, and he prevailed.

Thomas Jefferson wrote to Madison that a bill of rights was ``what the people are entitled to against every government on earth.''

Another statesman, Richard Henry Lee, who was one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, said provisions were needed to protect ``those essential rights of mankind without which liberty cannot exist.''

Madison, who was initially opposed to including a bill of rights, was persuaded. An explicit protection for the rights of people or a bill of rights was needed in our Nation's governing document.

So, Mr. President, on September 25, 1789--almost exactly 214 years ago--the First Congress of the United States proposed 12 amendments to the Constitution. Ten of these amendments were ratified 2 years later by the legislatures of at least three-fourths of the States. The remaining two amendments relating to compensation for Members of Congress and the number of constituents per Representative were not ratified at that time.

The first 10 amendments to the Constitution, of course, are what Americans now know as the Bill of Rights. The first amendment guarantees freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom of association.

The second amendment guarantees the right to bear arms.

The fourth amendment protects against unreasonable search and seizures.

The fifth amendment ensures that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.

The sixth amendment guarantees a right to counsel and a right to trial by jury to those charged with crimes.

During the debate on our Constitution, our Nation was at a critical juncture: Do we follow a path toward a highly centralized government with the potential for tyranny or do we follow a path toward a government with checks and balances, respect for States in a Federal system, and protections of individual rights and liberties?

The decisions made in the first days of the Republic have stood the test of time. They, of course, created the greatest democracy on Earth and a governmental structure that is most protective of individual freedom and liberty in history.

Today we stand at another critical crossroads. As our Nation faces new terrorist threats, we must respond to those threats without compromising the civil liberties that are the bedrock of our country. We must balance the legitimate needs of law enforcement against the privacy and freedom of all Americans, and that is not an easy task.

One thing I know, the solution is not simply to grant the Federal Government more and more power to conduct surveillance, eavesdrop, and collect information on law-abiding Americans.

The debate about the PATRIOT Act echoes the debate over two centuries ago in the halls of the statehouse in Philadelphia. Today, as then, we must take from our experience as a nation. We must remember the critical role the Constitution and, in particular, the Bill of Rights, has had in guiding our country through national crises, war, and armed conflicts at home and abroad, including the War of 1812, the Civil War, the two World Wars, and the cold war.

The Constitution has survived and flourished throughout our history, and respect for individual freedom and privacy has steadily advanced.

In the immediate aftermath of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, there was, understandably, a great desire to give the administration the tools it said it needed to fight terrorism and prevent another terrorist

attack. But with time to study and reflect after enactment of the PATRIOT Act 2 years ago, many Americans have now paused and come to see a very real potential for abuse of power and infringement of privacy and civil liberties unleashed by this law.

There is strong and growing bipartisan support for changes to the act to protect our rights and liberties. I am confident that this right- left and moderate coalition of support will continue to grow and eventually occupy the center as more and more Americans learn what the law means.

The coalition includes Americans for Tax Reform, the American Conservative Union, and the Free Congress Foundation, as well as the ACLU and the Open Society Policy Center.

At the State and local level, 3 States and over 180 cities and counties have enacted provisions and resolutions expressing concern with the PATRIOT Act. These States and communities represent over 25 million residents, and these localities are not just left-leaning college towns, such as Madison and Berkeley, but also right-leaning, libertarian regions of the country such as Flagstaff, AZ, Boise, ID, and the State of Alaska.

Here in Congress several legislative proposals have now been introduced proposing changes to the PATRIOT Act to protect privacy and civil liberties. During its consideration of the Commerce-State-Justice appropriations legislation, the House adopted an amendment by Representative Otter to restrict the FBI's use of the ``sneak and peak'' power granted by the PATRIOT Act. The Otter amendment received overwhelming support, including 113 votes from Republican Members of the House.

In the Senate, Senator Murkowski of Alaska and Senator Wyden of Oregon have introduced a bill, S. 1552, proposing to modify a number of the provisions of the PATRIOT Act. As I mentioned earlier, I have introduced the Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act, S. 1507, and now there is the SAFE Act, S. 1709, which I also mentioned earlier. I am pleased to join my colleagues Senators Craig, Durbin, Crapo, Sununu, Wyden, and Bingaman in supporting this bill.

The SAFE Act does not repeal the PATRIOT Act. It simply proposes reasonable modifications to four particularly troubling PATRIOT Act provisions. These modifications will help to protect civil liberties and privacy by strengthening the role of judges in approving certain kinds of search and surveillance authority expanded by the PATRIOT Act.

Specifically, the SAFE Act would strengthen the role of the courts in approving delayed notice searches, requests for access to library, medical, and other records containing sensitive personal information, and roving wiretaps in FISA cases.

These are the issues I first raised in the fall of 2001 as the main reasons why I believe the PATRIOT Act was flawed and threatened fundamental constitutional rights and protections. For me and those few of my colleagues who supported my business records and roving wiretap amendments to the PATRIOT Act, it sure was a lonely feeling in October 2001. I must say, I did not imagine at that time that reasonable minds would begin to prevail so soon. Now 2 years later, we have a strong bipartisan effort to change these provisions, and I am pleased to see that. I look forward to working with Senator Craig and my other colleagues on both sides of the aisle to get the bill passed.

I am still very troubled by the administration's response to legislative efforts, such as those I just mentioned, and to the public's outcry to repeal or modify the PATRIOT Act. The administration has launched an effort to defend the PATRIOT Act, but its defense only tells the American people half the story at best. Its PR campaign eagerly describes the new powers the PATRIOT Act gives to law enforcement, but it doesn't say anything about what the law potentially takes away from the American people: our liberty and our privacy.

Perhaps most disturbing, the administration's campaign fails to seriously address section 215, which I have long seen as the act's most troubling provision. Both my bill and the Craig bill contain the same proposal to modify this provision. Section 215 allows the FBI access to the private details of the lives of law-abiding Americans--which books we have checked out from the library, what our medical records reveal, and what charges we have made on our credit cards. Americans reasonably expect the details of their private lives, from what they read to what drugs they have been prescribed, to remain just that--private. The PATRIOT Act undermines that expectation.

Under section 215, all the FBI has to do is assert that the records are ``sought for'' an international terrorism or foreign intelligence investigation. As long as the FBI makes such an assertion--and it is just an assertion--the secret foreign intelligence court is required to issue an order allowing access to those records. The courts cannot review the merits of the subpoena request.

Both my bill and the Craig bill would simply require the FBI to set forth specific facts showing that the records sought relate to a suspected terrorist or spy. Thus, the Government could not ask, say, Amazon.com or e-Bay to turn over the records of law-abiding customers. It could, however, obtain records of those customers who are actually suspected terrorists. My bill would allow the FBI to follow up on legitimate leads by also respecting the privacy and civil liberties of law-abiding Americans.

The administration has recently asserted that the criticism of section 215 is baseless because this section has not yet been used since it was enacted. The administration says that librarians concerned about access to Americans' reading records are hysterics and have been duped by civil rights advocates and Members of Congress.

I am disappointed that the administration would use such rhetoric. No one has been duped, and the people concerned about their privacy are not in hysterics. They are simply worried, as I am, about the Government possessing a power that has the potential to intrude on their civil liberties, particularly since the statute itself prohibits a library, bookseller, or anyone else who has been served a subpoena from making that information public.

What I said before the PATRIOT Act was passed, and continue to maintain now, is that section 215 presents the potential for abuse.

I will say it again, because I cannot emphasize this enough, section 215 presents the potential for abuse. Regardless of whether the provision has not yet been used, that potential still exists, and the public has a reason to be concerned. No amount of ridicule or spin can change that.

The recent disclosure that section 215 has never been used does not address the concern that it could be used in a way that would violate the privacy of innocent Americans. But it does raise another question: If the section has never been used in the 2 years since the bill was passed, the 2 years immediately following the September 11 attacks, when concern over terrorism has been at its peak, including numerous periods of orange alert status, then whey is this provision even on the books? Or at the least, what possible objection could there be to modifying it so that the potential for abuse is eliminated?

Both my bill and the Craig bill would protect the rights of law- abiding citizens by limiting the FBI's access only to information that pertains to suspected terrorists or spies. Our legislation recognizes the legitimate uses of section 215 and would not interfere with the use of the provision to investigate and prevent terrorism.

I urge the administration to open an honest dialogue with Congress and the American people to address the PATRIOT Act's specific problems instead of continuing to try to sell it. We do not need a government that forces its authority on the people and rejects and ridicules legitimate, heartfelt, and principled criticism of its actions and its laws. That is what our Founding Fathers strived to ensure would never happen again. The Federal Government should be responsive and accountable to the people. But most importantly, the Federal Government should respect and uphold the Constitution.

Unfortunately, the administration has not only failed to engage in an honest dialogue about the PATRIOT Act, but it now proposes that Congress grant to it even more power. The American people have expressed very legitimate and sincerely-held concerns

about the PATRIOT Act. The administration should answer those concerns honestly and forthrightly before seeking more power.

The administration has announced its support for three legislative proposals to expand executive branch power and diminish the role of judges, an essential part of our Nation's system of checks and balances. One proposal grants the Attorney General significant power to compel people to testify or the production of documents, all without prior court approval. A second proposal broadens the presumption of pretrial detention to cases that may not even involve terrorism. Finally, the third proposal expands the Federal death penalty.

Criticism of the PATRIOT Act appears to have had the effect of influencing the administration's strategy to secure this new power, but not the substance of its effort. Rather than proposing a single bill with various provisions to expand the PATRIOT Act, the administration instead appears to have given its blessing to many little ``PATRIOT IIs.''

The administration is apparently reluctant to allow these proposals to be linked to the PATRIOT Act. In fact, the Justice Department has even tried to suggest that they are unrelated. No one is fooled, however, least of all the American people. The fact is that these proposals did appear in the draft ``Patriot II'' leaked earlier this year and entitled the Domestic Security Enhancement Act.

``Patriot II,'' whether contained in one bill or a series of bills, is the wrong response at the wrong time. An increasing number of Americans want to know exactly how this administration is using the powers it already has and want the PATRIOT Act to be amended to protect privacy and civil liberties.

The burden is on the administration to show Congress and the American people why current law is inadequate, why it needs even more power, and how the powers it already has and the new powers it seeks are consistent with the Constitution and Bill of Rights.

That would be the patriotic thing to do.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today with my colleague from Florida, Senator Graham, to introduce a very simple piece of legislation that would revoke President Bush's Executive Order 13233 and put back in force President Reagan's Executive Order 12667-- restoring the American people's access to Presidential papers. This bill is the companion to H.R. 1493, which is sponsored by Representative Doug Ose and has enjoyed bipartisan support in the House.

Twenty-five years ago, this body passed the Presidential Records Act and declared that a President's papers were the property of the people of the United States of America and were to be administered by the National Archives and Records Administration, or NARA. The Act provided that Presidential papers would be made available twelve years after a President left office, allowing the former or incumbent President the right to claim executive privilege for particularly sensitive documents. In order to fulfill that mandate, President Reagan in 1989 signed Executive Order 12667, which gave the former or incumbent President thirty days to claim executive privilege.

However, in 2001, President Bush signed Executive Order 13233, nullifying President Reagan's order and imposing new regulations for obtaining Presidential documents. President Bush's new order greatly restricts access to Presidential papers by forcing all requests for documents, no matter how innocuous, to be approved by both the former President and current White House. In this way the order goes against the letter and the spirit of the Presidential Records Act by requiring the NARA to make a presumption of non-disclosure, thus allowing the White House to prevent the release of records simply by inaction.

The President's order also limits what types of papers are available by expanding the scope of executive privilege into new areas--namely communications between the President and his advisors and legal advice given to the President. Also, former Presidents can now designate third parties to exercise executive privilege on their behalf, meaning that Presidential papers could remain concealed many years after a President's death. These expansions raise some serious constitutional questions and cause unnecessary controversy that could end up congesting our already overburdened courts. My legislation simply seeks to restore a legitimate, streamlined means of carrying out this body's wishes--making Presidential records available for examination by the public and by Congress.

The administration shouldn't fear passage of this bill. Any documents that contain sensitive national security information would remain inaccessible, as would any documents pertaining to law enforcement or the deliberative process of the executive branch. Executive privilege for both former and current Presidents would still apply to any papers the White House designates. With these safeguards in place, there is no reason to further hinder access to documents that are in some cases more than twenty years old.

By not passing this bill, the Congress would greatly limit its own ability to investigate previous administrations, not to mention limit the ability of historians and other interested parties to research the past. Knowledge of the past enriches and informs our understanding of the present, and by limiting our access to these documents we do both ourselves and future generations a great disservice. Numerous historians, journalists, archivists and other scholars have voiced their disapproval of Executive Order 13233 because they understand how important access to Presidential papers can be to accurately describing and learning from past events. We here in the Congress cannot afford to surrender our ability to investigate previous Presidential administrations because doing so would remove a vitally important means of ensuring Presidential accountability.

I believe it is time for these documents to become part of the public record. I believe in open, honest, and accountable government, and I do not believe in keeping secrets from the American people. The Presidential Records Act was one of this country's most vital post- Watergate reforms and it remains vitally important today. In these times when trust in government is slipping more and more every day, we need to send a statement to the American people that we here in Washington don't need to hide from public scrutiny--that instead we welcome and encourage public scrutiny. This bill will send just such a message.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I am introducing today emergency legislation with Senators Landrieu, Lincoln, Kerry, Clinton, Murray, Lautenberg, and Mikulski that would extend a critical Federal-State program that assists low-income Medicare beneficiaries in paying their health premiums costs through the Medicaid program. This specific program, for low-income senior and disabled citizens, was enacted as part of the Balanced Budget Act of 1997 and is slated for expiration at the end of fiscal year 2003. The program was extended and is slated for expiration at the end of fiscal year 2003. The program was extended by the two continuing resolutions and the final appropriations bill through September 30, 2003. This legislation would simply further extend it for another year--through the end of 2004.

This program, known as the Qualifying Individual Program, or QI-1, within Medicaid is a block grant payment to states to pay the Medicare Part B premium of $58.70 per month in 2003 for individuals with monthly incomes between $887 and $997 for individuals and between $1,194 and $1,344 for couples. This covers Medicare beneficiaries with income between 120 and 135 percent of the Federal Poverty Level.

This amounts to a benefit of over $700 annually that many older and disabled Americans depend upon to pay for a portion of their health care costs, such as prescription drugs and supplemental coverage. Well over 120,000 people nationwide currently rely on the QI-1 and will be hard pressed to afford Medicare coverage without this assistance. In short, to prevent the erosion of existing low-income protections, Congress must extend the QI-1 program this year.

This is a bipartisan issue as well. President Bush had included QI-1 reauthorization in his fiscal year 2003 budget. Moreover, an extension has been included in S. 1, the ``Prescription Drug and Medicare Improvement Act of 2003,'' but the conference is certainly not going to be completed, passed by both the House and Senate, and signed into law by the President in time before the need for States to send out notices to beneficiaries alerting them to their forthcoming loss of cost sharing protections at the end of September.

As Ron Pollack, Executive Director at Families, USA notes in his letter of support for this legislation, ``Without an extension, over 120,000 low-income Medicare beneficiaries will have to be sent notices that the program is expiring. The result will be confusion, fear, and uncertainty among this population. This disruption can all be avoided by the quick and early passage of your extension bill.''

At the Federal level, the Congress and Administration are often criticized for failure to understand what are or are not the implications to real people. One hundred and twenty thousand low-income beneficiaries face the prospect of their cost sharing increasing by over $700 per year at the end of September. They cannot be assured that an extension will be passed or done so in a timely fashion. How are they supposed to plan and budget?

When we return in September, we will have just a few legislative days to pass an extension in the Senate, the House, and be signed by the President to stop the process of States having to send out disenrollment letters. We all know this can be very difficult to get through the Congress, as it requires unanimous consent, and may not occur in a timely fashion. If not, States will be forced to send out disenrollment letters to the 120,000 low-income seniors and the disabled that rely on the cost-sharing protections provided by the QI-1 program and begin to shut down their programs.

Again, this is emergency legislation that simply provisions a one- year extension of QI-1 program to prevent the cut-off of cost-sharing protections for 120,000 low-income Medicare beneficiaries. We should be engaging in improving health coverage for low-income elderly and disabled citizens rather than leaving these vulnerable Americans facing fear, uncertainty, disruption, and increasing costs.

I urge immediate passage of this legislation and ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill to be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, last evening, I introduced two bills with Senator Domenici and yet another one today to address a technical, but very important problem that the State of New Mexico and a number of other States, including that of the Majority Leader, have faced with respect to the Children's Health Insurance Program, or CHIP. When CHIP was established by President Clinton and the Congress in 1997, an inequity was built into the program whereby certain states that had been more progressive and had expanded coverage to children through Medicaid prior to the enactment of the bill were penalized.

In the last Congress and again this year, I introduced the ``Children's Health Equity Act of 2003'' to address this problem for a number of States, including New Mexico, Vermont, Washington, and Tennessee. Our states have been unable to fully access Federal CHIP funds because the previous expansion of Medicaid to children was not recognized or ``grandfathered,'' while certain other States such as New York, Florida, and Pennsylvania were explicitly ``grandfathered'' in and their State expansions to children were allowed to be covered with CHIP dollars.

The National Governors' Association has long recognized this inequity and has, in fact, a policy that read, ``The Governors believe that it is critical that innovative states not be penalized for having expanded coverage to children before the enactment of S-CHIP, which provides enhanced funding to meet these goals. To this end, the Governors support providing additional funding flexibility to states that had already significantly expanded coverage to the majority of uninsured children in their states.''

S. 621, the ``Children's Health Equity Act,'' did precisely that and the critical language from our legislation was included in S. 312 by Senators Rockefeller and Chafee, which addressed both expired and expiring CHIP funds and the problem addressed by S. 621. We appreciated their recognition of that issue and supported the passage of that legislation after an extensive set of negotiations and compromises on the language.

For New Mexico, an important issue is that our State expanded coverage up to 185 percent of poverty prior to the enactment of CHIP. Because of this, the children in our State between 100 percent and 185 percent of poverty are ineligible for CHIP. Thus, New Mexico has been allocated $266 million from CHIP between fiscal years 1998 and 2002, and yet has only been able to spend slightly over $26 million as of the end of the last fiscal year. In other words, New Mexico has been allowed to spend less than 10 percent of its Federal CHIP allocations. This, despite the fact our State ranks 2nd in the Nation in the percentage of children who are uninsured.

It is a travesty that money set-aside for New Mexico to address our children's coverage problem is not available to be spent and is thereby redistributed to other States who have far lower uninsured rates and whose children between 100 and 185 percent of poverty are eligible for Federal CHIP dollars. The children in those States are certainly no more worthy of health insurance coverage than the children of New Mexico.

The consequences for the children of New Mexico are enormous. According to the Census Bureau, New Mexico has an estimated 114,000 uninsured children. Put another way, almost 21 percent of all the children in New Mexico are uninsured, despite the fact New Mexico has expanded coverage all the way to 235 percent of poverty. Again, this is the 2nd highest rate of uninsured children in the country.

This is a result of the fact that an estimated 80 percent of the uninsured children in New Mexico are below 200 percent of poverty. These children are often eligible for either Medicaid or CHIP but currently unenrolled. With the exception of those few children between 185 and 200 percent of poverty who are eligible for the enhanced federal CHIP dollars, all of the remaining children below 185 percent of poverty in New Mexico are denied CHIP funding despite their need.

For New Mexico, the Senate language that was in S. 621 and included in S. 312 would have allowed New Mexico to spend up to 20 percent of its Federal CHIP allotments on children enrolled between 150 and 185 percent of poverty. Unfortunately, the House of Representatives chose to modify the Senate language in such a manner through the introduction and passage of H.r. 2854 that New Mexico may no longer be eligible.

The House of Representatives, which did not include language addressing New Mexico's problem in the first place, chose to edit the Senate language that ``grandfathered'' States that had previous expanded coverage ``up to'' 185 percent of poverty and above and replaced it with language that the State had to have expanded coverage to ``at least'' 185 percent of poverty.

This sounds rather technical, but this slight difference may ironically allow all the other states our bill intended to help, who expanded coverage beyond 185 percent of poverty, such as Vermont and Washington, to be ``grandfathered'' but not New Mexico. It is my contention, after reviewing the materials from our State that our State expanded coverage to 185 percent of poverty and operates a full Medicaid benefit at 185 percent of poverty and therefore should qualify as a State to be ``grandfathered.'' Unfortunately, the language change has left the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, or CMS, uncertain of our State's eligibility, as some believe the State has only some up to 185 percent of poverty, or just short of that level, and therefore does not meet the test of ``at least'' 185 percent of poverty.

For six long years, the States of Washington, New Mexico, Vermont, and others have sought to fix the inequity in CHIP. Senator Slade Gorton of Washington had the original legislation to fix this problem and I picked up, modified, and reintroduced that legislation in the last two sessions of Congress. After six long years, to now find that New Mexico may be the only State excluded by the House change and 0.0001 percentage points, is both outrageous and unacceptable.

I contend that the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, or CMS, can still make a determination that New Mexico meets this revised standard under H.R. 2854 and urge them to do so as soon possible.

However, in the meantime, since New Mexico's status is now in question. I introduced two bills last night and another one today with Senator Domenici that all clarify that New Mexico qualifies. The first includes New Mexico as a ``qualified state'' explicitly. This would leave no question at all. The second bill clarifies that a State found to be a partial percentage point below 185 percent of poverty would round up to the nearest number, that being 185 percent of poverty, and be eligible. That would also undoubtedly ensure New Mexico's eligibility. In order to release our hold, I have asked that the bill I introduced changing the percentage that a qualified state must be changed from 185 to

184 percent of poverty be approved by the State in conjunction with H.R. 2854. Unfortunately, our bill will then have to be taken up and passed by the House of Representatives and signed into law by the President.

I have received a letter from Chairman Tauzin, and Ranking Member Dingell of the House Energy and Commerce Committee ensuring the intent of H.R. 2854 is to include New Mexico and provides their commitment that they will ensure any technical problem our State has with the language will be fixed immediately upon return from the August recess. I thank them for their commitment to New Mexico.

Once again, many States are accessing their CHIP allotments to cover kids at poverty levels far below New Mexico's current or past eligibility levels. The children in those states are certainly no more worthy and the children of New Mexico deserve better than they are getting from the Federal Government. I accept the commitment made by the leadership of the Senate Finance Committee and the House Energy and Commerce Committee to fix this problem and therefore urge the passage of both H.R. 2854 and the original legislation that I introduced today.

I ask unanimous consent that the letter I referred to be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, today I introduce the Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act.

This bill would amend the Patriot Act to protect the privacy of law- abiding Americans. It would set reasonable limits on the Federal Government's access to library, bookseller, medical, and other sensitive, personal information under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act and related foreign intelligence authority.

I am pleased that several of my distinguished colleagues--Senators Bingaman, Kennedy, Cantwell, Durbin, Wyden, Corzine, Akaka, and Jeffords--have joined me as original cosponsors of this important legislation.

I and millions of other patriotic Americans love our country and support our military men and women in their difficult missions abroad, but worry about the fate of our Constitution here at home.

Much of our Nation's strength comes from our constitutional liberties and respect for the rule of law. That is what has kept us free for our two and a quarter century history. Our constitutional freedoms, our American values, are what make our country worth fighting for in the fight against terrorism.

Here at home, there is no question that the FBI needs ample resources and legal authority to prevent future acts of terrorism. But the Patriot Act went too far when it comes to the government's access to personal information about law-abiding Americans.

Even though in the end I opposed the Patriot Act, there were several provisions that I did support. For example, Congress was right to expand the category of business records that the FBI could obtain by subpoena pursuant to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Prior to the Patriot Act, the FBI could seek a court order to obtain only travel records--such as airline, hotel, and car rental records--and records maintained by storage facilities. The Patriot Act allows any business records to be subpoenaed. I don't quibble with that change.

But what my colleagues and I do find problematic--and an increasing number of Americans who value their privacy and First Amendment rights agree with us--is that the current law allows the FBI broad, almost unfettered access to personal information about law-abiding Americans who have no connection to terrorism or spying.

Section 215 of the Patriot Act requires the FBI to show in an application to the court for a subpoena that the documents are ``sought for'' an international terrorism or foreign intelligence investigation. There is no requirement that the FBI make a showing of individualized suspicion that the documents relate to a suspected terrorism or spy.

In other words, under current law, the FBI could serve a subpoena on a library for all the borrowing records of its patrons or on a bookseller for the

purchasing records of its customers simply by asserting that they want the records for a terrorism investigation.

During the last year, librarians and booksellers have become increasingly concerned by the potential for abuse of this law. I was pleased to stand with the American Booksellers Association and the Free Expression Network a little over a year ago when we first started to raise these concerns.

Librarians and booksellers are concerned that under the Patriot Act, the FBI could seize records from libraries and booksellers in order to monitor what books Americans have purchased or borrowed, or who has used a library's or bookstore's internet computer stations, even if there is no evidence that the person is a terrorist or spy, or has any connection to a terrorist or spy.

These concerns are so strong, that some librarians across the country have taken the unusual step of destroying records of patrons' book and computer use, as well as posting signs on computer stations warning patrons that whatever they read or access on the internet could be monitored by the Federal Government.

As a librarian in California said, ``We felt strongly that this had to be done. . . . The government has never had this kind of power before. It feels like Big Brother.''

And as the executive director of the American Library Association said, ``This law is dangerous. . . . I read murder mysteries--does that make me a murderer? I read spy stories--does that mean I'm a spy? There's no clear link between a person's intellectual pursuits and their actions.''

The American people do not know how many or what kind of requests federal agents have made for library records under the Patriot Act. The Justice Department refuses to release that information to the public.

But in a survey released by the University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign, about 550 libraries around the Nation reported having received requests from Federal or local law enforcement during the past year. About half of the libraries said they complied with the law enforcement request, and another half indicated that they had not.

Americans don't know much about these incidents, because the law also contains a provision that prohibits anyone who receives a subpoena from disclosing that fact to anyone.

David Schwartz, president of Harry W. Schwartz Bookshops, the oldest and largest independent bookseller in Milwaukee, summed up well the American values at stake when he said: ``The FBI already has significant subpoena powers to obtain records. There is no need for the government to invade a person's privacy in this way. This is a uniquely un-American tool, and it should be rejected. The books we read are a very private part of our lives. People could stop buying books, and they could be terrified into silence.''

Afraid to read books, terrified into silence. Is that the America we want? Is that the America where we'd like to live? I don't think so. And I hope my colleagues will agree.

It is time to reconsider those provisions of the Patriot Act that are un-American and, frankly, un-patriotic.

Bu my concerns with the Patriot Act go beyond library and bookseller records. Under section 215 of the Patriot Act, the FBI could seek any records maintained by a business. These business records could contain sensitive, personal information--for example, medical records maintained by a doctor or hospital or credit records maintained by a credit agency. All the FBI would have to do is simply assert that the records are ``sought for'' its terrorism or foreign intelligence investigation.

Section 215 of the Patriot Act goes too far. Americans rightfully have a reasonable expectation of privacy in their library, bookstore, medical, financial, or other records containing personal information. Prudent safeguards are need to protect these legitimate privacy interests.

The Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act is a reasonable solution. It would restore a pre-Patriot Act requirement that the FBI make a factual, individualized showing that the records sought pertain to a suspected terrorist or spy.

My bill will not prevent the FBI from doing its job. My bill recognizes that the post-September 11 world is a different world. There are circumstances when the FBI should legitimately have access to library, bookseller, or other personal information.

I would like to take a moment to explain how the safeguard in my bill would be applied. Suppose the FBI is conducting an investigation of an international terrorist organization. It has information that suspected members of the group live in a particular neighborhood. The FBI would like to serve a subpoena on the library in the suspects' neighborhood. Under current law, the FBI could decide to ask the library for all records concerning anyone who has ever borrowed a book or used a computer, and what books were borrowed, simply by asserting that the documents are sought for a terrorism investigation. But under my bill, the FBI could not do so. The FBI would have to set forth specific and articulable facts giving reason to believe that the person to whom the records pertain is a suspected terrorist. The FBI could subpoena only those library records--such as borrowing records or computer sign-in logs--that pertain to the suspected terrorists. The FBI could not obtain library records concerning individuals who are not suspected terrorists.

So, under my bill, the FBI can still obtain documents that it legitimately needs, but my bill would also protect the privacy of law- abiding Americans. I might add, that if, as the Justice Department says, the FBI is using its Patriot Act powers in a responsible manner, does not seek the records of law-abiding Americans, and only seeks the records of suspected terrorists or suspected spies, then there is no reason for the Department to object to my bill.

The second part of my bill would address privacy concerns with another Federal law enforcement power expanded by the Patriot Act--the FBI's national security letter authority, or what is sometimes referred to as ``administrative subpoena'' authority because the FBI does not need court approval to use this power.

My bill would amend section 505 of the Patriot Act. Part of this section relates to the production of records maintained by electronic communications providers. Libraries or bookstores with internet access for customers could be deemed ``electronic communication providers'' and therefore be subject to a request by the FBI under its administrative subpoena authority.

As I mentioned earlier, some librarians are so concerned about the potential for abuse by the FBI that they have taken matters into their own hands before the FBI knocks on their door. Some librarians have begun shredding on a daily basis sign-in logs and other documents relating to the public's use of library computer terminals to access the Internet.

Again, safeguards are needed to ensure that any individual who accesses the internet at a library or bookstore does not automatically give up all expectations of privacy. Like the section 215 I've discussed, my bill would require an individualized showing by the FBI of how the records of internet usage maintained by a library or bookseller pertain to a suspected terrorist or spy.

Yes, the American people want the FBI to be focused on preventing terrorism. And, yes, it may make sense to make some changes to the law to allow the FBI access to the information that it needs to prevent terrorism. But we do not need to change the values that constitute who we are as a nation in order to protect ourselves from terrorism. We can protect both our nation and our privacy and civil liberties.

An increasing number of Americans are beginning to understand that the Patriot Act went too far. Three States and over 130 cities and counties across the country have now passed resolutions expressing opposition to the Patriot Act. And it's not just the Berkeleys and Madisons of the Nation, but other States and communities with strong libertarian values, such as Alaska and cities in Montana, have passed such resolutions.

I have many concerns with the Patriot Act. I am not seeking to repeal it, in whole or in part. My colleagues and I are only seeking to modify two provisions that pose serious potential for abuse.

The privacy of law-abiding Americans is at stake. Congress should act to

protect our privacy. And my bill is a reasonable approach to do just that.

I urge my colleagues to join me and support the Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I am pleased today to offer the Data- Mining Reporting Act of 2003. The untested and controversial intelligence procedure known as data-mining is capable of maintaining extensive files containing both public and private records on each and every American. Almost weekly, we learn about a new data-mining program under development like the newly named Terrorism Information Awareness program. Congress should not be learning the details about these programs after millions of dollars are spent testing and using data- mining against unsuspecting Americans.

Coupled with the expanded domestic surveillance already undertaken by this Administration, the unchecked development of data-mining is a dangerous step that threatens one of the most important values that we are fighting for in the war against terrorism--freedom. My bill would require all Federal agencies to report to Congress within 90 days and every year thereafter on data-mining programs used to find a pattern indicating terrorist or other criminal activity and how these programs implicate the civil liberties and privacy of all Americans. If it was necessary, information in the various reports would even be classified.

The bill does not end funding for any program, determine the rules for use of the technology or threaten any on-going investigation that uses data-mining technology. But, with complete information about the current data-mining plans and practices of the Federal Government, Congress will be able to conduct a thorough review of the costs and benefits of the practice of data-mining on a program by program basis and make considered judgments about which programs should go forward and which should not.

My bill would provide Congress with information about the nature of the technology and the data that will be used. The Data-Mining Reporting Act would require all government agencies to assess the efficacy of the data-mining technology and whether the technology can deliver on the promises of each program. In addition, my bill would make sure that the federal agencies using data-mining technology have considered and developed policies to protect the privacy and due process rights of individuals and ensure that only accurate information is collected and used.

Without Congressional review and oversight, government agencies like the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Justice and the Department of Defense will be able to collect and analyze a combination of intelligence data and personal information like individuals' traffic violations, credit card purchases, travel records, medical records, communications records, and virtually any information contained in commercial or public databases. Through comprehensive data-mining, everything from people's video rentals or drugstore purchases made with a credit card to their most private health records could be fed into a computer and monitored and reviewed by the Federal Government.

Using massive data mining, the government hopes to be able to detect potential terrorists. There is no evidence, however, that data-mining will, in fact, prevent terrorism. Data-mining programs under development are being used to look into the future before being tested to determine if they would have even been able to anticipate past events, like September 11 or the Oklahoma City bombing. Before we develop the ability to feed personal information about every man, woman and child into a giant computer, we should learn what data-mining can and can't do and what limits and protections are needed.

One must also consider the potential for errors in data-mining for example, credit agencies that have data about John R. Smith on John D. Smith's credit report make the prospect of ensnaring many innocents is real.

Most Americans believe that their private lives should remain private. Data-mining programs run the risk of intruding into the lives of individuals who have nothing to do with terrorism but who trust that their credit reports, shopping habits and doctor visits would not become a part of a gigantic computerized search engine, operating without any controls or oversight.

The Administration should be required to report to Congress about the impact of the various data-mining programs now underway or being studied, and the impact those programs may have on our privacy and civil liberties so that Congress can determine whether the proposed benefits of this practice come at too high a price to our privacy and personal liberties.

I urge my colleagues to support this bill. All it asks for is information to which Congress and the American people are entitled.

I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I rise today in support of S. 1531, the John Marshall Commemorative Coin Act. This bill authorizes the Treasury Department to mint and issue coins bearing the likeness of Chief Justice John Marshall for the purpose of supporting the Supreme Court Historical Society. Sales of the coin would, in addition to raising funds for the Society, also cover all of the costs of minting and issuing these coins, so that the American taxpayer would not bear any cost whatsoever if this legislation were enacted.

Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes once called John Marshall ``the great Chief Justice.'' After 34 years on the bench, from 1801-1835, Marshall earned that title by establishing many of the constitutional doctrines we revere today. Writing over 500 opinions, he truly made the third branch of government co-equal with the legislative and executive branches.

Marshall's greatness lay in his ability to figure out how to put in practice the concept of checks and balances. In powerfully written decisions, the Marshall Court established several constitutional doctrines, forming the bedrock of contemporary jurisprudence including: establishing judicial review, prohibiting State taxation of the Federal Government, making the federal supreme court final arbiter of decisions issued by State supreme courts, and expounding the limits of the contracts and commerce clauses. Indeed, he solidified early Federalist ideas by defining the relationships between the Federal Government and the States; a position that was forgotten and is only very recently re- emerging in our jurisprudence.

Born in 1755, Marshall was a key player in the founding generation who established our constitutional government. He was an early and active member in the revolutionary cause, joining with the revolutionary army and fighting as one of George Washington's Officers in at least four major battles and enduring the winter at Valley Forge. Marshall later served as a member of Congress and as Secretary of State before his ascension to the Supreme Court.

There is a no more fitting likeness for a coin that would support the efforts of the Supreme Court Historical Society. The Society is a non- profit organization whose purpose is to preserve and disseminate the history of the Supreme Court of the United States. Founded by Chief Justice Warren Burger, the Society's mission is to provide information and historical research on our Nations highest court. The Society accomplishes this mission by conducting programs, publishing books, supporting historical research and collecting antiques and artifacts related to the Court's history.

Recent research includes efforts to capture the history of the Court during the Franklin D. Roosevelt period, the Civil War, and the evolution of the Chief Justice's role on the court. Lectures and programs are open to the public as well as Society members. Additionally, the Society seeks to acquire the private papers, period furnishings, and art work relating to court history.

For all of these reasons, I urge my colleagues to join with me in this effort to memorialize the Great Chief Justice John Marshall and assist a worthwhile organization like the Supreme Court Historical Society.

Thank you, Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation that will help make the American dream a reality for many young people. ``The Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act,'' or ``The DREAM Act,'' resolves immigration status problems that plague undocumented immigrants who came to our country as youths. It also removes barriers to education so that they are better equipped to succeed in our society.

Each year, about fifty thousand young undocumented immigrants graduate from high school in the United States. Most of them came to this country with their parents as small children and have been raised here just like their U.S. citizen classmates. They view themselves as Americans, and are loyal to our country. Some may not even realize that they are here in violation of our immigration laws. They grow up to become honest and hardworking adolescents and young adults, and strive for academic as well as professional excellence.

Many of these youngsters find themselves caught in a catch-22 situation. As illegal immigrants, they cannot work legally. Moreover, they are effectively barred from developing academically beyond high school because of the high cost of pursuing higher education. Private colleges and universities are very expensive, and under current federal law, state institutions cannot grant in-state tuition to illegal immigrants, regardless of how long they have resided in that state. To make matters worse, as illegal immigrants, these young people are ineligible for federal tuition assistance. Moreover, these young people have no independent way of becoming legal residents of the United States.

In short, though these children have built their lives here, they have no possibility of achieving and living the American dream. What a tremendous loss to our society.

One young man who is in this predicament lives in my home State of Utah. His name is Danny Cairo. Danny came to the United States at the age of six with his mother who abandoned him eights years later. Danny had to drop out of school in order to support himself. Fortunately, he met Kevin King, who adopted Danny in 2001. With the help of Mr. King, Danny is presently attending the University of Utah.

This story, however, does not necessarily have a happy ending. Because of the date of the adoption, Danny is unable to derive immigration status from Mr. King. He, therefore, lives in legal limbo and faces the threat of deportation daily. In addition, he may never be able to legally work in the United States.

As Mr. King wrote to me, ``Danny is exactly what our country needs more of. He is a natural born leader with charisma and intelligence and a drive that will take him wherever he wants to go. But this will not be possible if Danny is unable to obtain permanent residency.''

Our laws should not discourage those with bright young minds from seeking higher education. We should instead assist and encourage the many ``Dannys'' who are in the United States and who have the dedication and drive to achieve their worthy goals. I am proud that the DREAM Act provides illegal alien children with options for higher education, as well as the opportunity to earn legal residence in the United States.

First, the DREAM Act repeals the provision of Federal law that prevents States from granting in-State tuition to undocumented aliens, leaving this issue at the discretion of the States. My own State of Utah passed a law that will allow in-State tuition for aliens who have been residents in Utah for at least three years. My States have either passed or are considering the passage of similar legislation.

But the fact of the matter is that cheaper tuition at State schools, no matter how beneficial for these young people, will not solve the larger problem: their illegal immigration status. While I do not advocate granting unchecked amnesty to illegal immigrants, I am, however, in favor of providing children--children who did not make the decision to enter the United States illegally--the opportunity to earn the privilege of remaining here legally. The DREAM Act will do just that. It provides young men and women who immigrated to the United States prior to the age of sixteen, who have lived in this country at least five years, and who are of good moral character a chance to earn their conditional resident status upon acceptance by an institution of higher learning or upon graduation from high school. The DREAM Act allows these special young people to pursue their worthy goals and aspirations.

The bill I am introducing today will extend DREAM Act benefits to a group of people who were excluded from a similar bill negotiated during the 107th Congress. Today's bill removes the age ceiling so that no one will be arbitrarily cut-off from benefits. Moreover, while the version from the last Congress requires high school graduation as a provision for obtaining legal status, the bill I am introducing today contains a provision that allows high school students who have been accepted into an institution of higher learning, but who have not yet graduated from high school, to obtain conditional resident status. This provision enables these high school students to get an earlier start on procuring the necessary funds for financing their education.

Of course, we have to be mindful that the opportunity provided by the DREAM Act is a privilege and not an entitlement. We must make sure that those who reap the benefits of the Act are, in fact, worthy of such benefits. For this reason, the bill I am introducing today tightens certain requirements and eliminates waivers for those

who have serious criminal records that would qualify them for deportation.

In addition, while I always want to encourage educational advancement, I recognize that not everyone's circumstances allow for full-time attendance at a four-year college. For this reason, the DREAM Act provides for certain alternatives like attending community college, trade school, serving in our armed forces, or performing community service.

The purpose of the DREAM Act is to create incentives for out-of- status youngsters to achieve as much as they can in life and to contribute to the greatness of the United States. I recognize that if the bill's requirements are so high that they simply operate as barriers to legalizing status, the bill defeats its own stated purpose. That is why I am committed to ensuring that the requirements imposed by this bill are reasonable and can be met by youngsters who are willing to work hard. The DREAM Act will enable youngsters who have ambition and motivation to obtain permanent legal status.

During the 107th Congress, I introduced a version of the DREAM Act, S. 1291. Since then, it has been replaced in favor of the Durbin/Hatch/ Kennedy/Brownback substitute. The substitute was put on the Senate calendar but did not receive a vote. The House Judiciary Committee debated identical legislation during the last Congress but it was defeated. The House Judiciary Committee has not yet moved similar legislation this Congress. I want to make sure that the DREAM Act we introduce in the 108th Congress will not die in the hopper as it did in the House last year.

By introducing this bill, I know I am subjecting myself to criticism from both sides of the aisle on my immigration policy. Some proponents of strict immigration enforcement argue that the DREAM Act will encourage illegal entry into the United States. However, the DREAM Act was carefully drafted to avoid this precise problem. The Act specifically limits eligibility to those who entered the United States five years or more prior to the bill's enactment. It applies to a limited number of people who already reside in the United States and who have demonstrated favorable equities in and significant ties to the United States. Anyone who entered the United States less than five years prior to the enactment of this bill or who plans to illegally enter the United States in the future will not be covered by the DREAM Act.

On the other hand, proponents for providing general amnesty contend that there shouldn't be any requirements after high school graduation. I agree that for some of these children, graduation from high school is a grand enough accomplishment in itself. My bill recognizes this achievement by providing these graduates with the reward of conditional resident status so that they may work toward permanent status without fear of deportation.

Nonetheless, some critics argue that most immigrant children cannot go to college, nor can they meet the standards set by the current version of the DREAM Act. They cite statistics showing that only a small percentage of illegal immigrant children ever attend college and they argue that this DREAM bill will benefit very few. What these critics overlook, however, is that without the DREAM Act, illegal immigrant children simply do not have the means nor the incentive to obtain a higher education. Since the DREAM Act will remove substantial obstacles to higher education, I am confident that many of the children who are currently illegal U.S. residents will seek higher education.

Some critics also contained that these immigrant children do not have the aptitude to attend community college or trade school and that even joining the military or performing a few hours a week of community service is out of reach for them. To this criticism I stress that this is not only wholly inaccurate, but it is also an elitist attitude to which I cannot subscribe. Immigrant children, whether legal or otherwise, are no less capable than other children. They just need the opportunity to reach their potential.

I also want to point out that everyone who was eligible for benefits under last year's bill will be eligible again this year. In fact, as I explained earlier, those who were left out of last year's bill are included in this year's bill. The only difference is that now, the applicant has to contribute more to American society before transitioning from conditional resident status to permanent resident status.

I believe the DREAM Act will live up to its name. It will allow these illegal immigrant children the opportunity to not only dream of the infinite possibilities that their futures may hold in the United States, but it will also afford them the opportunity to realize their dreams. With the passage of the DREAM Act, the United States stands to benefit enormously. Once these children become legal residents of this Nation, they will prove to be motivated, hard-working, and educated contributors to our society. I am pleased and proud once again to work with Senator Durbin on this important legislation.