Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act of 2003
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Read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. (text of measure as introduced: CR 8/1/2003 S10662-10665)
July 31, 2003
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Introduced in Senate
July 31, 2003
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR S10661-10662)
July 31, 2003
Read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. (text of measure as introduced: CR 8/1/2003 S10662-10665)
July 31, 2003
Floor Debate
21 membersWhat members said about S. 1533 on the floor
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Floor Debate
21 membersWhat members said about S. 1533 on the floor
Will my friend from Nevada yield for a question? Mr. President, I appreciate very much my distinguished copartner on the Transportation Subcommittee talking about the need to get this bill through…
Will my friend from Nevada yield for a question?
Mr. President, I appreciate very much my distinguished copartner on the Transportation Subcommittee talking about the need to get this bill through quickly. He was discussing the difference between the bill we have now and the original bill.
I was wondering if it is correct that the original highway bill really didn't have any formulas; it was what one would have to call pork because it had various projects in it. It was an effort by the Congress to outline where money is needed. Is that not basically the form of the original highway bill?
Mr. President, if the Senator from Nevada will yield for another question, isn't it true that the scope of this bill, the size of it, reflects programs that Congresses in previous years decided are good for the national transportation policy? In other words, we are not creating a new formula; we have taken the formula, the apportionment that existed. Is it not true that we have attempted to construct this bill so that, working with the formula, every State gets up to 95 cents?
My State of Missouri was one of those States, when I got here in 1987, that was only getting back 77 cents. Every State will get up to 95 cents on the dollar. Every State, at a minimum, will get a 10- percent increase. Some States that would be getting much more money will only get a 40-percent or 40-plus-percent increase, which some may object to and say is not enough. But in this day and age, with a tight budget, it seems to me a 40-percent increase is not bad to take home from a compromise bill. Is that a fair assessment?
I thank the Senator.
Mr. President, I ask my colleague to yield about a matter.
We have a number of technical amendments. There is a question about whether we want to move to that. We are preparing a technical amendment. I have discussed this with both sides. Basically, this is a technical amendment that accomplishes a number of things. In essence, it achieves the original goal of an amendment offered by Senator Warner, which was to increase the metropolitan planning share or takedown from 1 percent to 1.5 percent. We are getting a technical amendment copied, and as soon as we get the copies, if there is no objection from the managers, I thought we would do that.
Mr. President, might we inquire of the managers on the Democratic side if they are ready to take this up?
I will be happy to withhold on that.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I am very pleased to announce there is an amendment at the desk. I ask for its immediate consideration.
I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, I offer this amendment on behalf of Senators Inhofe, Jeffords, and Reid. This is one small step for mankind toward a highway bill.
There had been some concern about offering amendments. This is a technical amendment. This changes a number of items that, when crafting the bill, were erroneous. Normally we would adopt these technical amendments without objection. But there may be some discussion on it. I wish to explain the one perhaps significant change in this technical amendment so everybody knows what we are doing.
In the previous bill, TEA-21, the metropolitan planning organizations received 1 percent from the Surface Transportation Program to do the work that these agencies are required to do in approving transportation plans, conforming them to air quality plans. This 1 percent takedown, as it is called, amounted to about $1.7 billion over the life of the bill.
In drafting the underlying bill, we increased spending on planning for metropolitan planning organizations by $800 million, almost a 50 percent increase.
When Senator Warner proposed making the takedown of the share for the metropolitan planning organizations 1.5 percent rather than 1 percent,
it was on the assumption that the total of the previous amount plus what we did in committee would amount to 1.5 percent. But as it was drafted and printed in the committee report, it wound up adding what we had previously put in the equity bonus on top of the 1.5 percent.
I believe this amendment restores the MPO portion to that originally proposed and adopted, i.e., a 1.5 percent share, which is what we have all agreed is needed for metropolitan planning organizations.
We have a letter that I will submit, signed by the executive director of the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials, the president and chief executive officer of the American Highway Users Alliance, the chief executive officer of Associated General Contractors of America, the executive director of American Road and Transportation Builders Association, and the executive director of the National Conference of State Legislatures.
The letter says, in substance--and I will submit the full letter-- that we write on behalf of the organizations to express concerns over the size of the total, the 1.5 percent-plus, the additional equity bonus. Their point is that the large increase results from a combination of adjustments, growth in the overall highway program, an increase in the percentage set-aside, and broadening of the program base subject to the metropolitan planning set-aside.
They believed that adding an additional $2.2 billion for planning would make that much less available for improving, constructing, maintaining, and operating a safe and efficient highway system.
They come out strongly in support--as we all are--of increasing the metropolitan planning funds. The number of MPOs has increased 340 to 378, and many more are looking at the prospect of being designated as nonattainment for the new ozone and fine particulate standards. They recommend an increase more comparable to the growth in MPOs, but they do not think tripling it is wise. So they have asked us to reconsider.
The purpose of this technical amendment, among other things, is to bring it back to the 1.5 percent increase, upon which we have previously agreed.
I ask unanimous consent that the letter be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I see the majority leader is in the Chamber. We will not act on this amendment at this time. If somebody wishes to object to it after the majority leader speaks, we would ask that they come to the floor and make an objection. Otherwise, I propose that at 3 o'clock we ask that the amendment be adopted or, if we need a recorded vote, we will be happy to do that. One way or another, I hope we can have action on this by 3 o'clock.
With that, I yield the floor.
Mr. President, might I ask the Senator from New Hampshire what his substitute does?
Mr. President, this obviously is a very important issue the Senator has raised. Having this as an amendment to a technical amendment raises questions that I think perhaps should be answered.
First, I point out to my friends who are concerned about it that the number we have chosen for the highway portion of the bill was a number adopted by a 79-21 vote on the floor of this body. In addition, we understand the need to provide funding for highways. The Finance Committee has worked very hard to come up with the funding measures. I don't serve on the Finance Committee, but they have adopted fuel tax compliance measures. They have reformed the provisions for the ethanol exemption. It is a very valuable agricultural fuel that improves the environment. They will not charge the highway trust fund with that. They will pay down the existing interest owed to the highway trust fund and spend down the balance. They will clarify mobile machinery exemptions and transportation taxes, and discontinue refunds going from the trust fund into the general revenue fund for fuel tax exemptions. These are generally related to the highway trust fund.
Further, I will point out for those of us who said we want the trust fund used for highways, the trust fund right now is being used for other things that are not highway related, such as automobile, bus, and truck drivers. Some $36 billion will go to mass transit, a very valuable adjunct to the transportation system but not something that
people who pay highway trust fund taxes are using because they are putting the gas and diesel in their own vehicles.
There are also valuable environmental benefits in there such as CMAQ--congestion mitigation for air quality. There are also rails and trails and other easements in there that are a significant diversion of highway trust fund dollars from the direct highway trust fund purposes.
I hope my colleagues who have problems with strict application of highway funds being raised on highway uses deal with that in an amendment that is directly related to the highway bill transportation which is before us.
Obviously, one of the things one can do in the Senate is to offer amendments that are more properly the jurisdiction of other committees, which certainly collective bargaining is, I would say, such an effort. But this bill is so important to the United States, to our economy, and the safety and well-being of the people who use our highways and use our bridges in the United States that I hope we can get back to the main purpose of this measure, which is to continue the highway program, which builds better roads, better bridges, and provides jobs--47,000 jobs for each $1 billion of highway contracts--and provides the future for economic growth in our States.
As I have said on many occasions on this floor, I can tell you jobs are going to be located in the States where they have good transportation systems, and good highways are essential for that.
Finally, in my State it is a matter of saving lives. So I hope we can get back to dealing with the important measures in this bill. I hope we can deal with the specific needs, make the technical amendments that are normally permitted on such a bill, and debate the major provisions.
With that, I yield the floor.
Mr. President, picking up with the description of this bill, which we think is extremely important, I am going to share some other views. But I want to continue with this description of the bill.
Under the current law, there is a general prohibition against placing commercial establishments in recreation and safety rest areas on interstate rights-of-way. This bill creates a small exception to this prohibition by allowing States to place either electrification or other idling facilities that can be used for heating, air-conditioning, electricity, and communication. This will enable truck operators to receive services without continuing to run their engines, thereby reducing vehicle emissions. States, other public agencies, and private entities are already allowed to operate on the interstate system and may charge for the services provided under this new authority.
Why is this important? This is tremendously important. If you travel in your State along an interstate, you will find now that the new hours-of-service regulations require truckers to take more frequent breaks. There are rest areas in my State which are crowded with trucks. There are entrances to and exits from interstate highways where significant numbers of trucks are parked. This is to make sure that the drivers get the rest they need. There has been some controversy over it, but this is the rule and they are abiding by that rule. But when they are shut down and idling, particularly in bitter cold weather so they can get heat in their cab while they get the necessary rest, No. 1, it is causing dangerous situations along the roadway, on the exit and entrance ramps to interstate highways, and they are needlessly burning fuel, polluting the atmosphere, and causing excessive use of imported petroleum at a time when we face a real energy crisis.
So while this is a small part of the bill, it is one which responds to very significant needs to maintain safety for the traveling public, especially the truckers, and also to eliminate air pollution that comes from idling trucks.
Another program that I think is vitally important to empower the improvements in tolling, section 1609, deals with tools for toll programs. One of the effective things that has been used in many highway locations for raising revenue and regulating the flow of traffic is tolling. This bill modifies the Interstate System Reconstruction and Rehabilitation Program, the ISRRP, and establishes a new variable toll pricing program. This variable pricing program replaces the pilot program which was authorized in the previous TEA-21.
The new variable toll pricing program enables the use of variable toll pricing on congested facilities in order to increase mobility and improve air quality. This says that the Secretary can permit a State or public authority to toll any highway, bridge, or tunnel, including facilities on the interstate system, to manage high levels of congestion or reduce emissions in a nonattainment area or maintenance area.
This is extremely important when you look at the kinds of congestion we have in many areas during high traffic time. If there are tolls imposed when there would otherwise be heavy congestion, then those who must necessarily travel at that time can continue to do so by paying a toll. This is the ultimate market-based system for assuring that people who do not have to travel at high congestion times will not. Obviously, this means better traffic flow, this means less congestion, and therefore less pollution. So I think this is extremely important.
The Secretary may permit a State or public authority to manage the levels. The States must provide the Secretary with a description of the congestion and air quality problems, and the goals. Any State or public authority already operating under a cooperative agreement under the existing pricing pilot program of TEA-21 can continue under the existing laws.
We also have included some changes in the tolling requirements because in some States there are interstates which are badly out of date and in need of substantial rehabilitation. In the current laws, the provision for establishing tolls on existing interstates has been limited to replacement. If you have ever traveled I-70 in the State of Missouri, which is the lifeline for our State and for much of the Nation for east-west traffic going from coast to coast, certainly traveling between Kansas City and St. Louis, you will find that there are tremendous delays occasioned because the roads are inadequate. They are two-lane roads that are like driving in city traffic, they are so filled with cars and congestion.
In addition, when there are accidents on these roads, it is not uncommon for us to experience an hour or 2-hour delay. In one instance, I managed to miss a 7-hour delay by taking some back roads which I knew about to get around a major disaster.
This measure expands the ability to say if it is substantial rehabilitation or reconstruction, the State, if it chooses, could use tolls to improve an interstate.
Right now, Interstate 70 has the distinction of being the first toll road in the United States. But it also means it is a half a century old and it is at least 20 years out of date. The total cost for repairing it and replacing it is about $3 billion.
Some of my colleagues will be surprised to know that I have not asked in this bill for $3 billion to replace this vital national link. But I do believe we need to provide options for States to deal with problems such as this one. Whether they do it is going to be up to them. In the State of Missouri, there would have to be a vote of the people.
They would have to authorize the issuance of bonds and a tolling authority. This does not by any means say we are going to put tolls on it. It provides an option for the legislature, the Governor, the Department of Transportation to consider as they look at how they want to deal with one of these very significant highway corridors, which has become far too often a parking lot rather than a means of facilitating transportation between our two major cities and for people traveling from far beyond, going east to west through the heartland of the Nation, through the State of Missouri.
I think this is a very important provision and one which will provide States reasonable flexibility, not allowing them, willy-nilly, to take roads already financed through the interstate program, to impose tolls on them to finance other activities, but to make sure that we continue to realize the dream of those who initially formulated the interstate highway program to make sure that we can see traffic continue to proceed.
Let me move to another provision in the bill. It is section 1610, which merely directs the EPA to study the ability to monitor differentiation between fine and coarse particulate matter.
As we find out more about the dangers of pollutants, we find they are greater risks in the fine particulates in many instances which can cause far more significant harm than a coarse particulate because of the impact on the lungs.
Section 1611 adds particulate matter areas to the Congestion, Mitigation, and Air Quality Program. The funds under this provision are apportioned on the basis of a ratio of total weighted population of a State's nonattainment or maintenance areas to the total weighted population of all nonattainment or maintenance areas in the Nation.
If you didn't follow me on that, if a State has air quality problems in an area which is one-twentieth of all of the areas in the Nation, then they would get one-twentieth of the total funds available.
It sounds convoluted, but it really targets the CMAQ funds to the areas with greatest needs. Since many areas will need assistance to meet the new 8-hour ozone standard and the new fine particulate matter standard, the CMAQ formula is modified to include those areas. Adjustment factors are used to account for the number of pollutants for areas in nonattainment or maintenance. Section 1611 says CMAQ funds can be used for alternative fuel infrastructure under TEA-21. This bill goes further and encourages the use of CMAQ funds by listing the purchase of alternative fuel and the purchase of biodiesel fuel as eligible activities under CMAQ.
Due to some confusion in some DOT and EPA field and regional offices, we have also clarified that projects to control the extended idling of vehicles are indeed eligible for funding under the CMAQ program.
The bill also fixes oversight under current law that prevents States that do not have any nonattainment or maintenance areas from using CMAQ funds for CMAQ projects. Frankly, this allows us to get more homegrown clean fuels used with the assistance of CMAQ funds.
I happen to know something about soy diesel and about biodiesel. I am a great champion of it, because if you have followed a bus or a truck down the road that is burning straight diesel, you know what an unpleasant smell that can cause and what damage that can do to the environment. Biodiesel is a soybean-based or other biomass-based fuel which operates in a much cleaner burning environment. Several years ago we started a pilot project at the great training facility at Fort Leonard Wood, MO that needed to train soldiers to fight in smoke conditions on the battlefield. They had been burning diesel to provide that smoke. We felt that was not necessarily a good idea to be burning diesel and exposing our finest troops to the diesel pollution and the smoke that was caused. We worked with the Department of Defense to switch that to soy diesel. There was smoke. I asked them after they implemented what the byproducts were. They said, Obviously, we are not polluting the environment with petroleum-based diesel. We are burning a much cleaner soy-based fuel. It is much less harmful to the soldiers. The only problem is it smells like French fries and they get hungry. But given the alternative, that seems to be a good idea.
To the extent we get more buses and trucks using biodiesel, we are going to have greater benefits.
Let me give you two areas where soy diesel or any biodiesel can be a great improvement.
No. 1, firehouses: The fire men and women who live and stay in firehouses have complained for years. When they fire up the firetrucks, they get the diesel fumes coming up into the rest area. Sometimes, our valiant firefighters have to live and sleep in heavily polluted diesel- fuel-soaked areas. This is not only unhealthy, but it is very unpleasant. Fire stations have been some of the first places where we have used biodiesel. It has been extremely popular. Certainly when we are trying to talk about taking care of our first responders and the valiant firefighters who are on the line making sure the engines and the firetrucks below them are burning a clean-burning feel, it is a step in the right direction.
Another important area we have talked a lot about is school bus safety. When you have kids on school buses, the fumes from petroleum- based diesel come into that school bus. Do you know where they are the most dangerous? They are most dangerous when they are at low levels-- where the small children are. The smallest children are likely to be exposed to petroleum-based diesel fumes.
We are working to encourage more and more school buses to use soy diesel, and put aside the fact that kids are going to get hungry when they smell something that smells like french fries. But it is vitally important that we lessen the danger to our schoolchildren as well as lessening the use of diesel fuel and providing a significant benefit to those who produce soybean and other biomass.
I see a couple of our colleagues are here. Senator Thomas wishes to speak. We have lots more to talk about, but I will discontinue at this point and thank the Chair and thank my colleagues for coming to the floor.
Mr. President, we are checking with our colleagues on the possibility of setting a judicial nomination. As soon as we find out whether that is acceptable, we will ask consent.
Mr. President, we have heard lots of reasons why this bill is not a good bill, why we don't want to go to this bill, why we shouldn't be moving a highway bill. I have talked about some of those reasons, but let me share with you some information that indicates how the people of America think.
The Zogby International Survey Group did a broad-based survey of American voters. Nearly 70 percent of the voters contacted, in February 2003, said they believe America is facing a transportation capacity crisis, that our Nation's roads, airports, and mass transit systems are struggling to handle a growing population and economy.
Fifty-six percent overall and 79 percent of young women with children said traffic congestion is depriving them of more time with their families or for leisure activities today than just 5 years ago.
I don't think these answers should surprise any of us.
Since 1982, the U.S. population has grown by almost 19 percent, the number of registered motor vehicles has increased by 36 percent, and the vehicle miles traveled has ballooned by 72 percent. And--surprise-- over the past 20 years we have added less than 5 percent to road capacity, and even less than that to public transit.
What are the conditions of roads in local communities?
Forty-eight percent of those surveyed by Zogby said they were either fair or poor. When you move to Hispanic Americans, 75 percent said their communities have either fair or poor road conditions.
This is a problem in communities. This is a problem particularly for citizens who are maybe at a disadvantage in their community.
This survey's results come from a poll of over 1,000 voters nationwide, with a margin of error of plus or minus 3.2 percent.
I think some of the other findings are pretty important.
Eighty percent of the people polled think the Nation's highways and public transit networks are extremely important or very important to the U.S. economy. That is why we are here. Eighty percent of our constituents think highways and transportation networks are important. That is what this bill is all about. That is why we want to get everybody together to move this bill.
I urge my colleagues, if you have problems with particular portions of the bill, offer amendments. That is how this body functions. We would like to have good-faith amendments that seek to make changes which are necessary so we can move forward in a reasonable manner.
I think the people of America, particularly the 80 percent who say it is important, deserve to see us vote on issues that are of importance to them.
Eight in 10 of the people surveyed agree that an investment in highways, bridges, and public transit should be considered an important element in homeland security and national defense.
Ninety percent believe it is important that their representatives in Congress fight to ensure sufficient Federal
funding for transportation improvement projects in their local areas. I think some States must be lower than that because I think in my State it is higher than 90 percent. So some may have only 80 percent who think it is important.
Two-thirds of Americans say roads and public transit play a vitally important role in their life.
These are scientific surveys that merely confirm what I and many of my colleagues already know: If you go back to your home State and have a meeting about highway and transportation funding, you better get a big hall. I have had people come out to fill any hall that I have scheduled a meeting in to talk about it because they want to know more. They know it is important. I think this is vitally important.
I know there are some who may take a different view. Some people claim building more roads just causes more traffic. They even say you can't build your way out of traffic congestion. They are the zero sum game people, the ones who say there will just be more congestion.
Well, congestion is getting worse at a frightening pace in America. I believe the primary reason is a lack of adequate highway and public transportation capacity, not only in our major urban and suburban areas but in rural areas as well. As I have said several times, that is why we are killing people in Missouri. We don't have adequate highway transportation, particularly in rural areas.
Even as we spend more wasted time sitting in gridlocked traffic, many well-intentioned Americans, spurred on by the rhetoric of some of the extreme advocacy groups who want us all to ride bicycles--and I love to ride bicycles, but those won't get me to work and back, particularly when we have icy roads, as we do here, or when we have to take more people with us--are convinced that adding road capacity only causes more traffic congestion, more air pollution, more waste of precious fuels.
I think the answer to that is very clear: Research data from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, U.S. Department of Transportation, and the Texas Transportation Institute and common sense, if you and I just sit back and think about it, proves just about the opposite. The real problem is our lack of resolve to provide meaningful solutions to traffic congestion through new capital and operational investments. The failure to do so actually results in tons of unnecessary air pollution and billions of gallons of wasted motor fuel.
The Zogby poll found that 70 percent of America is facing a transportation capacity crisis, and all of these people realize we need, as a nation, the investment in transportation.
Talk about a drag on the economy, according to the Texas Transportation Urban Mobility Report, absent substantial new investments in highway and public transportation capacity, transportation operations across the Nation, the economic cost of traffic congestion in the Nation, lost productivity, wasted motor fuel will grow from about $67.5 billion in 2000 to almost $100 billion by 2009. That is one of the reasons we seek to have the investment. Yes, $255 billion is a large amount. It is not all going to highways. It comes from highway user taxes, but it goes to mass transit; it goes to congestion mitigation; it goes to scenic easements, to other things that improve the environment in which we live.
If we don't make these investments, the Texas Transportation Institute forecasts that over this period the average road speed in America's 675 largest urban communities will fall from about 42.3 miles per hour to 40.3 miles per hour. If you believe, as I do, that time is money, that reduction will continue to grow what is really a hidden tax levied on American consumers as transportation labor productivity decreases and costs increase.
Another one of the problems we have with congestion is pollution. The good news, according to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency data, is that motor vehicle emissions have declined dramatically since the 1970s, thanks in part to the developments in new automotive and motor fuels technology. Emissions of carbon monoxide are down 45 percent since 1970, volatile organic compound emissions are down 60 percent, particulate matter emissions are down 47 percent, nitrogen oxide emissions are down 5 percent, and lead emissions have been eliminated.
The bad stuff is being reduced. We are getting the bad stuff out. This remarkable environmental achievement, which is responsible for most of the air quality improvement in the United States over the past three decades, was accomplished at the same time the number of licensed motor vehicles in the United States grew 87 percent and total vehicle miles traveled soared by 125 percent. Unfortunately, traffic congestion is retarding clean air progress just as it is retarding American productivity and economic growth.
Unanimous Consent Agreement--Executive Calendar
Mr. President, as in executive session, I ask unanimous consent that at 3:55 today, the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the following nomination on today's Executive Calendar: Calendar No. 457, the nomination of Mark Filip to be U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of Illinois.
I further ask unanimous consent that following 5 minutes for debate equally divided between the chairman and ranking member or their designees, the Senate proceed to a vote on the confirmation of the nomination; further, that following the vote, the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action and the Senate then return to legislative session.
Reserving the right to object, there is some question on this side about the amendment being an amendment to the commerce title, and at this point we are not prepared to give consent to that. We want to work with the Senator who has been working in good faith, but I have been asked, since this is a matter that relates to a different section of the bill, to hold off. We can work through this if we can go with the original consent.
Mr. President, on this side I am not authorized to enter into that type of UC. I assure the Senator and my colleagues on the other side we will work with them. There is a concern about moving into the commerce title. We will work with him if we can move forward on the consent for the judge vote; then we will work on this, if we can get consent for that.
I believe at this point it is necessary to revise the unanimous consent. First, I say to my friend from North Dakota that the title he wants to amend has not been offered. That is a problem on which we are going to have to work. We have only offered the EPW portion.
I asked unanimous consent that there be 5 minutes equally divided between the chairman and the ranking member and, thereafter, there be a vote on the nomination of Mark R. Filip, of Illinois, to be U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of Illinois.
I renew my request. Following the 5 minutes, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to a vote on the confirmation and, following the vote, the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action and the Senate return to legislative session.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce a bill that will help bring about a more reliable system of medical justice for all Americans. Earlier this month, we had a robust debate on a critical…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce a bill that will help bring about a more reliable system of medical justice for all Americans.
Earlier this month, we had a robust debate on a critical issue-- medical liability reform. Though a majority of the Members of this body wanted to begin working to pass the bill, we didn't have the 60 Senators necessary to begin the real work on the legislation.
I co-sponsored that bill, the Patients First Act, and I still support it. Passing the Patients First Act would be an important short-term step to controlling the excesses in our legal system that have sent medical liability insurance premiums through the roof. Skyrocketing premiums are forcing doctors to move their practices to States with better legal environments and lower insurance premiums. This is endangering the availability of critical healthcare services in many areas of Wyoming and other states.
Throughout our debate, I heard many of my colleagues say that they wanted to work on this issue, but that they simply could not support the bill as it stood. We heard that the bill approaches the issue from too narrow of a perspective. We heard that the bill's caps on non- economic damages are unfair to patients, despite the fact that the bill places no limits whatsoever on a patient's right to recover all quantifiable economic damages.
While I disagree with my colleagues who oppose the Patients First Act, I
respect their opposition. I also trust that they sincerely want to help solve our Nation's medical liability and litigation crisis.
During the debate this month, I noticed something interesting. While we argued the ``pros and cons'' of the bill, no one stood up to defend our current system of medical litigation. Now, we heard a lot about the caps, and the insurance industry, and we heard Senators say that ``Yes, there is a problem, but the bill before us won't solve it.''
One thing we didn't hear was a rousing defense of our medical litigation system. Even some of the lawyers in this body agreed that frivolous lawsuits are a problem and that our medical litigation system needs reform.
Why didn't we hear anyone defend the merits of our current medical litigation system? It's because our system doesn't work. It simply doesn't work for patients or for healthcare providers.
Compensation to patients injured by healthcare errors is neither prompt nor fair. The randomness and delay associated with medical litigation does not contribute to timely, reasonable compensation for most injured patients. Some injured patients get huge jury awards, while many others get nothing at all.
Let's look at the facts. In 1991, a group of researchers published a study in the New England Journal of Medicine. The study, known as the Harvard Medical Practice Study, was the basis for the Institute of Medicine's estimate that nearly 100,000 people die every year from healthcare errors.
As part of their study, the researchers reviewed the medical records of a random sample of more than 31,000 patients in New York State. They matched those records with statewide data on medical malpractice claims. The researchers found that nearly 30 percent of injuries caused by medical negligence resulted in temporary disability, permanent disability or death. However, less than 2 percent of those who were injured by medical negligence filed a claim. These figures suggest that most people who suffer negligent injuries don't receive any compensation.
When a patient does decide to litigate, only a few recover anything. Only one of every ten medical malpractice cases actually goes to trial, and of those cases, plaintiffs win less than one of every five. In addition, patients who file suit and are ultimately successful must wait a long time for their compensation--the average length of a medical malpractice action filed in state court is about 30 months.
While the vast majority of malpractice cases that go to trial are settled before the court hands down a verdict, the settlements even then don't guarantee that patients are compensated fairly, particularly after legal fees are subtracted. Research shows that for every dollar paid in malpractice insurance premiums, about 40 cents in compensation is actually paid to the plaintiff--the rest goes for legal fees, court costs, and other administrative expenditures.
To sum up: most patients injured by negligence don't file claims or receive compensation. Few of those that do file claims and go to court recover anything, and those who are successful wait a long time for their compensation. And those who settle out of court end up receiving only 40 cents for every dollar that healthcare providers pay in liability insurance premiums.
It's hard to say that our medical litigation system does right by patients in light of those facts. Unfortunately, our system doesn't work for healthcare providers either.
Earlier, I spoke about those Harvard researchers who found that fewer than 2 percent of those who were injured by medical negligence even filed a claim. As they reviewed the medical records for their study, the researchers also found another interesting fact--most of the providers against whom claims were eventually filed were not negligent at all.
That's right--most providers who were sued had not committed a negligent act.
In matching the records they reviewed to data on malpractice claims, the Harvard researchers found 47 actual malpractice claims. In only 8 of the 47 claims did they find evidence that medical malpractice had caused an injury. Even more amazingly, the physician reviewers found no evidence of any medical injury, negligent or not, in 26 of the 47 claims. However, 40 percent of these cases where they found no evidence of negligence nonetheless resulted in a payment by the provider. Basically, the researchers found no positive relationship between medical negligence and compensation.
That study was based on 1984 data. The same group of researchers conducted another study in Colorado and Utah in 1992, and they found the same thing. As in the 1984 study, they found that only 3 percent of patients who suffered an injury as a result of negligence actually sued. And again, physician reviewers could not find negligence in most of the cases in which lawsuits were filed.
Now, I assume that the patients who sued had either an adverse medical outcome, or at least an outcome that was less satisfactory than the patient expected. But our medical litigation system is not supposed to compensate patients for adverse outcomes or dissatisfaction--it's supposed to compensate patients who are victims of negligent behavior. It's supposed to be a deterrent to substandard medical care.
It's not fair to doctors and hospitals that they must pay to defend against meritless lawsuits. Nor is it fair that they must face a choice between settling for a small sum, even if they aren't at fault, so that they avoid getting sucked into a whirlpool of our medical litigation system.
It's not hard to understand why physicians and hospitals and their insurers want to stay out of court. When they lose, the decisions are increasingly resulting in mega-awards based on subjective ``non- economic'' damages. The number of awards exceeding $1 million grew by 50 percent between the periods of 1994-1996 and 1999-2000. Today, more than half of all jury awards exceed $1 million.
As a result, when a patient suffers a bad outcome and sues, providers have an incentive to settle the case out of court, even if the provider isn't at fault. But is this how our medical litigation system is supposed to work--as a tool for shaking down our healthcare providers?
Let's face it--our medical litigation system is broken. It doesn't work for patients or providers. Even worse, it replaces the trust in the provider-patient relationship with distrust.
Then, when courts and juries render verdicts with huge awards that bear no relation to the conduct of the defendants, this destabilizes the insurance markets and sends premiums skyrocketing. This forces many physicians to curtail, move or drop their practices, leaving patients without access to necessary medical care. This is a particular problem in states like Wyoming, where we traditionally struggle with recruiting doctors and other healthcare providers.
Perhaps we could live with this flawed system if litigation served to improve quality or safety, but it doesn't. Litigation discourages the exchange of critical information that could be used to improve the quality and safety of patient care. The constant threat of litigation also drives the inefficient, costly and even dangerous practice of ``defensive medicine.''
Yes, indeed, defensive medicine is dangerous. A recent study found that one of every 1200 children who receive a CAT scan may die later in life from radiation-induced cancer. Knowing this puts a physician faced with anxious parents in a difficult situation. Does the doctor use his or her professional judgment and tell the parents of a sick child not to worry, or does the doctor order the CAT scan and subject the child to radiation that is probably unnecessary, just to provide some protection against a possible lawsuit?
We have a medical litigation system in which many patients who are hurt by negligent actions receive no compensation for their loss. Those who do receive compensation end up with about 40 cents of every premium dollar after legal fees and other costs are subtracted. And the likelihood and the outcomes of lawsuits and settlements bear little relation to whether or not a healthcare provider was at fault.
We like to say that justice is blind. With respect to our medical litigation system, I would say that justice is absent and nowhere to be found.
During our debate on the Patients First Act, I said that the current medical liability crisis and the shortcomings of our medical litigation system make it clear that it is time for a major change. I also said that regardless of how we voted, we all should work toward replacing the current medical tort liability scheme with a more reliable and predictable system of medical justice.
Today, I am introducing a bill that would help achieve that goal.
Most of us are familiar with the report on medical errors from the Institute of Medicine, also known as the IOM. Many of us may be less familiar with another report that the IOM published earlier this year. That report is called ``Fostering Rapid Advances in Healthcare: Learning from System Demonstrations.''
Our Secretary of Health and Human Services, Tommy Thompson, challenged the IOM to identify bold ideas that would challenge conventional thinking about some of the most vexing problems facing our healthcare system. In response, an IOM committee developed this report, which identified a set of demonstration projects that committee members felt would break new ground and yield a very high return-on-investment in terms of dollars and health.
Medical liability was one of the areas upon which the IOM committee focused. The IOM suggested that the federal government should support demonstration projects in the states. These demonstrations should be based on ``replacing tort liability with a system of patient-centered and safety-focused non-judicial compensation.''
The bill I am introducing today is in the spirit of this IOM report. This bill, the Reliable Medical Justice Act, would authorize funding for States to create demonstration programs to test alternatives to current medical tort litigation.
The funding to States under this bill would cover planning grants for developing proposals based on the models or other innovative ideas. Funding to States would also include the initial costs of getting the alternatives up and running.
The Reliable Medical Justice Act would require participating states and the Federal Government to collaborate in continuous evaluations of the results of the alternatives as compared to traditional tort litigation. This way, all States and the federal government can learn from new approaches.
By funding demonstration projects, I believe Congress could enable States to experiment with and learn from ideas that could provide long- term solutions to the current medical liability and litigation crisis.
In introducing this bill, I wanted to provide some alternative ideas that would contribute to the debate. As a result, the bill describes three models to which states could look in designing their alternatives.
For instance, a State could provide healthcare providers and organizations with immunity from lawsuits if they make a timely offer to compensate an injured patient for his or her actual net economic loss, plus a payment for pain and suffering if experts deem such a payment to be appropriate. This could give a healthcare provider who makes an honest mistake the chance to make amends financially with a patient, without the provider fearing that their honesty would land them in a lawsuit.
Another idea would be for a state to set up classes of avoidable injuries and a schedule of compensation for them, and then establish an administrative board to resolve claims related to those injuries. A scientifically rigorous process of identifying preventable injuries and setting appropriate compensation would be preferable to the randomness of the current system.
Still another option would be for a state to establish a special healthcare court for adjudicating medical malpractice cases. For this idea to work, the State would need to ensure that the presiding judges have expertise in and an understanding of healthcare, and allow them to make binding rulings on issues like causation compensation, and standards of care.
We already have specialized courts for complicated issues like taxes and highly charged issues like substance abuse and domestic violence. With all the flaws in our current medical litigation system, perhaps we should consider special courts for the complex and emotional issue of medical malpractice.
I believe one thing in our medical liability debate is absolutely clear--people are demanding change. Ten States have passed some liability reform in the past year, and another 17 have debated it. States are heeding this call for change, and Congress should support those efforts.
My own State, Wyoming, had a lively legislative debate on medical liability reform this year, but we have a constitutional amendment that prohibits limits on the amounts that can be recovered through lawsuits. The Wyoming Senate considered a bill to amend our State's constitution to create a commission on healthcare errors. That commission would have had the power to review claims, decide if healthcare negligence had occurred, and determine the compensation for the death or injury according to a schedule or formula provided by law. However, the bill died in a tie vote on the Wyoming Senate floor.
According to one of the sponsors of the bill, Senator Charlie Scott, one of the biggest obstacles to passage was the uncertainty surrounding this new idea. No one had any basis for knowing what a proper schedule or formula for compensation would be. No one knew how much the system might cost, or how much injured patients would recover compared to what they recover now.
Senator Scott wrote me to say that federal support for finding answers to these questions might help the bill's sponsors sufficiently respond to the legitimate concerns of their fellow Wyoming legislators. We should be helping state legislators like Senator Scott develop thoughtful and innovative ideas such as the one he has proposed. That's one of the reasons I am offering this bill.
Clearly, the American people and their elected representatives have identified the need to reform our current medical litigation system. The United States Senate did not vote to proceed to the Patients First Act this month, but no member of this body denied that there is a medical liability crisis, or that Congress needs to act sooner rather than later.
While we continue that debate, we ought to lend a hand to States that are working to change their current medical litigation systems and to develop creative alternatives that could work much better for patients and providers. The States have been policy pioneers in many areas-- workers' compensation, welfare reform, and electricity de-regulation, to name three. Medical litigation should be the next item on the agenda of the laboratories of democracy that are our 50 States.
No one questions the need to restore reliability to our medical justice system. But how do we begin the process? One way is to foster innovation by encouraging States to develop more rational and predictable methods for resolving healthcare injury claims. And that is what the Reliable Medical Justice Act aims to do.
In the long run, we would all be better off with a more reliable system of medical justice than we have today. I know that my fellow Senators recognize this, so I hope my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will work with me on this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, the U.S. economy is still the greatest economy in the world and our credit markets have helped to make that happen. During the past decade, our credit markets have taken advantage of technology and innovation in order to provide more consumers with more timely credit approvals and with more financing options. Nowhere is there a better example of this than our housing market.
Today, the time it takes to review a mortgage application and approve it has been cut drastically by our financial institutions. Consumers find that they have a wide array of financing options they can choose from to secure the purchase of a home--from fixed-rated loans to variable-rate loans, or even adjustable rate loans. While the wide variety of choices has helped more families to purchase homes in the past decade, even more families could buy homes if they understood how the credit market works.
Although there are many pluses to the expansion of the availability of credit there is also a downside. Individuals may get in over their heads when too much credit is made available to them. In addition, identity theft is a bigger problem than it has been before. Consumers need to educate themselves about the potential problems they might face and how to avoid them. Increasing consumer financial literacy is not just about providing information, however, it is about giving families the proper informational tools so that they can put their financial affairs in order.
Today, my friend and colleague, Senator Stabenow and I are introducing the ``Financial Literacy Community Outreach Act'' to help to bring together all of the federal government's financial literacy programs under one roof.
The Department of Treasury, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, the Federal Trade Commission, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Department of Housing and Urban Development, and the Department of Labor are just a few of the many federal agencies that have established excellent financial literacy programs and initiatives. These programs cover a wide variety of topics ranging from how to save, spend, and invest to programs that provide guidance on how to prepare for retirement, select a pension plan, or purchase a home. Still others help individuals avoid the threat of identity theft.
Unfortunately, consumers attempting to find financial literacy information from the federal government may find that information scattered throughout the government. Our bill would provide a one-stop- shop where consumers could find the appropriate financial literacy programs for their needs. A single web site and a toll-free number will go a long way toward bringing this vital information to the individuals and families who need it.
In addition, the bill establishes the Financial Literacy Commission, a body comprised of the heads of the federal agencies with financial literacy programs. The Commission will ensure that the federal government has a cohesive and coordinated federal policy on financial literacy as it provides Congress with vital information on what can be improved in our government's financial literacy outreach efforts. In addition to the web site and the toll-free number, the Commission will highlight successful public/private partnerships already existing around the country.
One such partnership is thriving in my home state of Wyoming. The Wyoming Partners in HomeBuyer Education, led by the Wyoming Community Development Authority, includes local banks, real estate agents, the University of Wyoming, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, and Fannie Mae, in the effort to provide distance learning to potential home-buyers through the use of compressed video technology. This training program is perfect for a state like Wyoming in that home-buyers in rural communities have access to all of the essential elements of the home buying experience just like their urban community counterparts.
To date, more than 3,000 individuals have completed the training program and it has led to making the home-buying process easier and more understandable for rural and urban families alike.
I strongly believe that this bill will help millions of families find the appropriate financial literacy materials they need to make better credit and investment decisions.
It is my pleasure to be cosponsoring this bill with Senator Stabenow because of our shared concern about making financial literacy available to more families across the country. In addition, I would like to recognize Senator Sarbanes' tremendous effort to focus our attention on financial literacy, both when he was Chairman of the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs last year and as Ranking Member of the Committee this year. He has been an extraordinary advocate for this important issue. Chairman Shelby of the Committee has also recognized the importance of this issue, as just this week, it was the subject of a hearing by the Committee. I look forward to working with my colleagues on the Committee and in the full Senate to ensure that we expand and build upon the government's present financial literacy efforts to help individuals and families increase their knowledge of and access to our credit and investment markets.
Mr. President, every morning, from the time we wake up to the time we turn out the lights and go to sleep, we all spend a good portion of our day in cyberspace. Probably without thinking, each time we head out to the internet, we broadcast some very specific information about our lives as we use our computers for email. Each time we use our cell phones we rely on a sense of privacy about the information we convey, which may not be present. And, when we use hand held devices to send quick messages back and forth to friends, coworkers and family we assume no one else is listening or receiving our information, which often includes social security numbers, family names and even credit card and pin numbers.
Cyberspace is a high tech criminal's dream and it has helped contribute to the fastest growing crime in America--identity theft.
Simply put, identity theft is the ability to impersonate someone else and steal their credit, their money and even their identity for their own use.
Although the use of high-tech devices has certainly contributed to the proliferation of identity theft, many individuals have been victimized by simple criminals who have carefully picked through trash cans and mailboxes to find old receipts and social security numbers. Regardless of the medium through which the information is collected, identity theft is the result of criminals who have learned how to manipulate a growing network of information--some public, some private--and then use that data to their own advantage.
The problem with identity theft is that it is not confined to one state. It affects Americans from every walk of life from coast to coast. Some Americans may discover that someone else has been using their social security number to obtain fraudulent employment, while others learn that people have been using fraudulent identification cards to obtain lines of credit and then leaving innocent victims to deal with the bills they left behind.
People from small States like Wyoming are not immune to this new crime wave. Although there are only 493,000 people in Wyoming, we have the same rate of identity theft per capita as is present anywhere else in the United States. That is why we have to approach this issue from every angle, taking a systemic approach that includes prevention, enforcement and assistance to victims of identity theft.
Today, we will take the first step with victim's assistance for this crime. I believe we have to provide some real options for our constituents who are trying to recover from the trauma that identity theft has caused in their lives. That is why my colleague from Washington and I are introducing legislation that will make it easier for victims to get the information they need to begin reversing the damage and lasting effects of this crime. Our bill, the Identity Theft Victim's Assistance Act of 2003, is very similar to a bill we offered last year that passed the Senate unanimously in November. I expect and hope for the same result this year since this is a growing problem and the need for action on this issue grows more urgent with each passing day.
Our bill includes key provisions that would allow victims to work with businesses to obtain information related to cases of identity theft and then contact credit reporting agencies to block false information on credit reports. In drafting this legislation we worked with all of the stakeholders to ensure a balance between the needs of consumers and the needs of small businesses, banks and other credit agencies.
The reintroduction of this bill is timely given the recent hearings in the Senate Banking and Commerce Committees and recent action by both the House and Administration.
Earlier this month, the House Financial Services Subcommittee reported a bill called the Fair and Accurate Credit Transactions Act. Also known as the FACT Act, the bill includes a provision nearly identical to Section 4 of our bill. Section 4 of our bill requires consumer credit reporting agencies to block information that appears on a victim's credit report as a result of identity theft, provided the victim did not knowingly obtain goods, services or money as a result of the blocked transaction.
Our provision, which amends the Fair Credit Reporting Act, was also addressed in a recent hearing before the Senate Banking Committee. On July 10, the Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission testified that ``blocking would mitigate the harm to consumers' credit record that can result from identity theft'' and recommended that this practice be codified.
I am also encouraged by similar recommendations from the Treasury Department that would require credit reporting agencies to cease reporting allegedly fraudulent account information on consumer reports when the consumer submits a police report or similar document, unless there is a reason to believe the report is false.
Providing consumers with the tools necessary to recover from identity theft is the first step in providing real relief to the hundreds of thousands of individuals whose lives have already been turned upside down by identity theft. I urge my colleagues to work with me as we move forward on this important issue and make progress on the reauthorization of critical legislation like the Fair Credit Reporting Act. We must take action this year before the crime of identity theft hurts the hundreds of thousands of working people and families who are expected to become victims this year.
Yesterday, we had several occasions where we were trying to stay on the bill, and we kept saying: All right, one more person, one more person, one more person. As manager of the bill, I am going to…
Yesterday, we had several occasions where we were trying to stay on the bill, and we kept saying: All right, one more person, one more person, one more person.
As manager of the bill, I am going to do everything I can parliamentarily to stay on the bill and not get into other subjects.
At 2:30.
To do everything to accommodate the Senator from Florida, what I would like to do is stay on the bill until later on this afternoon, and at that time I am sure we are going to come to a point where, because of other things that are happening, there are not going to be Senators who want to speak on the bill, and then we could go to this so the Senator would have the time he requested.
I have no objection if he changes his 3:30 to 5 o'clock. There are some things happening that affect every Senator in here tonight having to do with the National Prayer Breakfast, and I would like to accommodate them as well.
The majority leader will have to get in on this, but I would say even earlier than that. We are going to have amendments. In fact, we have some amendments that will be ready today. We need to get to those and get this bill moving.
Mr. President, I yield to the Senator from Nevada.
Yes. I have a letter I read yesterday. It is dated February 2, 2004. I have not heard anything either way about whether or not they are supporting this legislation. But they outlined a set of principles yesterday to which our bill complies. I think the minority leader covered the three criteria that were used that would keep them from opposing the bill, and I believe they have been met. We talked about it yesterday. One is to not increase gas taxes. Second, it would not have any kind of bonding arrangement. Third, that it would not get in the general fund.
The third one is where there is some debate. I trust the Senate Finance Committee. I talked to both sides, Democrats and Republicans, and they came up with something I think meets the criteria. I am satisfied it does.
Mr. President, if the Senator will yield, let me make an observation. We talked about this bill for several hours. Almost everyone who came down was objecting to what their State would get from this formula. When you compare this, starting with the same basic structure of a formula as we did in TEA-21--and remember, in TEA-21, we had the minimum guarantee.
What that did was take arbitrary political percentages and apply them in order to get votes. We have done far more. This takes into consideration the streamlining provisions about which we haven't even talked. We spent months on this in the committee, as our committee members know.
Safety and freight areas have not really been addressed before. This is something of which we can be proud. I have to say, when we put together the charts of all 50 States, there isn't one State that is not treated fairly, doesn't have an increase and doesn't have some kind of logic balancing the donee-donor, balancing the fast-growing States and the low-population States.
All these points are considered, and I think it is a very good bill. I agree with all on the committee.
Mr. President, yesterday we started through this bill. It is a rather lengthy bill. It covers a lot of provisions that haven't even been discussed, and I think a lot of Members are not really aware of some parts of this bill.
As the chairman of the committee, I thought it an obligation to go through this section by section, and I did go through sections 1104 through 1204, where we talked about how this was put together, how the formulas were put together. I also spent about an hour talking about the environmental improvements that are made in this bill.
I confess there are many things in this bill that I would rather have done in a different way, and I am sure Senator Reid and Senator Jeffords would say the same thing. In fact, they have said the same thing. Since we will have to get through this today at some point, I would like to go ahead and start with section 1205 and finish what we started yesterday. I hope any Members who are interested in making comments or offering amendments will come and do so, because I will be doing this in order to get through the bill.
Section 1205 is one in which I was particularly interested. Senator Reid yesterday talked about Daniel Patrick Moynihan and the contributions he made over the years. I felt compelled to stand up and remind him that Daniel Patrick Moynihan was a Tulsa boy. He was from Tulsa, OK, and was one of my very favorite people.
I think it is very appropriate that section 1205 is the designation of the Daniel Patrick Moynihan Interstate Highway as a part of the bill. Interstate Highway 86 in the State of New York is specifically designated as the Daniel Patrick Moynihan Interstate Highway in memory of our late colleague.
There are several others who have said good things about him. In fact, in the years I have been in the Senate, Senator Moynihan is the only Senator
about whom I have never heard one negative thing.
Section 1301 is the Federal share section. It continues the statutory provisions that lay out what the Federal share for the highway project will be for different States based on the amount of Federal land within their State. The Federal share provisions of current law use a sliding scale. This scale permits States with large portions of Federal land to match Federal funds with fewer State dollars. That is only reasonable because they are not collecting taxes off of these lands and they should not have to pay the same match.
Due to the decreased taxing ability of the States with a higher percentage of Federal lands, these States are given access to a higher Federal contribution for highway projects within their State. The bill before us today modifies this provision slightly to simplify the calculation used to determine the Federal share rates that apply to each individual State.
I might add that in this bill there are certain things my colleagues will see consistently throughout. One is simplification. One is to put it in language that we can all understand, that the public can understand, that our people back home can understand, and so that the departments of transportation in the various States will have a clear understanding as well, and they will take all of these complicated interpretations.
Another thing my colleagues will find all the way through is a streamlining effort to try to get more roads for the dollar. I think we have successfully done that, reaching a lot of compromises. So this is what my colleagues will see as we go through the bill section by section.
Section 1302 is the transfer of highway and transit funds. There is a technical fix that was requested by the Federal Highway Administration that clarifies that title 23 funds, that is the highway dollars, can be transferred to the transit administration from State to State or from State to another Federal agency as long as the project to be funded is eligible under title 23. I think that is a very reasonable approach.
An example of when this authority could be used is a State that has a congestion problem at or near a border crossing. They may determine that the problem is caused in part by inadequate parking facilities for the Customs Service to conduct truck inspections. To solve their larger congestion problem, it makes sense to provide money to the Customs Service to build parking lot facilities for truck inspections. This has been done administratively in the past, but section 1302 provides very clear guidance so they do not have to sit around and guess what in fact is going to come up.
Section 1303, the Transportation Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act, which is referred to as TIFIA, was established for the first time in TEA-21 to provide Federal credit assistance to major transportation investments. The TIFIA program has proven to be an innovative and successful addition to the conventional grant and reimbursement highway program.
After watching the TIFIA program succeed as a funding device for a few large projects during TEA-21 and after receiving input from stakeholders and recommendations from the administration, the committee bill has made a few changes to the TIFIA program to expand its scope and increase its usability.
The amount of the Federal credit assistance cannot exceed 33 percent of a total project cost. TIFIA offers three different types of financial assistance to the large projects: One, direct loans; two, loan guarantees; and, three, standby lines of credit. The bill also lowers the threshold cost for eligible projects from the TEA-21 level of $100 million down to $50 million to make it available to more people and more projects, making TIFIA accessible to a greater number of large highway projects.
Projects are also eligible for TIFIA assistance when costs are anticipated to equal or exceed 20 percent of Federal highway funds apportioned to that particular State. With the increased emphasis this bill places on freight mobility, the definition of eligible freight- related projects is expanded.
I think the Senator was out of the Chamber when I said I eventually wanted to get through this section by section, but I can do this at any time. As soon as the Senator has anything ready, certainly I am interested in taking that up.
Reclaiming my time, I think he had stated he was not prepared to do that right now, but perhaps one will be coming along in a short while.
I have no objection to that. I think it is a good idea, and we will so inform Senator Bond.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, we have been trying to get through the explanation of this bill section by section. We have done so now all the way up to section 1304. It seems most people were concerned yesterday about the formula. Now we are addressing another problem. But we have not gotten into the full explanation of the bill. We have gone from section 1104 through section 1303.
I am going to go ahead and proceed. If anyone either has an amendment or wants to be heard on the bill, of course, I will give them that opportunity.
Section 1304 is in regard to the facilitation of international registration plans and international fuel tax agreements.
In response to issues surrounding commerce from Mexico, S. 1072 gives the Secretary of Transportation discretion to provide financial assistance to States participating in the International Registration Plan and the International Fuel Tax Agreement. These States incur certain administrative costs resulting from their service as a home jurisdiction for motor carriers from Mexico.
The International Fuel Tax Agreement and the International Regional Plan are agreements among various U.S. States and Canadian Provinces that facilitate the efficient collection and distribution of fuel taxes and apportioned registration fees among each member jurisdiction.
Under both programs, each motor carrier designates its home State or Province as the jurisdiction responsible for collecting fuel use taxes and fees. Since the implementation of NAFTA, the Mexican Government imposes and collects fuel taxes and registration fees differently from the United States and Canada. The National Governors Association is currently evaluating Mexico and its participation in the IFTA and IRP programs. In the interim, Mexican motor carriers may use individual U.S. States or Canadian Provinces as their home jurisdiction. So we are talking about something that is in the interim until the problem is resolved but is necessary.
Section 1305 is in regard to the National Commission on Future Revenue Sources to Support the Highway Trust Fund and finance the needs of the surface transportation system.
As many of you know, I am personally not one to support expansions of bureaucracy or the creation of innumerable review boards, committees, and commissions. However, this bill creates, and I have found good reason to support, a new temporary--temporary--national commission on future revenue sources to support the highway trust fund and finance the needs of the surface transportation system.
Funding the highway program has already become increasingly more challenging. Even as we debate the funding of this bill, we are confronted with the task of finding innovative and efficient funding methods to capture user fees lost to the fuel tax evasion and a host of other issues that the Finance Committee has done a great job in addressing.
However, one issue that has not been addressed, but must be before the next reauthorization cycle, is Federal incentives for the purchase of hybrid and other fuel-efficient vehicles. Fuel efficiency is a goal I support, but I do not believe it should come at the expense of the highway trust fund. So we have these exemptions, which has the result of reducing the revenues that would otherwise come in, even though the goal or the policy we are trying to establish is, perhaps, an inevitable policy.
We run the risk of making economic and environmental advances at the cost of jeopardizing our primary funding source for the highway trust fund--gas taxes. In recent years, the highway trust fund has seen a decrease in revenues. Constant changes in the automotive industry and the economy as a whole impact user fee revenues. We must continue to identify new and reliable revenue sources to sustain the program.
Most recently, we have seen the increase in the cost of fuel and the spiking that has been going on. That has a direct effect on the amount of revenues that are generated from fuel taxes.
In response to these changing and growing challenges, the new commission created in this bill is established to conduct a comprehensive study of the alternatives available to replace or supplement the existing fuel tax as the principal source of supporting the highway trust fund. We may find that this is going to still remain the principal source, but we do not know because we have never had any central place where we were trying to put together something this creative to replace it.
Specific factors which the commission will examine include, one, the effects of each major tax that goes into the highway trust fund; two, the ability to increase taxes if there are future revenue shortfalls; and, three, potential new sources of revenue to support highway, transit, and other surface transportation programs.
In regard to the scope of the study, the commission is charged with suggesting new or alternative revenue sources to fund the needs of the surface transportation system over the next 30 years or the next 40 years--the next long period of time. It is something we should have done before. This bill might have been easier if we had addressed this in TEA-21.
Now we have, in section 1306, the State infrastructure banks. TEA-21 established a State infrastructure bank pilot program that authorized participation among the States of Missouri, Rhode Island, California, and Florida. This bill reauthorizes the program to allow all States to enter into cooperative agreements with the Secretary of Transportation to set up infrastructure-revolving funds eligible for capitalization with Federal transportation dollars.
The SIB program gives States the capacity to increase the efficiency of their transportation investment and to significantly leverage Federal resources by attracting non-Federal public and private investment.
The program provides greater flexibility to the States by allowing other types of project assistance in addition to the traditional reimbursement grant. States utilizing SIBs are able to provide various forms of nongrant assistance to eligible projects, including at or below market rate subordinate
loans, interest rate buydowns on third party loans, and guarantees and other forms of credit enhancements. Any debt that the SIB issues or guarantees must be of investment grade caliber. The SIB program represents one more innovative financing option. We believe, after having done this with three or four States, that it is something that should be expanded to other States. This is a very positive thing.
Section 1401 is the Highway Safety Improvement Program.
Along with the new equity bonus program, the bill's new core Safety program is one of the crowning pillars of this legislation. It is both devastating and deplorable that motor vehicle crashes are the leading cause of death among American's between the age of 1 and 34-years-old. In 2002 alone, nearly 43,000 people died on our Nation's highways. Although the fatality rate has decreased when compared to the growing number of vehicle miles traveled, the total number of fatal crashes has gradually increased over the life of TEA-21. Through a reorganization of existing safety programs and a significantly increased Federal investment, S. 1072, appropriately referred to as SAFETEA, strives to combat one of the greatest threats faced on our roads today. Not only is the loss of life to unsafe roads and conditions tragic, but vehicle crashes have a huge economic effect manifested in medical costs, property damage, insurance, and the effects of congestion.
In response to the need for safer roads and road conditions, this bill gives heightened attention to improving traffic safety by creating a new core Highway Safety Improvement Program. Under TEA-21 States were required to set-aside 10 percent of their funds apportioned under the Surface Transportation Program for safety projects to eliminate hazardous locations and improve safety at highway-railway crossings. The new Highway Safety Improvement Program preserves the ability of States to continue funding these important projects, while giving the States even greater flexibility to identify and address other traffic safety issues such as work zone safety, traffic enforcement activities, lane and shoulder widening, use of safety warning devices, safety- conscious planning, and improved traffic data collection.
This is just one more effort to recognize that the States are all different. The same shoe does not fit all. We are giving them an expanded role to determine the best way to handle the problems in Vermont as opposed to Oklahoma or any other State.
Recognizing the various and changing safety needs in each State, the bill provides significant flexibility to the States in order to determine how the Federal safety dollars can best be spent to address the areas of greatest need. These are not always the same in each State.
Section 1402 is Operation Lifesaver. Among the existing safety programs that this bill reauthorizes is Operation Lifesaver. This program has proven effective as a national education and awareness campaign dedicated to reducing fatalities and injuries at highway- railway crossings. Operation Lifesaver has utilized various means to educate both drivers and pedestrians about making safe decisions at railroad crossings and has encouraged better engineering to improve safety at rail crossings. Due to the valuable service this program renders and the cost-benefit effectiveness it has sustained, this bill increases funding for the program from $500,000 per year to $600,000 per year and moves the source of funding for Operation Lifesaver from the Surface Transportation Program, STP, to the new Highway Safety Improvement Program.
Section 1403 is license suspension. Another area of concern in regards to highway safety is the intoxicated driver and especial repeat offenders. Current law imposes penalties on States that have not enacted statutes punishing repeat intoxicated drivers with a hard one- year driver's license suspension. However, as the States have reviewed data and adapted their sentencing structures for repeat offenders in this area, they have found that habitual drunk drivers whose license has already been suspended frequently choose to drive without a license, minimizing the effectiveness of the current State of the law. In the interest of public safety, some States have actually accepted the consequences of the Federal sanction and foregoing available Federal funding in order to impose more effective sentencing of these repeat offenders. This bill recognizes the reality of repeat drunk drivers driving on roads with a suspended license and the wisdom of more effective alternative sentencing schemes. Thus, the bill updates the ``repeat offender'' sanction in title 23 of the code to allow States to incorporate ignition interlock or similar devices when sentencing repeat intoxicated drivers.
At this point we have come through all the way to section 1404. I would like to see if the minority leader of the committee, who has been so great to work with, the ranking minority member, Senator Jeffords from Vermont, has any comments to make about these sections.
First, I agree with the ranking member of the committee. We have come a long way. We are ready shortly and will be prepared to deal with some amendments. In the meantime, let's wade through this thing a little bit more.
Section 1404. Bus axle weight exemption. SAFETEA holds over-the-road buses and intrastate public transit buses to the same standards that inner-city transit buses must meet with regard to axle weight, air quality, and requirements under the Americans with Disabilities Act. Specifically, the bill exempts any over-the-road buses or intrastate public transit bus from the maximum gross weight limitations imposed by the State.
Section 1405 is the Safe Routes to School Act. This was a provision that handled a number of compromises. It is one we are all concerned about. It has a continuing emphasis on safety. The bill introduces a new program that directly deals with safe routes to school, a safety improvement program established in SAFETEA. Projects eligible under the Safe Routes to School Program are already eligible under the larger Highway Safety Improvement Program.
However, Safe Routes to School provides a dedicated and protected funding source for pedestrian and bicycle safety projects near schools. The program is limited to projects and activities that will impose safety within 2 miles of primary and secondary schools. It sets aside $70 million per year for infrastructure and behavioral activities, such as sidewalk improvements, traffic-calming measures, speed reduction,
bicycle facilities, pedestrian crossings, traffic signal improvements, public awareness campaigns, and traffic education and enforcement.
I think that is significant. We have noticed, between the time we have been dealing with ISTEA and TEA-21, there have been increased fatalities in our young kids. We expanded this program during the course of our committee consideration. I think it was a good compromise to make on the purchase of equipment.
When conducting projects under the Federal program's authorization under this bill, some States will occasionally find the equipment necessary to complete the project may be cheaper to purchase than it would be to rent for the duration of the project. In such cases, this bill instructs them to conduct a cost-benefit analysis for the purchase of expensive equipment above specified levels in order to evaluate the savings associated with purchasing the equipment compared to renting the equipment for the duration of the project.
Everything we are doing here is trying to get the very most out of the dollars we are spending in terms of safety and equipment and road construction and the other things we are dealing with in S. 1072.
Section 1407 is work zone safety. Over a thousand deaths occurred in work zones during 2002 due to traffic crashes alone. There has been a lot of awareness in the public about this fact and States are trying to deal with it. We felt it appropriate to have some language in this bill. Although work zones represent a critical component of infrastructure development, they also pose a unique safety challenge for those on the road, and to road workers in particular.
S. 1072 attempts to minimize the injuries and fatalities in work zones by imposing insurance requirements, requiring the use of ITS technologies and safety budgeting in construction and contracting. The Secretary of Transportation is directed to encourage States to choose contractors that carry general liability insurance of at least $15 million. Transportation projects costing more than $15 million are encouraged to include continuously monitored work zone intelligent transportation systems, or ITS systems.
Section 1408. Worker injury prevention and free flow of vehicular traffic. In addition to the provision relating to the safety of workers in work zones just mentioned, SAFETEA also directs the Secretary to promulgate regulations requiring road workers to wear high-visibility clothing, with the goal of decreasing worker injury and maintaining a free flow of traffic.
In section 1501, regarding the integration of natural resource concerns into State and metropolitan transportation planning, my counterpart, the ranking minority member, was very interested in a lot of the parts of the bill that deal with natural resource concerns and State and metropolitan transportation planning. If the Senator from Vermont would like to go over some of these sections, starting with section 1501, it might be appropriate since he had a lot to do with these particular areas.
(Mr. SUNUNU assumed the Chair.)
I thank the chairman. As has been pointed out already by one of our members, the bill we are talking about is rather extensive. But it was not done quickly or without the tremendous work of staff and…
I thank the chairman. As has been pointed out already by one of our members, the bill we are talking about is rather extensive. But it was not done quickly or without the tremendous work of staff and many people who have contributed outside of the staff in listening to people from all over the country before we put the final touch on the bill.
The highway bill provides us with an opportunity every 6 years to give our communities, our businesses and our citizens a real boost by renewing our commitment to the world's most extensive transportation system. I am proud to be a leader in that effort this year.
Through the bill before us today, we will improve the condition and the performance of our roads and bridges, thousands and millions of them. That means both safer travel today and lower maintenance costs tomorrow.
I am particularly pleased that our work continues the transportation partnership established under President Eisenhower during the Interstate period and expanded with passage of ISTEA 12 years ago. That means that local leaders, stakeholders and citizens will continue to work with State and Federal officials to set spending priorities and define project scope.
I am also proud that we have maintained the linkage between transportation and the environment in our bill. Investments in transportation must build strong, healthy communities. Through advanced planning and early coordination we can ensure better results.
I urge my colleagues to work with those of us responsible for this bill so that we may complete our work in a timely way. America's communities are relying on us. The States are relying upon us. All people using the transportation system are depending upon us. I am sure we will produce this document in a way that will make us all very proud.
Mr. President, I am most pleased to assist in this regard.
The environmental provisions contained in this bill reflect a bipartisan compromise reached among the members of the Environment and Public Works Committee. Although there are a number of additional changes I would like to have made in these provisions, I believe the bill deals fairly in regard to these sections, given the variety of strong opinions on environmental subjects.
Several stakeholders have argued any early identification of potential environmental concerns may help reduce or avoid delays during the environmental review. Therefore, this bill specifies factors that may be considered during the transportation planning process.
Current law already requires transportation planners to consider projects and strategies that will protect and enhance the environment and improve quality of life.
The items added by this bill simply provide more direction as to what these concepts mean. These items do not constitute a checklist of items, whereby every item listed must be considered by each State and metropolitan planning organization, or MPO.
Section 1502. As another means of providing for early consideration of environmental concerns, this bill requires transportation planners to consult with appropriate resource agencies.
Interagency consultation should facilitate comparison of transportation plans to conservation plans or maps and inventories of natural or historic resources, where those plans or maps and inventories already exist and are in use.
The long-range transportation plan will also include a discussion of potential mitigation activities and sites that may help compensation for issues due to the transportation plan. This requirement is intended to get States to think strategically about mitigation. It is not to add new mitigation requirements or to require a level of detail better handled at the individual project review stage.
Section 1503. Integration of natural resource concerns into transportation project planning. Additionally, the highway bill contains provisions to incorporate the principles of context-sensitive design into current design standards. These principles involve consideration of the environmental context of a project and encouragement of design that minimizes impact on the project's surroundings. These provisions aim to integrate natural resource concerns into the transportation project planning process.
Section 1504. Public investment in transportation planning and projects. Current law provides an opportunity for the public to be involved to some degree in the development of transportation plans. This bill includes specific ideas for making public involvement opportunities more meaningful, such as making publicly available documents available on the Internet.
Section 1506. Federal and State laws often require habitat, stream, or wetland mitigation to compensate for direct adverse environmental impact caused by transportation projects. To provide additional flexibility and certainty in meeting these requirements, this bill authorizes the establishment of State mitigation funds, using moneys received from the Surface Transportation Program and National Highway System programs.
The State mitigation fund operates as a planning and project management tool available to the States. States can even use the mitigation funds to undertake larger mitigation efforts based on the total impact of a multitude of projects combined rather than project- by-project mitigation. This enables the States to more effectively plan for and provide the mitigation that is or likely will be required for transportation projects under other environmental laws.
The next section, 1511, transportation project development process. TEA-21 directed the Department of Transportation, DOT to ``develop and implement a coordinated environmental review process for highway construction and mass transit projects.'' Unfortunately, this was never achieved. It took almost 2 years for DOT to even propose rules, and those proposed rules were roundly criticized by many interested stakeholders and many in this Chamber.
That proposal has since been withdrawn. So it was necessary for us, obviously, to take the next step legislatively.
This bill sets up a process for complying with current environmental laws. In establishing a process for compliance, the bill does not venture to amend any current environmental laws. It does not venture to amend any current environmental laws.
Under this process, DOT is the lead agency with authority to set work plans and schedules, determine the purpose and need for a project, and determine which alternatives must be considered. This process also includes more public participation than currently required and continues to authorize DOT to provide funds to resource agencies to assist them in expediting project environmental reviews.
Section 1512. Assumption of responsibility for categorical exclusions. Under the National Environmental Policy Act, NEPA, some types of projects can be categorically excluded from lengthy analysis. Qualifying projects are those projects that ``do not individually or cumulatively have a significant impact on the human environment.''
Approximately 90 percent of all surface transportation projects are processed as categorical exclusions, or CEs, under NEPA. Since this is such an overwhelming percentage of the projects, even a small improvement in processing time for each CE can result in a large improvement systemwide.
The bill before us today attempts to make that improvement by allowing States to assume the Secretary's responsibility for completing the environmental review process for projects classified as CE under current regulations.
This assumption of responsibility will be limited to those States that have adequate capabilities and would remain subject to Federal oversight to maintain proper accountability.
Section 1513. Surface Transportation Project Delivery Pilot Program. Often a State will do much of the work involved with the preparing and environmental review of a surface transportation project. Then the Federal Department of Transportation must review and approve the State's work, the applicable documentation. Some stakeholders have argued that allowing States to complete the NEPA review, regardless of whether the project requires a categorical exclusion, environmental assessment, or even an environmental impact statement, could result in significant time savings and speed up project delivery.
The highway bill sets out to explore this idea by establishing a pilot program that allows up to five States to assume the Secretary's responsibility for the environmental review of a transportation project.
Under this pilot program, States will have to meet several criteria before and after selection to participate. These requirements include soliciting public comment prior to applying for participation, verifying adequate capabilities to carry out the responsibilities to be assumed, entering into a written agreement with the Secretary, submitting to the jurisdiction of the Federal courts, submitting to periodic compliance audits, and complying with the same procedural and subsequent requirements under Federal environmental law as would apply if the Secretary were conducting reviews.
Section 1514. In keeping with the new environmental changes, the bill directs the Department of Transportation to promulgate new regulations within 1 year to implement the planning and project delivery sections of the bill.
Section 1521. Critical real property acquisition. The committee bill enables States to use Federal funds to expeditiously acquire a limited number of parcels of land that may be needed for future transportation development but are threatened by imminent economic development.
The early acquisition of property keeps future transportation options open and provides States with an important opportunity to reserve future alignment alternatives while allowing timely and cost-saving acquisitions.
In limited circumstances and with the Secretary's approval, States can use the Federal funds to cover the cost incurred in acquiring parcels of land that are considered to be critical for any transportation project under title 23. Federal land may be used to acquire property prior to the completion of the environmental reviews for proper acquisition. Environmental reviews and approvals are still required before physical construction, demolition, or clearing is commenced. If a parcel is later sold or leased, States cannot retain the Federal share of the proceeds.
Section 1522. Planning capacity building initiative. Focusing on the importance of comprehensive and integrated planning, S. 1072 establishes a planning capacity building initiative to strengthen metropolitan and statewide transportation planning and to enhance tribal capacity to conduct joint transportation planning.
The bill gives priority to planning practices that support the transportation elements of homeland security planning, performance- based planning, safety planning, operations planning, freight planning, and the integration of environment and planning. The planning capacity building initiative will be administered by the DOT's Federal Highway Administration in cooperation with the Federal Transit Administration.
Section 1601. Environmental restoration and pollution abatement control of invasive plant species and establishment of native species. Storm water runoff from highways has a direct impact on the Nation's waterways, carrying with it pollutions such as brake linings, oils, heavy metals, road salts, nutrients, et cetera. To address these waterborne pollutants, current law already allows States to use STP funds to address water pollution or environmental degradation caused or contributed to by transportation facilities currently undergoing reconstruction, rehabilitation, resurfacing, or restoration so long as the environmental project does not exceed 20 percent of the overall project cost.
This bill extends eligibility for those types of mitigation projects from the States' STP funds to include their funds under the NHS program as well. It further allows the funds to be used for environmental restoration projects not associated with an active construction project.
The stormwater project must address runoff from an existing Federal- aid highway but not necessarily one undergoing reconstruction, rehabilitation, resurfacing, or restoration.
Invasive species are a growing problem both economically and environmentally. These harmful plants plague thousands of areas of rangelands and croplands and have been cited as a staggering problem by such organizations such as the National Cattlemen's Beef Association and the American Farm Bureau Federation. By making both NHS and STP funds available to mitigate invasive species along roadways, we provide States with the flexibility to minimize the impact of vehicles as vectors of these problematic plants.
Section 1602 relates to the National Scenic Byways Program. TEA-21 continues the National Scenic Byways Program authorizing the Secretary of Transportation to designate roads that have outstanding scenic, historic, cultural, natural, recreational, and architectural qualities as all-American roads, or national scenic highways.
This bill amends the current program to recognize that the Secretary already is promoting the collection of ``national scenic byways'' and ``all-American roads'' under the designation of ``America's byways.'' If State and Federal representatives reach consensus on establishing a single designation category, then these amendments will provide the Secretary with the authority to use any of the three terms, national scenic byways, all-American roads, or America's byways, as the single designation.
The bill also authorizes the Secretary for the first time to form public/private partnerships to carry out technical assistance, marketing, market research, and promotion with respect to national scenic byways.
Section 1603 is the Recreational Trails Program. This bill continues the Recreational Trails Program allowing Federal funds to be used to provide and maintain recreational trails for motorized and nonmotorized recreational trail uses. New eligible uses of funds permit trail assessment for accessibility and maintenance, and to hire trail crews or youth conservation or service corps to perform recreational trails activities. Current activities eligible under the program educational funding already include nonlaw enforcement trail safety, trail use monitoring patrols, and trail-related training.
Since projects under the Recreational Trails Program are much smaller than typical highway projects, this program is relieved of several normal requirements which, although appropriate for large highway projects, would be excessively burdensome for small trail projects.
Section 1604 covers exemption of interstate systems. SAFETEA establishes an exemption for the interstate system from consideration as a ``historic site'' regardless of whether the interstate system or portions of the interstate system may be eligible for listing on the National Registry of Historic Places. However, a portion of the interstate system that possesses an independent feature of historic significance, such as a bridge or a uniquely significant architectural feature, may still be considered a historic site individually.
Section 1605 of this bill changes current law to place greater emphasis on the need to consider the preservation of human and natural resources in the
decisionmaking process of developing highway projects. Consideration of a variety of highway project impacts has been part of the design process for many years. However, the transportation community has demanded improvements in project delivery and in the makeup of the product that is delivered. Compatibility with the surrounding environment and improved safety for the motorist and the pedestrian are critical.
The bill also directs the Secretary to ensure that the plans and specifications for proposed highway projects have considered preservation, historic, scenic, natural environment, and community values. However, States can use existing processes for demonstrating that they have considered these subject factors.
Section 1606 covers use of high-occupancy vehicle lanes which has been a topic of great interest to both States and stakeholders. This reauthorization bill clarifies existing law and provides more flexibility to State and local agencies for effective management of high-occupancy vehicle, or HOV, facilities. Certain types of vehicles are exempt from meeting the general occupancy requirements for HOV facilities. The bill further identifies the possible operational strategies that responsible agencies may select from to maximize the use of HOV facilities, manage highway capacity, mitigate congestion, and reduce fuel consumption.
Motorcycles continue to be allowed use of HOV facilities. Responsible Government agencies choosing to meet additional requirements may also allow low-emission and energy-efficient vehicles, such as hybrid vehicles, to use HOV facilities. These agencies are also given the authority to toll the use of an HOV facility by vehicles that do not otherwise meet the normal minimum capacity or other exemption requirements.
Section 1607 relates to bicycle transportation and pedestrian walkways. The highway authorization bill makes minor changes regarding pedestrian walkways, specifically allowing the use of the Surface Transportation Program, STP, funds and congestion mitigation and air quality improvement programs, CMAQs, funds for the nonconstruction pedestrian safety programs where current law only mentions bicycle safety.
We also explicitly mention the pedestrian use on bridges, whereas current law only mentions safety programs for bicycle use. The practice of charging user fees for shared-use paths is also permitted so long as the fees collected by a State are used for maintaining and operating the shared-use paths within the State.
User fees may not be collected on shared-use paths that are not within a highway right-of-way nor make user fees be charged for the use of sidewalks or bicycle paths.
I would like to stop at this point and pass the description to my good friend, Senator Bond. Thank you.
Mr. President, I rise today with my colleague from Florida, Senator Graham, to introduce a very simple piece of legislation that would revoke President Bush's Executive Order 13233 and put back in…
Mr. President, I rise today with my colleague from Florida, Senator Graham, to introduce a very simple piece of legislation that would revoke President Bush's Executive Order 13233 and put back in force President Reagan's Executive Order 12667-- restoring the American people's access to Presidential papers. This bill is the companion to H.R. 1493, which is sponsored by Representative Doug Ose and has enjoyed bipartisan support in the House.
Twenty-five years ago, this body passed the Presidential Records Act and declared that a President's papers were the property of the people of the United States of America and were to be administered by the National Archives and Records Administration, or NARA. The Act provided that Presidential papers would be made available twelve years after a President left office, allowing the former or incumbent President the right to claim executive privilege for particularly sensitive documents. In order to fulfill that mandate, President Reagan in 1989 signed Executive Order 12667, which gave the former or incumbent President thirty days to claim executive privilege.
However, in 2001, President Bush signed Executive Order 13233, nullifying President Reagan's order and imposing new regulations for obtaining Presidential documents. President Bush's new order greatly restricts access to Presidential papers by forcing all requests for documents, no matter how innocuous, to be approved by both the former President and current White House. In this way the order goes against the letter and the spirit of the Presidential Records Act by requiring the NARA to make a presumption of non-disclosure, thus allowing the White House to prevent the release of records simply by inaction.
The President's order also limits what types of papers are available by expanding the scope of executive privilege into new areas--namely communications between the President and his advisors and legal advice given to the President. Also, former Presidents can now designate third parties to exercise executive privilege on their behalf, meaning that Presidential papers could remain concealed many years after a President's death. These expansions raise some serious constitutional questions and cause unnecessary controversy that could end up congesting our already overburdened courts. My legislation simply seeks to restore a legitimate, streamlined means of carrying out this body's wishes--making Presidential records available for examination by the public and by Congress.
The administration shouldn't fear passage of this bill. Any documents that contain sensitive national security information would remain inaccessible, as would any documents pertaining to law enforcement or the deliberative process of the executive branch. Executive privilege for both former and current Presidents would still apply to any papers the White House designates. With these safeguards in place, there is no reason to further hinder access to documents that are in some cases more than twenty years old.
By not passing this bill, the Congress would greatly limit its own ability to investigate previous administrations, not to mention limit the ability of historians and other interested parties to research the past. Knowledge of the past enriches and informs our understanding of the present, and by limiting our access to these documents we do both ourselves and future generations a great disservice. Numerous historians, journalists, archivists and other scholars have voiced their disapproval of Executive Order 13233 because they understand how important access to Presidential papers can be to accurately describing and learning from past events. We here in the Congress cannot afford to surrender our ability to investigate previous Presidential administrations because doing so would remove a vitally important means of ensuring Presidential accountability.
I believe it is time for these documents to become part of the public record. I believe in open, honest, and accountable government, and I do not believe in keeping secrets from the American people. The Presidential Records Act was one of this country's most vital post- Watergate reforms and it remains vitally important today. In these times when trust in government is slipping more and more every day, we need to send a statement to the American people that we here in Washington don't need to hide from public scrutiny--that instead we welcome and encourage public scrutiny. This bill will send just such a message.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am introducing today emergency legislation with Senators Landrieu, Lincoln, Kerry, Clinton, Murray, Lautenberg, and Mikulski that would extend a critical Federal-State program that assists low-income Medicare beneficiaries in paying their health premiums costs through the Medicaid program. This specific program, for low-income senior and disabled citizens, was enacted as part of the Balanced Budget Act of 1997 and is slated for expiration at the end of fiscal year 2003. The program was extended and is slated for expiration at the end of fiscal year 2003. The program was extended by the two continuing resolutions and the final appropriations bill through September 30, 2003. This legislation would simply further extend it for another year--through the end of 2004.
This program, known as the Qualifying Individual Program, or QI-1, within Medicaid is a block grant payment to states to pay the Medicare Part B premium of $58.70 per month in 2003 for individuals with monthly incomes between $887 and $997 for individuals and between $1,194 and $1,344 for couples. This covers Medicare beneficiaries with income between 120 and 135 percent of the Federal Poverty Level.
This amounts to a benefit of over $700 annually that many older and disabled Americans depend upon to pay for a portion of their health care costs, such as prescription drugs and supplemental coverage. Well over 120,000 people nationwide currently rely on the QI-1 and will be hard pressed to afford Medicare coverage without this assistance. In short, to prevent the erosion of existing low-income protections, Congress must extend the QI-1 program this year.
This is a bipartisan issue as well. President Bush had included QI-1 reauthorization in his fiscal year 2003 budget. Moreover, an extension has been included in S. 1, the ``Prescription Drug and Medicare Improvement Act of 2003,'' but the conference is certainly not going to be completed, passed by both the House and Senate, and signed into law by the President in time before the need for States to send out notices to beneficiaries alerting them to their forthcoming loss of cost sharing protections at the end of September.
As Ron Pollack, Executive Director at Families, USA notes in his letter of support for this legislation, ``Without an extension, over 120,000 low-income Medicare beneficiaries will have to be sent notices that the program is expiring. The result will be confusion, fear, and uncertainty among this population. This disruption can all be avoided by the quick and early passage of your extension bill.''
At the Federal level, the Congress and Administration are often criticized for failure to understand what are or are not the implications to real people. One hundred and twenty thousand low-income beneficiaries face the prospect of their cost sharing increasing by over $700 per year at the end of September. They cannot be assured that an extension will be passed or done so in a timely fashion. How are they supposed to plan and budget?
When we return in September, we will have just a few legislative days to pass an extension in the Senate, the House, and be signed by the President to stop the process of States having to send out disenrollment letters. We all know this can be very difficult to get through the Congress, as it requires unanimous consent, and may not occur in a timely fashion. If not, States will be forced to send out disenrollment letters to the 120,000 low-income seniors and the disabled that rely on the cost-sharing protections provided by the QI-1 program and begin to shut down their programs.
Again, this is emergency legislation that simply provisions a one- year extension of QI-1 program to prevent the cut-off of cost-sharing protections for 120,000 low-income Medicare beneficiaries. We should be engaging in improving health coverage for low-income elderly and disabled citizens rather than leaving these vulnerable Americans facing fear, uncertainty, disruption, and increasing costs.
I urge immediate passage of this legislation and ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill to be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, last evening, I introduced two bills with Senator Domenici and yet another one today to address a technical, but very important problem that the State of New Mexico and a number of other States, including that of the Majority Leader, have faced with respect to the Children's Health Insurance Program, or CHIP. When CHIP was established by President Clinton and the Congress in 1997, an inequity was built into the program whereby certain states that had been more progressive and had expanded coverage to children through Medicaid prior to the enactment of the bill were penalized.
In the last Congress and again this year, I introduced the ``Children's Health Equity Act of 2003'' to address this problem for a number of States, including New Mexico, Vermont, Washington, and Tennessee. Our states have been unable to fully access Federal CHIP funds because the previous expansion of Medicaid to children was not recognized or ``grandfathered,'' while certain other States such as New York, Florida, and Pennsylvania were explicitly ``grandfathered'' in and their State expansions to children were allowed to be covered with CHIP dollars.
The National Governors' Association has long recognized this inequity and has, in fact, a policy that read, ``The Governors believe that it is critical that innovative states not be penalized for having expanded coverage to children before the enactment of S-CHIP, which provides enhanced funding to meet these goals. To this end, the Governors support providing additional funding flexibility to states that had already significantly expanded coverage to the majority of uninsured children in their states.''
S. 621, the ``Children's Health Equity Act,'' did precisely that and the critical language from our legislation was included in S. 312 by Senators Rockefeller and Chafee, which addressed both expired and expiring CHIP funds and the problem addressed by S. 621. We appreciated their recognition of that issue and supported the passage of that legislation after an extensive set of negotiations and compromises on the language.
For New Mexico, an important issue is that our State expanded coverage up to 185 percent of poverty prior to the enactment of CHIP. Because of this, the children in our State between 100 percent and 185 percent of poverty are ineligible for CHIP. Thus, New Mexico has been allocated $266 million from CHIP between fiscal years 1998 and 2002, and yet has only been able to spend slightly over $26 million as of the end of the last fiscal year. In other words, New Mexico has been allowed to spend less than 10 percent of its Federal CHIP allocations. This, despite the fact our State ranks 2nd in the Nation in the percentage of children who are uninsured.
It is a travesty that money set-aside for New Mexico to address our children's coverage problem is not available to be spent and is thereby redistributed to other States who have far lower uninsured rates and whose children between 100 and 185 percent of poverty are eligible for Federal CHIP dollars. The children in those States are certainly no more worthy of health insurance coverage than the children of New Mexico.
The consequences for the children of New Mexico are enormous. According to the Census Bureau, New Mexico has an estimated 114,000 uninsured children. Put another way, almost 21 percent of all the children in New Mexico are uninsured, despite the fact New Mexico has expanded coverage all the way to 235 percent of poverty. Again, this is the 2nd highest rate of uninsured children in the country.
This is a result of the fact that an estimated 80 percent of the uninsured children in New Mexico are below 200 percent of poverty. These children are often eligible for either Medicaid or CHIP but currently unenrolled. With the exception of those few children between 185 and 200 percent of poverty who are eligible for the enhanced federal CHIP dollars, all of the remaining children below 185 percent of poverty in New Mexico are denied CHIP funding despite their need.
For New Mexico, the Senate language that was in S. 621 and included in S. 312 would have allowed New Mexico to spend up to 20 percent of its Federal CHIP allotments on children enrolled between 150 and 185 percent of poverty. Unfortunately, the House of Representatives chose to modify the Senate language in such a manner through the introduction and passage of H.r. 2854 that New Mexico may no longer be eligible.
The House of Representatives, which did not include language addressing New Mexico's problem in the first place, chose to edit the Senate language that ``grandfathered'' States that had previous expanded coverage ``up to'' 185 percent of poverty and above and replaced it with language that the State had to have expanded coverage to ``at least'' 185 percent of poverty.
This sounds rather technical, but this slight difference may ironically allow all the other states our bill intended to help, who expanded coverage beyond 185 percent of poverty, such as Vermont and Washington, to be ``grandfathered'' but not New Mexico. It is my contention, after reviewing the materials from our State that our State expanded coverage to 185 percent of poverty and operates a full Medicaid benefit at 185 percent of poverty and therefore should qualify as a State to be ``grandfathered.'' Unfortunately, the language change has left the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, or CMS, uncertain of our State's eligibility, as some believe the State has only some up to 185 percent of poverty, or just short of that level, and therefore does not meet the test of ``at least'' 185 percent of poverty.
For six long years, the States of Washington, New Mexico, Vermont, and others have sought to fix the inequity in CHIP. Senator Slade Gorton of Washington had the original legislation to fix this problem and I picked up, modified, and reintroduced that legislation in the last two sessions of Congress. After six long years, to now find that New Mexico may be the only State excluded by the House change and 0.0001 percentage points, is both outrageous and unacceptable.
I contend that the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, or CMS, can still make a determination that New Mexico meets this revised standard under H.R. 2854 and urge them to do so as soon possible.
However, in the meantime, since New Mexico's status is now in question. I introduced two bills last night and another one today with Senator Domenici that all clarify that New Mexico qualifies. The first includes New Mexico as a ``qualified state'' explicitly. This would leave no question at all. The second bill clarifies that a State found to be a partial percentage point below 185 percent of poverty would round up to the nearest number, that being 185 percent of poverty, and be eligible. That would also undoubtedly ensure New Mexico's eligibility. In order to release our hold, I have asked that the bill I introduced changing the percentage that a qualified state must be changed from 185 to
184 percent of poverty be approved by the State in conjunction with H.R. 2854. Unfortunately, our bill will then have to be taken up and passed by the House of Representatives and signed into law by the President.
I have received a letter from Chairman Tauzin, and Ranking Member Dingell of the House Energy and Commerce Committee ensuring the intent of H.R. 2854 is to include New Mexico and provides their commitment that they will ensure any technical problem our State has with the language will be fixed immediately upon return from the August recess. I thank them for their commitment to New Mexico.
Once again, many States are accessing their CHIP allotments to cover kids at poverty levels far below New Mexico's current or past eligibility levels. The children in those states are certainly no more worthy and the children of New Mexico deserve better than they are getting from the Federal Government. I accept the commitment made by the leadership of the Senate Finance Committee and the House Energy and Commerce Committee to fix this problem and therefore urge the passage of both H.R. 2854 and the original legislation that I introduced today.
I ask unanimous consent that the letter I referred to be printed in the Record.
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Mr. President, today I introduce the Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act. This bill would amend the Patriot Act to protect the privacy of law- abiding Americans. It would set…
Mr. President, today I introduce the Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act.
This bill would amend the Patriot Act to protect the privacy of law- abiding Americans. It would set reasonable limits on the Federal Government's access to library, bookseller, medical, and other sensitive, personal information under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act and related foreign intelligence authority.
I am pleased that several of my distinguished colleagues--Senators Bingaman, Kennedy, Cantwell, Durbin, Wyden, Corzine, Akaka, and Jeffords--have joined me as original cosponsors of this important legislation.
I and millions of other patriotic Americans love our country and support our military men and women in their difficult missions abroad, but worry about the fate of our Constitution here at home.
Much of our Nation's strength comes from our constitutional liberties and respect for the rule of law. That is what has kept us free for our two and a quarter century history. Our constitutional freedoms, our American values, are what make our country worth fighting for in the fight against terrorism.
Here at home, there is no question that the FBI needs ample resources and legal authority to prevent future acts of terrorism. But the Patriot Act went too far when it comes to the government's access to personal information about law-abiding Americans.
Even though in the end I opposed the Patriot Act, there were several provisions that I did support. For example, Congress was right to expand the category of business records that the FBI could obtain by subpoena pursuant to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Prior to the Patriot Act, the FBI could seek a court order to obtain only travel records--such as airline, hotel, and car rental records--and records maintained by storage facilities. The Patriot Act allows any business records to be subpoenaed. I don't quibble with that change.
But what my colleagues and I do find problematic--and an increasing number of Americans who value their privacy and First Amendment rights agree with us--is that the current law allows the FBI broad, almost unfettered access to personal information about law-abiding Americans who have no connection to terrorism or spying.
Section 215 of the Patriot Act requires the FBI to show in an application to the court for a subpoena that the documents are ``sought for'' an international terrorism or foreign intelligence investigation. There is no requirement that the FBI make a showing of individualized suspicion that the documents relate to a suspected terrorism or spy.
In other words, under current law, the FBI could serve a subpoena on a library for all the borrowing records of its patrons or on a bookseller for the
purchasing records of its customers simply by asserting that they want the records for a terrorism investigation.
During the last year, librarians and booksellers have become increasingly concerned by the potential for abuse of this law. I was pleased to stand with the American Booksellers Association and the Free Expression Network a little over a year ago when we first started to raise these concerns.
Librarians and booksellers are concerned that under the Patriot Act, the FBI could seize records from libraries and booksellers in order to monitor what books Americans have purchased or borrowed, or who has used a library's or bookstore's internet computer stations, even if there is no evidence that the person is a terrorist or spy, or has any connection to a terrorist or spy.
These concerns are so strong, that some librarians across the country have taken the unusual step of destroying records of patrons' book and computer use, as well as posting signs on computer stations warning patrons that whatever they read or access on the internet could be monitored by the Federal Government.
As a librarian in California said, ``We felt strongly that this had to be done. . . . The government has never had this kind of power before. It feels like Big Brother.''
And as the executive director of the American Library Association said, ``This law is dangerous. . . . I read murder mysteries--does that make me a murderer? I read spy stories--does that mean I'm a spy? There's no clear link between a person's intellectual pursuits and their actions.''
The American people do not know how many or what kind of requests federal agents have made for library records under the Patriot Act. The Justice Department refuses to release that information to the public.
But in a survey released by the University of Illinois at Urbana- Champaign, about 550 libraries around the Nation reported having received requests from Federal or local law enforcement during the past year. About half of the libraries said they complied with the law enforcement request, and another half indicated that they had not.
Americans don't know much about these incidents, because the law also contains a provision that prohibits anyone who receives a subpoena from disclosing that fact to anyone.
David Schwartz, president of Harry W. Schwartz Bookshops, the oldest and largest independent bookseller in Milwaukee, summed up well the American values at stake when he said: ``The FBI already has significant subpoena powers to obtain records. There is no need for the government to invade a person's privacy in this way. This is a uniquely un-American tool, and it should be rejected. The books we read are a very private part of our lives. People could stop buying books, and they could be terrified into silence.''
Afraid to read books, terrified into silence. Is that the America we want? Is that the America where we'd like to live? I don't think so. And I hope my colleagues will agree.
It is time to reconsider those provisions of the Patriot Act that are un-American and, frankly, un-patriotic.
Bu my concerns with the Patriot Act go beyond library and bookseller records. Under section 215 of the Patriot Act, the FBI could seek any records maintained by a business. These business records could contain sensitive, personal information--for example, medical records maintained by a doctor or hospital or credit records maintained by a credit agency. All the FBI would have to do is simply assert that the records are ``sought for'' its terrorism or foreign intelligence investigation.
Section 215 of the Patriot Act goes too far. Americans rightfully have a reasonable expectation of privacy in their library, bookstore, medical, financial, or other records containing personal information. Prudent safeguards are need to protect these legitimate privacy interests.
The Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act is a reasonable solution. It would restore a pre-Patriot Act requirement that the FBI make a factual, individualized showing that the records sought pertain to a suspected terrorist or spy.
My bill will not prevent the FBI from doing its job. My bill recognizes that the post-September 11 world is a different world. There are circumstances when the FBI should legitimately have access to library, bookseller, or other personal information.
I would like to take a moment to explain how the safeguard in my bill would be applied. Suppose the FBI is conducting an investigation of an international terrorist organization. It has information that suspected members of the group live in a particular neighborhood. The FBI would like to serve a subpoena on the library in the suspects' neighborhood. Under current law, the FBI could decide to ask the library for all records concerning anyone who has ever borrowed a book or used a computer, and what books were borrowed, simply by asserting that the documents are sought for a terrorism investigation. But under my bill, the FBI could not do so. The FBI would have to set forth specific and articulable facts giving reason to believe that the person to whom the records pertain is a suspected terrorist. The FBI could subpoena only those library records--such as borrowing records or computer sign-in logs--that pertain to the suspected terrorists. The FBI could not obtain library records concerning individuals who are not suspected terrorists.
So, under my bill, the FBI can still obtain documents that it legitimately needs, but my bill would also protect the privacy of law- abiding Americans. I might add, that if, as the Justice Department says, the FBI is using its Patriot Act powers in a responsible manner, does not seek the records of law-abiding Americans, and only seeks the records of suspected terrorists or suspected spies, then there is no reason for the Department to object to my bill.
The second part of my bill would address privacy concerns with another Federal law enforcement power expanded by the Patriot Act--the FBI's national security letter authority, or what is sometimes referred to as ``administrative subpoena'' authority because the FBI does not need court approval to use this power.
My bill would amend section 505 of the Patriot Act. Part of this section relates to the production of records maintained by electronic communications providers. Libraries or bookstores with internet access for customers could be deemed ``electronic communication providers'' and therefore be subject to a request by the FBI under its administrative subpoena authority.
As I mentioned earlier, some librarians are so concerned about the potential for abuse by the FBI that they have taken matters into their own hands before the FBI knocks on their door. Some librarians have begun shredding on a daily basis sign-in logs and other documents relating to the public's use of library computer terminals to access the Internet.
Again, safeguards are needed to ensure that any individual who accesses the internet at a library or bookstore does not automatically give up all expectations of privacy. Like the section 215 I've discussed, my bill would require an individualized showing by the FBI of how the records of internet usage maintained by a library or bookseller pertain to a suspected terrorist or spy.
Yes, the American people want the FBI to be focused on preventing terrorism. And, yes, it may make sense to make some changes to the law to allow the FBI access to the information that it needs to prevent terrorism. But we do not need to change the values that constitute who we are as a nation in order to protect ourselves from terrorism. We can protect both our nation and our privacy and civil liberties.
An increasing number of Americans are beginning to understand that the Patriot Act went too far. Three States and over 130 cities and counties across the country have now passed resolutions expressing opposition to the Patriot Act. And it's not just the Berkeleys and Madisons of the Nation, but other States and communities with strong libertarian values, such as Alaska and cities in Montana, have passed such resolutions.
I have many concerns with the Patriot Act. I am not seeking to repeal it, in whole or in part. My colleagues and I are only seeking to modify two provisions that pose serious potential for abuse.
The privacy of law-abiding Americans is at stake. Congress should act to
protect our privacy. And my bill is a reasonable approach to do just that.
I urge my colleagues to join me and support the Library, Bookseller, and Personal Records Privacy Act.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased today to offer the Data- Mining Reporting Act of 2003. The untested and controversial intelligence procedure known as data-mining is capable of maintaining extensive files containing both public and private records on each and every American. Almost weekly, we learn about a new data-mining program under development like the newly named Terrorism Information Awareness program. Congress should not be learning the details about these programs after millions of dollars are spent testing and using data- mining against unsuspecting Americans.
Coupled with the expanded domestic surveillance already undertaken by this Administration, the unchecked development of data-mining is a dangerous step that threatens one of the most important values that we are fighting for in the war against terrorism--freedom. My bill would require all Federal agencies to report to Congress within 90 days and every year thereafter on data-mining programs used to find a pattern indicating terrorist or other criminal activity and how these programs implicate the civil liberties and privacy of all Americans. If it was necessary, information in the various reports would even be classified.
The bill does not end funding for any program, determine the rules for use of the technology or threaten any on-going investigation that uses data-mining technology. But, with complete information about the current data-mining plans and practices of the Federal Government, Congress will be able to conduct a thorough review of the costs and benefits of the practice of data-mining on a program by program basis and make considered judgments about which programs should go forward and which should not.
My bill would provide Congress with information about the nature of the technology and the data that will be used. The Data-Mining Reporting Act would require all government agencies to assess the efficacy of the data-mining technology and whether the technology can deliver on the promises of each program. In addition, my bill would make sure that the federal agencies using data-mining technology have considered and developed policies to protect the privacy and due process rights of individuals and ensure that only accurate information is collected and used.
Without Congressional review and oversight, government agencies like the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Justice and the Department of Defense will be able to collect and analyze a combination of intelligence data and personal information like individuals' traffic violations, credit card purchases, travel records, medical records, communications records, and virtually any information contained in commercial or public databases. Through comprehensive data-mining, everything from people's video rentals or drugstore purchases made with a credit card to their most private health records could be fed into a computer and monitored and reviewed by the Federal Government.
Using massive data mining, the government hopes to be able to detect potential terrorists. There is no evidence, however, that data-mining will, in fact, prevent terrorism. Data-mining programs under development are being used to look into the future before being tested to determine if they would have even been able to anticipate past events, like September 11 or the Oklahoma City bombing. Before we develop the ability to feed personal information about every man, woman and child into a giant computer, we should learn what data-mining can and can't do and what limits and protections are needed.
One must also consider the potential for errors in data-mining for example, credit agencies that have data about John R. Smith on John D. Smith's credit report make the prospect of ensnaring many innocents is real.
Most Americans believe that their private lives should remain private. Data-mining programs run the risk of intruding into the lives of individuals who have nothing to do with terrorism but who trust that their credit reports, shopping habits and doctor visits would not become a part of a gigantic computerized search engine, operating without any controls or oversight.
The Administration should be required to report to Congress about the impact of the various data-mining programs now underway or being studied, and the impact those programs may have on our privacy and civil liberties so that Congress can determine whether the proposed benefits of this practice come at too high a price to our privacy and personal liberties.
I urge my colleagues to support this bill. All it asks for is information to which Congress and the American people are entitled.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today in support of S. 1531, the John Marshall Commemorative Coin Act. This bill authorizes the Treasury Department to mint and issue coins bearing the likeness of Chief Justice…
Mr. President, I rise today in support of S. 1531, the John Marshall Commemorative Coin Act. This bill authorizes the Treasury Department to mint and issue coins bearing the likeness of Chief Justice John Marshall for the purpose of supporting the Supreme Court Historical Society. Sales of the coin would, in addition to raising funds for the Society, also cover all of the costs of minting and issuing these coins, so that the American taxpayer would not bear any cost whatsoever if this legislation were enacted.
Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes once called John Marshall ``the great Chief Justice.'' After 34 years on the bench, from 1801-1835, Marshall earned that title by establishing many of the constitutional doctrines we revere today. Writing over 500 opinions, he truly made the third branch of government co-equal with the legislative and executive branches.
Marshall's greatness lay in his ability to figure out how to put in practice the concept of checks and balances. In powerfully written decisions, the Marshall Court established several constitutional doctrines, forming the bedrock of contemporary jurisprudence including: establishing judicial review, prohibiting State taxation of the Federal Government, making the federal supreme court final arbiter of decisions issued by State supreme courts, and expounding the limits of the contracts and commerce clauses. Indeed, he solidified early Federalist ideas by defining the relationships between the Federal Government and the States; a position that was forgotten and is only very recently re- emerging in our jurisprudence.
Born in 1755, Marshall was a key player in the founding generation who established our constitutional government. He was an early and active member in the revolutionary cause, joining with the revolutionary army and fighting as one of George Washington's Officers in at least four major battles and enduring the winter at Valley Forge. Marshall later served as a member of Congress and as Secretary of State before his ascension to the Supreme Court.
There is a no more fitting likeness for a coin that would support the efforts of the Supreme Court Historical Society. The Society is a non- profit organization whose purpose is to preserve and disseminate the history of the Supreme Court of the United States. Founded by Chief Justice Warren Burger, the Society's mission is to provide information and historical research on our Nations highest court. The Society accomplishes this mission by conducting programs, publishing books, supporting historical research and collecting antiques and artifacts related to the Court's history.
Recent research includes efforts to capture the history of the Court during the Franklin D. Roosevelt period, the Civil War, and the evolution of the Chief Justice's role on the court. Lectures and programs are open to the public as well as Society members. Additionally, the Society seeks to acquire the private papers, period furnishings, and art work relating to court history.
For all of these reasons, I urge my colleagues to join with me in this effort to memorialize the Great Chief Justice John Marshall and assist a worthwhile organization like the Supreme Court Historical Society.
Thank you, Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation that will help make the American dream a reality for many young people. ``The Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act,'' or ``The DREAM Act,'' resolves immigration status problems that plague undocumented immigrants who came to our country as youths. It also removes barriers to education so that they are better equipped to succeed in our society.
Each year, about fifty thousand young undocumented immigrants graduate from high school in the United States. Most of them came to this country with their parents as small children and have been raised here just like their U.S. citizen classmates. They view themselves as Americans, and are loyal to our country. Some may not even realize that they are here in violation of our immigration laws. They grow up to become honest and hardworking adolescents and young adults, and strive for academic as well as professional excellence.
Many of these youngsters find themselves caught in a catch-22 situation. As illegal immigrants, they cannot work legally. Moreover, they are effectively barred from developing academically beyond high school because of the high cost of pursuing higher education. Private colleges and universities are very expensive, and under current federal law, state institutions cannot grant in-state tuition to illegal immigrants, regardless of how long they have resided in that state. To make matters worse, as illegal immigrants, these young people are ineligible for federal tuition assistance. Moreover, these young people have no independent way of becoming legal residents of the United States.
In short, though these children have built their lives here, they have no possibility of achieving and living the American dream. What a tremendous loss to our society.
One young man who is in this predicament lives in my home State of Utah. His name is Danny Cairo. Danny came to the United States at the age of six with his mother who abandoned him eights years later. Danny had to drop out of school in order to support himself. Fortunately, he met Kevin King, who adopted Danny in 2001. With the help of Mr. King, Danny is presently attending the University of Utah.
This story, however, does not necessarily have a happy ending. Because of the date of the adoption, Danny is unable to derive immigration status from Mr. King. He, therefore, lives in legal limbo and faces the threat of deportation daily. In addition, he may never be able to legally work in the United States.
As Mr. King wrote to me, ``Danny is exactly what our country needs more of. He is a natural born leader with charisma and intelligence and a drive that will take him wherever he wants to go. But this will not be possible if Danny is unable to obtain permanent residency.''
Our laws should not discourage those with bright young minds from seeking higher education. We should instead assist and encourage the many ``Dannys'' who are in the United States and who have the dedication and drive to achieve their worthy goals. I am proud that the DREAM Act provides illegal alien children with options for higher education, as well as the opportunity to earn legal residence in the United States.
First, the DREAM Act repeals the provision of Federal law that prevents States from granting in-State tuition to undocumented aliens, leaving this issue at the discretion of the States. My own State of Utah passed a law that will allow in-State tuition for aliens who have been residents in Utah for at least three years. My States have either passed or are considering the passage of similar legislation.
But the fact of the matter is that cheaper tuition at State schools, no matter how beneficial for these young people, will not solve the larger problem: their illegal immigration status. While I do not advocate granting unchecked amnesty to illegal immigrants, I am, however, in favor of providing children--children who did not make the decision to enter the United States illegally--the opportunity to earn the privilege of remaining here legally. The DREAM Act will do just that. It provides young men and women who immigrated to the United States prior to the age of sixteen, who have lived in this country at least five years, and who are of good moral character a chance to earn their conditional resident status upon acceptance by an institution of higher learning or upon graduation from high school. The DREAM Act allows these special young people to pursue their worthy goals and aspirations.
The bill I am introducing today will extend DREAM Act benefits to a group of people who were excluded from a similar bill negotiated during the 107th Congress. Today's bill removes the age ceiling so that no one will be arbitrarily cut-off from benefits. Moreover, while the version from the last Congress requires high school graduation as a provision for obtaining legal status, the bill I am introducing today contains a provision that allows high school students who have been accepted into an institution of higher learning, but who have not yet graduated from high school, to obtain conditional resident status. This provision enables these high school students to get an earlier start on procuring the necessary funds for financing their education.
Of course, we have to be mindful that the opportunity provided by the DREAM Act is a privilege and not an entitlement. We must make sure that those who reap the benefits of the Act are, in fact, worthy of such benefits. For this reason, the bill I am introducing today tightens certain requirements and eliminates waivers for those
who have serious criminal records that would qualify them for deportation.
In addition, while I always want to encourage educational advancement, I recognize that not everyone's circumstances allow for full-time attendance at a four-year college. For this reason, the DREAM Act provides for certain alternatives like attending community college, trade school, serving in our armed forces, or performing community service.
The purpose of the DREAM Act is to create incentives for out-of- status youngsters to achieve as much as they can in life and to contribute to the greatness of the United States. I recognize that if the bill's requirements are so high that they simply operate as barriers to legalizing status, the bill defeats its own stated purpose. That is why I am committed to ensuring that the requirements imposed by this bill are reasonable and can be met by youngsters who are willing to work hard. The DREAM Act will enable youngsters who have ambition and motivation to obtain permanent legal status.
During the 107th Congress, I introduced a version of the DREAM Act, S. 1291. Since then, it has been replaced in favor of the Durbin/Hatch/ Kennedy/Brownback substitute. The substitute was put on the Senate calendar but did not receive a vote. The House Judiciary Committee debated identical legislation during the last Congress but it was defeated. The House Judiciary Committee has not yet moved similar legislation this Congress. I want to make sure that the DREAM Act we introduce in the 108th Congress will not die in the hopper as it did in the House last year.
By introducing this bill, I know I am subjecting myself to criticism from both sides of the aisle on my immigration policy. Some proponents of strict immigration enforcement argue that the DREAM Act will encourage illegal entry into the United States. However, the DREAM Act was carefully drafted to avoid this precise problem. The Act specifically limits eligibility to those who entered the United States five years or more prior to the bill's enactment. It applies to a limited number of people who already reside in the United States and who have demonstrated favorable equities in and significant ties to the United States. Anyone who entered the United States less than five years prior to the enactment of this bill or who plans to illegally enter the United States in the future will not be covered by the DREAM Act.
On the other hand, proponents for providing general amnesty contend that there shouldn't be any requirements after high school graduation. I agree that for some of these children, graduation from high school is a grand enough accomplishment in itself. My bill recognizes this achievement by providing these graduates with the reward of conditional resident status so that they may work toward permanent status without fear of deportation.
Nonetheless, some critics argue that most immigrant children cannot go to college, nor can they meet the standards set by the current version of the DREAM Act. They cite statistics showing that only a small percentage of illegal immigrant children ever attend college and they argue that this DREAM bill will benefit very few. What these critics overlook, however, is that without the DREAM Act, illegal immigrant children simply do not have the means nor the incentive to obtain a higher education. Since the DREAM Act will remove substantial obstacles to higher education, I am confident that many of the children who are currently illegal U.S. residents will seek higher education.
Some critics also contained that these immigrant children do not have the aptitude to attend community college or trade school and that even joining the military or performing a few hours a week of community service is out of reach for them. To this criticism I stress that this is not only wholly inaccurate, but it is also an elitist attitude to which I cannot subscribe. Immigrant children, whether legal or otherwise, are no less capable than other children. They just need the opportunity to reach their potential.
I also want to point out that everyone who was eligible for benefits under last year's bill will be eligible again this year. In fact, as I explained earlier, those who were left out of last year's bill are included in this year's bill. The only difference is that now, the applicant has to contribute more to American society before transitioning from conditional resident status to permanent resident status.
I believe the DREAM Act will live up to its name. It will allow these illegal immigrant children the opportunity to not only dream of the infinite possibilities that their futures may hold in the United States, but it will also afford them the opportunity to realize their dreams. With the passage of the DREAM Act, the United States stands to benefit enormously. Once these children become legal residents of this Nation, they will prove to be motivated, hard-working, and educated contributors to our society. I am pleased and proud once again to work with Senator Durbin on this important legislation.
Mr. President, if we have an impasse about scheduling this afternoon, I wonder if it would be appropriate to ask consent that we have morning business tomorrow immediately after we commence Senate…
Mr. President, if we have an impasse about scheduling this afternoon, I wonder if it would be appropriate to ask consent that we have morning business tomorrow immediately after we commence Senate business to accommodate the request made by the distinguished Senator from Florida and the Senator from California. Could we do that?
That is a matter to be determined by the majority leader, but I would suggest that normally we have Senate business in the morning. We could either come in a little bit earlier or figure out our schedule. But it would not then interfere with the understandable desire on the part of the manager to stay on the bill once we are on the bill. Technically we are on the highway bill right now. Tomorrow morning we could certainly accommodate the Senator's request with the time allotted for his comments and those of the Senator from California.
That would be up to the majority leader.
Mr. President, I would say to the Senator from Florida that I will talk to the majority leader. I would be surprised if he would have any difficulty coming in prior to 9:30.
I will use my leader time prior to the time we move to the bill itself. I wish to comment on a couple of things this afternoon.
The majority leader had made a unanimous consent request. On his behalf, I make it again. I don't think there will be an objection.
Mr. President, I was criticized by some Members of the House yesterday or today with regard to the pension bill. Their criticism was that I was holding the bill. Let me make sure people understand: I have not held the bill. I have no desire to hold the pension bill. I would like to get on with it. I would like to complete our work on the pension bill.
It is, of course, the prerogative of the majority leader and the majority to send the bill to the House once we have completed our work. That has not been done. They are certainly within their rights to make decisions with regard to the disposition of the bill, but it would be in error to say that in any way I am holding the bill.
I am withholding our consent to go to conference on the bill, which is a different matter. I will talk about that in a moment. Obviously, Senator Frist and I have had some conversations about how we proceed with regard to conferences this year.
We are unwilling to commit to a process that brought about the unacceptable circumstances in conference last year, especially on the energy bill as well as the Medicare bill. But there are three approaches.
First, of course, on any bill, we are certainly within our rights to ask for a conference with the House. What we have simply asked is that if there is a conference, all the conferees be present when deliberations take place. That isn't too much to ask. That is all we are asking--our presence at conference meetings once those conference meetings have been called. We don't think a conference can truly be a conference if only one party is represented. That is my simple request. Until I have the assurance that that request is be granted, we are unable to provide consent to go to conference.
We are not asking for any predetermined outcome. We are not asking for a certain set of expectations with regard to the legislation itself. We are simply saying: If you are going to have a conference, don't call it a conference unless you have the conferees present.
There are two other approaches. I have just alluded to the second approach, which is to send the bill to the House. We have done that on a number of occasions. There is nothing that precludes us from sending the pension bill to the House, allowing them to work their will. Perhaps they will accept the changes made by the Senate. That certainly is within their right.
There is a third option. This is a tested, tried and true option that I can say with some authority has happened on countless occasions in past years and conferences. Last year we preconferenced the forest health bill. And once successfully preconferenced,
we agreed in conference to the provisions and the bill passed almost unanimously. In the 108th Congress, we passed 19 bills by preconferencing them first, including the AIDS Assistance Act, the Military Family Relief Act, the Veterans Benefits Act. And in the 107th Congress, we passed 51 bills by preconferencing the agreements: Railroad Retirement Survivors Improvement Act, the Veterans Benefit Act, Nurses Reinvestment Act, the Homeland Security Act, the Native American Settlements and Indian Financing Act Amendments. Those and 40- plus more bills were preconferenced.
I ask unanimous consent that the list of bills preconferenced and agreed to successfully in the 108th Congress to date and the 107th Congress be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, we have three options. First, whether it is the pension bill or any bill, we can go to conference and do what the institution requires, and that is have Members of the Senate and House, Republicans and Democrats, present at conferences and resolve our differences in the traditional manner.
Second, we can certainly pass the bill over to the House, send it over to the House at any time. We can do that on the pension bill this afternoon.
The third thing we can do is what I have just suggested has been done successfully on 19 occasions so far in the 108th Congress and 51 occasions in the 107th Congress; that is, to preconference and ultimately then to confirm our agreements in a formal conference once the negotiations have been completed.
We stand ready, once again, to do whatever it takes to pass the pension bill and ultimately put it on the President's desk. There is an urgency to this legislation. We will not, on any legislation this year, tolerate the unacceptable experience we had on several occasions in the first session of this Congress.
Mr. President, I wish to take a moment to talk further about the transportation bill. As I said yesterday, getting this bill to the floor has been too long a process. I won't dwell on that other than to say the Congress and the administration have not been successful in bringing this bill to conclusion, and because of that we have already lost 90,000 jobs.
For too long our economy has been slowed by outdated and inadequate transportation infrastructure. Nothing expresses the urgency of this bill better than the fact that we have lost 3 million private sector jobs over the last 3 years. It is time to get this bill done.
Make no mistake, not only will this bill create jobs all across the country but it will address our Nation's infrastructure deficit as well.
If passed, this bill will improve the more than 30 percent of our roads and highways that are in poor and substandard condition today. It will help improve the more than 30 percent of our Nation's bridges that are functionally obsolete or structurally deficient.
As I said yesterday, the managers of the bill, Chairman Inhofe and Senators Jeffords, Bond, and Reid, have done a remarkable job in bringing us a fine product to the Senate floor. This is a difficult, complicated issue, with an extraordinary number of different interests to balance.
The Finance Committee, led by Chairman Grassley and Senator Baucus, has also done a fine job of ensuring that there is symmetry in how we deal with highways and transit.
Senator Frist and I met on Monday to discuss the bill and we had a very productive conversation. In essence, we both agreed that now the Senate has begun debate on the transportation bill, we need to ensure it goes forward in a cooperative, bipartisan fashion. That is how the Environment and Public Works Committee has approached this bill, and we have a fine work product because of that bipartisan, cooperative approach. That is how the Finance Committee has approached this bill, and we have a fine work product because of the bipartisan, cooperative approach there as well.
That is how the Banking Committee has approached the bill as it relates to transit issues, and this morning the Banking Committee reported, by a voice vote, a fine work product because of the work Chairman Shelby and Senator Sarbanes have demonstrated in their cooperative approach.
That is why I find it so troubling that the administration appears to be lagging behind--why they seem to be putting up roadblocks to the highway bill instead of paving the way for improved infrastructure and more jobs.
As I said, the Finance Committee reported a bill on Monday. Then Tuesday, yesterday, Transportation Secretary Mineta and Treasury Secretary Snow sent a letter about those very same financing provisions.
First of all, it would have been helpful to have had such a letter before the Finance Committee met, not a day
after. Second, based on the letter, many have claimed the Finance Committee does not meet the administration's test with regard to the financing provision and have suggested the President may even veto the bill.
Now some of my colleagues disagree. They say the Finance Committee bill does meet the administration's test, and I hope they are correct. But at this point, we simply don't know the administration's position on the bill we are now considering on the floor.
It is important that the administration make its position clear. This bill deserves their unequivocal support. Chairman Grassley and Senator Baucus and the other committee members put together an excellent and balanced package and showed courage in taking on corporate tax loopholes. Most importantly, this bill makes real investments in our future in a fiscally responsible way. Every dollar in this bill is paid for with a crackdown on corporate tax shelters, which has been a bipartisan priority in the Senate for years.
The package is a rare accomplishment--a bipartisan, fiscally responsible one that invests in our future and creates jobs today. It is a win for highways, a win for transit, a win for fiscal responsibility, and a win for honest taxpayers. The only losers are tax cheaters.
It is inexplicable to me why there is even discussion about the administration threatening to veto this bipartisan package. Opposing the financing provisions would raise troubling questions about the administration's priorities.
Would they rather protect corporate tax cheaters than repair our roads and bridges and provide jobs?
Would they rather help wealthy people renounce their citizenship and avoid paying their fair share of taxes than cut down on the traffic and congestion that puts a drag on our economy and inconveniences our citizens?
Would they rather protect corporations that engage in shady manipulations than create a modern transportation system for America's future?
I hope those who say yesterday's administration letter is a veto threat are wrong. The Finance Committee has done an exceptional job of providing for the needs of our economy, while cracking down on tax cheats.
With a $521 billion deficit this year, we cannot afford to let corporate tax cheaters continue to pass along their bills to the rest of us. We have an opportunity to bring new life to our economy, and old-fashioned accountability to our Tax Code. I urge the President to make their position clear on this bill soon.
If we do what the Environment and Public Works Committee has done, if we do what the Finance Committee has done, if we do what the Banking Committee has done, if we do what Leader Frist and I have agreed to do and go forward in a bipartisan, cooperative fashion, if we go forward as soon as possible to get this long overdue bill done, we will make progress not only for our Nation's infrastructure, but for our Nation as a whole.
This legislation will impact people all across our country every day. It will provide jobs. It will make us more competitive in the world. Let's get on with passing the bill, and let's do it as thoroughly, as completely, but as much in keeping with the bipartisan spirit already established in three committees, as has been demonstrated thus far.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I thank the majority leader for his report and for the announcement regarding the opening of offices. He also ought to be commended for his work and leadership in expediting the opening of the offices themselves. This has been a difficult matter because his office has been directly affected, but this is a very good piece of news that we should be back and up and running with all cylinders by the early part of next week.
I share, as well, his expressions of gratitude for all of those who have been involved in this effort to date, having recalled very vividly the nightmares of 2 years ago. It is fair to say we have come a long way in our ability to deal effectively with matters such as these. While this one is different, it is also indicative of the progress we have made in allowing the institution to respond more quickly and successfully and, hopefully, that will be in evidence as we continue our work.
Again, I thank the majority leader for his report. I know this will be good news for all Members.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I rise today to re-introduce legislation critical to helping victims of identity theft. This legislation, the Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act, passed the Senate by unanimous…
Mr. President, I rise today to re-introduce legislation critical to helping victims of identity theft. This legislation, the Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act, passed the Senate by unanimous consent in the 107th Congress, and I look forward to its passage again this Congress. Last year, the legislation had strong bipartisan support, as evidenced by the fact that Senator Mike Enzi is cosponsoring it again. The bill has broad support from law enforcement, consumers' groups, and privacy advocates. Last year, the National Center for the Victims of Crime, the Fraternal Order of Police, Consumers Union, Identity Theft Resource Center, U.S. Public Interest Group, Police Executive Forum, Privacy Rights Clearinghouse, and Amazon.com supported the bill. Twenty-two state Attorneys General signed a letter supporting the legislation.
Identity theft is the fastest-growing crime in the country. The Federal Trade Commission found that complaints of identity theft increased 87 percent between 2001 and 2002, and over 161,000 complaints were received by the agency last year. A July 2003 study by Gartner Inc. found that there was a 79 percent increase in identity theft in the past year alone. Identity theft now accounts for 43 percent of consumer fraud complaints and leads the list of consumer frauds. It is an insidious crime because it often occurs without the victim's knowledge, yet leaves scars on their credit records and reputations that can last for years, and cost thousands of dollars to repair.
The Secret Service has estimated that consumers lose $745 million to the problem each year, and this number is clearly growing as the number of identity thefts increases. When a victim realizes that his or her identity was stolen it's just the beginning of their troubles. The FTC estimates that it costs the average victim $1,000 in long-distance phone calls, notary charges, mailing costs and lost wages to get his or her financial life back in order after an identity thief strikes. The Identity Theft Resources Center estimates that average identity theft victims spend 175 hours to clear their records.
But the costs are not confined to consumers--identity theft hits businesses and the economy, too. Identity theft-related losses suffered by MasterCard and Visa jumped from $79.9 million in 1996 to $144.3 million in 2000. One study estimates that by 2006 identity theft will cost the financial institution sector alone $8 billion per year.
To take just one of many examples from my state, Jenni D'Avis of Mill Creek, Washington, had her Social Security number stolen when a thief took her mail and found the number listed on a letter from her community college. The criminal used the number to obtain a state identification card, and in turn used that to get credit. In just 23 days, the thief ran up $100,000 in bad debt--all in Jenni's name. Once she became aware of the problem, she had to become a ``Nancy Drew,'' and track down information. Businesses were reluctant to give her the information she needed to determine the extent of the problem and clear her name and credit record. She is still repairing the damage.
Sadly, Jenni's story is not unique. Victims of identity theft have difficulty restoring their credit and regaining control of their identity, in part, because they have no simple means to show creditors and credit reporting agencies that they are who they say they are. In order to prove fraud, a victim often needs copies of creditors records, such as applications and information, and records from the companies the identity thief did business with. Ironically, victims have difficulty obtaining these business records because the victim's personal identifying information does not match the information on file with the business.
This bill fixes that problem. The Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act creates a standardized national process for a person to establish he or she is a victim of identity theft for purposes of tracing fraudulent credit transactions and obtaining the evidence to repair them. It requires the Federal Trade Commission to make available a simple certificate that, when notarized, provides certainty to businesses and financial institutions that the person is who they claim to be, is a victim of identity theft, and has filed claims with both local law enforcement and the FTC. With this document in hand, the victim can then obtain from businesses the records they need.
The need for a national system is readily apparent, as identity theft is increasingly a crime that crosses state lines. One of the greatest challenges identity theft presents to law enforcement is that a stolen identity is used to create false identities in many different localities in different states. Although identity theft is a federal crime, most often, state and local law enforcement agencies are responsible for investigating and prosecuting the crimes. Yet law enforcement has yet to fully recognize the serious nature of the problem or to develop a coordinated investigative strategy. For example, in the case of Michael Calip of Centralia, Washington, identity thieves not only ran up $60,000 in debts, they also committed crimes using his name--trashing his credit record and creating a criminal record. Michael tracked the thieves to Wyoming, but had difficulty convincing local authorities there to pursue his case.
My bill for the first time also permits a victim to designate the investigating agency, either local or state law enforcement or federal investigators, to act as their agents in obtaining evidence of identity theft. This both eases the burden on the victim and aids police in investigating suspected identity theft rings. In addition it requires the existing Identity Theft Coordinating Committee to consult with state and local law enforcement agencies.
Acquiring the evidence of the fraudulent use of identity currently can be an enormous and time-consuming problem for victims. The Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act makes this job easier by establishing that any business presented with the FTC certificate identifying the person as a victim of identity theft, together with a police report and a government issued photo ID must deliver copies of all the financial records that document the fraud to the victim within 20 days. This is a critically important change from current law because it guarantees that victims will be able to obtain the evidence they need while also providing businesses more certainty that they are not violating someone's privacy or providing sensitive information to the wrong parties. It also provides new liability protections for businesses that make a good faith effort to assist victims of identity theft.
Of course, the greatest harm to consumers victimized by theft of their identity is often a bad credit rating or a poor credit score that results from fraudulent use of the consumer's identity. According to the FTC, it often takes about a year for people to discover someone is using personal information for fraudulent purposes, allowing significant damage to otherwise stellar credit records. Even after a consumer reports to a credit reporting agency that they have been victimized by identity theft, the consumer often can not get the reporting agencies to block reporting of activities that resulted from the identity theft.
My bill again requires that presentation of the FTC certificate, police report and photo identification establish that the person is in fact a victim of identity theft and requires credit-reporting agencies to block information that appears on a victim's credit report as a result of the identity theft. It also changes current law that requires individuals to bring suit against a credit reporting agency within two years from the time the agency commits a violation of laws on fair reporting of credit. This makes little sense, since it may be years before a misrepresentation comes to the attention of a victim of identity theft. The bill requires that the statute of limitations begin ticking from the time when a consumer discovers or has reason to know that a misrepresentation by a credit reporting agency has occurred.
The bill leaves in place state laws that are more stringent and provides that either federal prosecutors or State Attorneys General may enforce this law.
Jenni and Michael's stories illustrate the unique problems victims of identity theft face. Although penalties exist for identity thieves, no remedies are available for their victims. The scope of the problem is made worse because it's too easy for a criminal to steal someone's identity and cause serious harm before the theft is even discovered. And when these criminals cross state lines, it can be even harder for victims to trace the problem and repair the damage. For these reasons, it's imperative that we pass federal legislation for the victims of identity theft.
The government, creditors and credit reporting agencies have a shared responsibility to assist identity theft victims mitigate the harm that results from frauds perpetrated in the victim's name. We need to build up the law enforcement network, already started by the Federal Trade Commission and other federal agencies under the Identity Theft and Assumption Deterrence Act of 1998. We need to further improve law enforcement coordination, particularly between the various local and state jurisdictions combating identity theft and the associated crimes.
We also need to provide better and timelier information to businesses so they can head off fraud before it happens. That is why my bill also expands the jurisdiction of the interagency coordinating committee established under the Internet False Identification Act of 2000. Currently, the coordination committee has the mandate to study and report to Congress on federal investigation and enforcement of identity theft crimes. The Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act broadens the mandate for the coordinating committee to consider state and local enforcement of identity theft law and specifically requires the committee to examine and recommend what assistance the federal government can provide state and local law enforcement agencies to better coordinate in the battle against identity theft.
Mr. President, there is no doubt about the scope of the problem: identity theft is already a major problem, and it's getting worse. We must provide victims with the tools they need to regain control of their lives. The Identity Theft Victims Assistance of 2003 will help victims of identity theft recover their identity and restore their good credit. I look forward to working with my colleagues to promptly enact this bill into law.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to re-introduce legislation critical to helping victims of identity theft. This legislation, the Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act, passed the Senate by unanimous…
Mr. President, I rise today to re-introduce legislation critical to helping victims of identity theft. This legislation, the Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act, passed the Senate by unanimous consent in the 107th Congress, and I look forward to its passage again this Congress. Last year, the legislation had strong bipartisan support, as evidenced by the fact that Senator Mike Enzi is cosponsoring it again. The bill has broad support from law enforcement, consumers' groups, and privacy advocates. Last year, the National Center for the Victims of Crime, the Fraternal Order of Police, Consumers Union, Identity Theft Resource Center, U.S. Public Interest Group, Police Executive Forum, Privacy Rights Clearinghouse, and Amazon.com supported the bill. Twenty-two state Attorneys General signed a letter supporting the legislation.
Identity theft is the fastest-growing crime in the country. The Federal Trade Commission found that complaints of identity theft increased 87 percent between 2001 and 2002, and over 161,000 complaints were received by the agency last year. A July 2003 study by Gartner Inc. found that there was a 79 percent increase in identity theft in the past year alone. Identity theft now accounts for 43 percent of consumer fraud complaints and leads the list of consumer frauds. It is an insidious crime because it often occurs without the victim's knowledge, yet leaves scars on their credit records and reputations that can last for years, and cost thousands of dollars to repair.
The Secret Service has estimated that consumers lose $745 million to the problem each year, and this number is clearly growing as the number of identity thefts increases. When a victim realizes that his or her identity was stolen it's just the beginning of their troubles. The FTC estimates that it costs the average victim $1,000 in long-distance phone calls, notary charges, mailing costs and lost wages to get his or her financial life back in order after an identity thief strikes. The Identity Theft Resources Center estimates that average identity theft victims spend 175 hours to clear their records.
But the costs are not confined to consumers--identity theft hits businesses and the economy, too. Identity theft-related losses suffered by MasterCard and Visa jumped from $79.9 million in 1996 to $144.3 million in 2000. One study estimates that by 2006 identity theft will cost the financial institution sector alone $8 billion per year.
To take just one of many examples from my state, Jenni D'Avis of Mill Creek, Washington, had her Social Security number stolen when a thief took her mail and found the number listed on a letter from her community college. The criminal used the number to obtain a state identification card, and in turn used that to get credit. In just 23 days, the thief ran up $100,000 in bad debt--all in Jenni's name. Once she became aware of the problem, she had to become a ``Nancy Drew,'' and track down information. Businesses were reluctant to give her the information she needed to determine the extent of the problem and clear her name and credit record. She is still repairing the damage.
Sadly, Jenni's story is not unique. Victims of identity theft have difficulty restoring their credit and regaining control of their identity, in part, because they have no simple means to show creditors and credit reporting agencies that they are who they say they are. In order to prove fraud, a victim often needs copies of creditors records, such as applications and information, and records from the companies the identity thief did business with. Ironically, victims have difficulty obtaining these business records because the victim's personal identifying information does not match the information on file with the business.
This bill fixes that problem. The Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act creates a standardized national process for a person to establish he or she is a victim of identity theft for purposes of tracing fraudulent credit transactions and obtaining the evidence to repair them. It requires the Federal Trade Commission to make available a simple certificate that, when notarized, provides certainty to businesses and financial institutions that the person is who they claim to be, is a victim of identity theft, and has filed claims with both local law enforcement and the FTC. With this document in hand, the victim can then obtain from businesses the records they need.
The need for a national system is readily apparent, as identity theft is increasingly a crime that crosses state lines. One of the greatest challenges identity theft presents to law enforcement is that a stolen identity is used to create false identities in many different localities in different states. Although identity theft is a federal crime, most often, state and local law enforcement agencies are responsible for investigating and prosecuting the crimes. Yet law enforcement has yet to fully recognize the serious nature of the problem or to develop a coordinated investigative strategy. For example, in the case of Michael Calip of Centralia, Washington, identity thieves not only ran up $60,000 in debts, they also committed crimes using his name--trashing his credit record and creating a criminal record. Michael tracked the thieves to Wyoming, but had difficulty convincing local authorities there to pursue his case.
My bill for the first time also permits a victim to designate the investigating agency, either local or state law enforcement or federal investigators, to act as their agents in obtaining evidence of identity theft. This both eases the burden on the victim and aids police in investigating suspected identity theft rings. In addition it requires the existing Identity Theft Coordinating Committee to consult with state and local law enforcement agencies.
Acquiring the evidence of the fraudulent use of identity currently can be an enormous and time-consuming problem for victims. The Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act makes this job easier by establishing that any business presented with the FTC certificate identifying the person as a victim of identity theft, together with a police report and a government issued photo ID must deliver copies of all the financial records that document the fraud to the victim within 20 days. This is a critically important change from current law because it guarantees that victims will be able to obtain the evidence they need while also providing businesses more certainty that they are not violating someone's privacy or providing sensitive information to the wrong parties. It also provides new liability protections for businesses that make a good faith effort to assist victims of identity theft.
Of course, the greatest harm to consumers victimized by theft of their identity is often a bad credit rating or a poor credit score that results from fraudulent use of the consumer's identity. According to the FTC, it often takes about a year for people to discover someone is using personal information for fraudulent purposes, allowing significant damage to otherwise stellar credit records. Even after a consumer reports to a credit reporting agency that they have been victimized by identity theft, the consumer often can not get the reporting agencies to block reporting of activities that resulted from the identity theft.
My bill again requires that presentation of the FTC certificate, police report and photo identification establish that the person is in fact a victim of identity theft and requires credit-reporting agencies to block information that appears on a victim's credit report as a result of the identity theft. It also changes current law that requires individuals to bring suit against a credit reporting agency within two years from the time the agency commits a violation of laws on fair reporting of credit. This makes little sense, since it may be years before a misrepresentation comes to the attention of a victim of identity theft. The bill requires that the statute of limitations begin ticking from the time when a consumer discovers or has reason to know that a misrepresentation by a credit reporting agency has occurred.
The bill leaves in place state laws that are more stringent and provides that either federal prosecutors or State Attorneys General may enforce this law.
Jenni and Michael's stories illustrate the unique problems victims of identity theft face. Although penalties exist for identity thieves, no remedies are available for their victims. The scope of the problem is made worse because it's too easy for a criminal to steal someone's identity and cause serious harm before the theft is even discovered. And when these criminals cross state lines, it can be even harder for victims to trace the problem and repair the damage. For these reasons, it's imperative that we pass federal legislation for the victims of identity theft.
The government, creditors and credit reporting agencies have a shared responsibility to assist identity theft victims mitigate the harm that results from frauds perpetrated in the victim's name. We need to build up the law enforcement network, already started by the Federal Trade Commission and other federal agencies under the Identity Theft and Assumption Deterrence Act of 1998. We need to further improve law enforcement coordination, particularly between the various local and state jurisdictions combating identity theft and the associated crimes.
We also need to provide better and timelier information to businesses so they can head off fraud before it happens. That is why my bill also expands the jurisdiction of the interagency coordinating committee established under the Internet False Identification Act of 2000. Currently, the coordination committee has the mandate to study and report to Congress on federal investigation and enforcement of identity theft crimes. The Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act broadens the mandate for the coordinating committee to consider state and local enforcement of identity theft law and specifically requires the committee to examine and recommend what assistance the federal government can provide state and local law enforcement agencies to better coordinate in the battle against identity theft.
Mr. President, there is no doubt about the scope of the problem: identity theft is already a major problem, and it's getting worse. We must provide victims with the tools they need to regain control of their lives. The Identity Theft Victims Assistance of 2003 will help victims of identity theft recover their identity and restore their good credit. I look forward to working with my colleagues to promptly enact this bill into law.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, if the Senator will yield, I think we could probably work this out. Why don't we go ahead and get rid of the Bond amendment--all they want is a time certain--and have them come and…
Mr. President, if the Senator will yield, I think we could probably work this out. Why don't we go ahead and get rid of the Bond amendment--all they want is a time certain--and have them come and talk after that?
I say to Senator Inhofe, through the majority leader--we are anxious to have an amendment on this bill--maybe Senator Bond could lay down his amendment. We could finish the debate on that, and I assume the leader wants a vote on it today. When that vote is completed, they could be recognized.
It is my understanding Senator Warner is not going to be here today.
Maybe we could lay the amendment down and vote on it at some subsequent time.
How much time would the Senator from Florida need?
So there is an hour here being requested. I have an idea what they are going to talk about, and that means there will be time requested on the other side to respond to it.
Mr. Leader, if I could interrupt, I wonder if the majority leader's request could now be granted, the committees meeting and all that.
I thank the Senator.
Mr. President, first of all, I appreciate the statement of the Democratic leader. We have worked hard on this bill. As I have said before, it is an imperfect piece of legislation, but we have done the best we can and we have been as fair to everybody as we could. We will certainly be responsive to requests people have that will improve the bill.
I hope people who want to offer amendments will do so. We are going to have a mad rush next week. We are going to either finish this bill next week or go off the bill next week. It would be a terrible disservice to the country if we don't finish the bill next week. I hope people, even though it is inconvenient and they are not in their offices, would do what they can to offer amendments if they want to change the bill.
Also, I direct this to Senator Inhofe. It is my understanding the statements from the administration yesterday regarding highways did not deal with our bill but, rather, what is contemplated in the House. I believe everyone should understand that the administration has signed off on the bill reported out of the committee. They support what they have done in financing this bill. The tax provisions that make up about $30 billion of the $255 billion have been supported by the administration. My personal feeling--and I have said this before--is I wish we had more money. We are not going to get more. The President said if there is a bigger bill than what we have, he is going to veto it. The reason I asked the chairman to yield is to say it is my understanding the President supports our legislation.
Mr. President, the other thing I wanted to say is, there has been a statement made, and at least two statements made on this floor, about the ``pork'' in this bill. First of all, pork is not a bad term with me. I think the things we do for our States, whether a new bridge or repairing a road, has nothing to do with anything that connotes being bad when it needs to be done in the State. If they are referring to that, there is no pork in a negative sense in this bill.
The vast majority of money in this bill comes from the highway trust fund. People, when they buy gas for their car, pay into a trust fund we use every 5 or 6 years to fund highway projects around the country. That is what we are doing today. People who talk about this bloated bill with too much money--this bill is paid for. There are no new taxes, and the vast majority of the moneys coming out of the highway trust fund is to fund the most important projects around the country.
I hope people understand this bill, as the Democratic leader said, is not a bill for Democrats or Republicans; it is a bipartisan bill that has the foundation of the programs of President Dwight D. Eisenhower. He, with a Democratic Congress, passed this legislation. We have to work together to pass this bill. This is important legislation.
I repeat to everyone within the sound of my voice, the majority leader said we are going to finish this bill a week from Friday. Finishing doesn't mean we complete this bill. I hope we do that. It would be a disservice to the people of this country if we did not finish this bill.
We are here waiting to do business. If anyone doesn't like the bill, let them come and try to change it. If they change it, more power to them. But waiting around is not going to help whatever concerns people have with this legislation.
I will be happy to yield to my friend from Missouri.
Yes. I outlined, as the Senator knows, when we took this matter
up Monday, the history of the last 20 years with these highway bills. This bill is so much more fair to all 50 States than the bill in 1982, and the three subsequent bills. Some States prior to 1982 didn't even get 80 cents of every dollar they paid into the trust fund. This bill took a gigantic step, and now every State gets a minimum of 95 cents on every dollar they pay into the fund. This is a very fair program. It is imperfect, as I said before, but we are doing much better.
Mr. President, I respond to my friend, he is exactly right. This bill is not some new invention. We have worked over the last several years to develop different programs. One is interstate maintenance, which is self-explanatory. We have an interstate system that has been completed, and we want to make sure that system is in a good state of repair. It is a never-ending job to keep it up the best we can. A large amount of this $255 billion goes to interstate maintenance. We also have something called the National Highway System. We have to make sure there is funding in the bill to take care of that program. It is what we have done in the past.
We also have other programs, such as the Bridge Maintenance Program, which is so important. One Senator came to the floor and said that 29 percent of the bridges are in a state of disrepair. We know that. That is why we are working in this bill to try to keep up with this never- ending system.
Also in this bill, rather than just building roads and pouring more asphalt--and this is something we focus too much attention on, but certainly everyone in the country is concerned about the environment and the air we breathe--we have a program dealing with congestion mitigation and air quality. This is basically the brainchild of Senator Moynihan and Senator Chafee. Those are programs in this bill that we have found work well.
The directors of the transportation departments in every State like the program we have. We are not, as I said before, sending a new set of blueprints to all the Governors saying: Try to figure this out. They already figured this out, and we are trying the best we can to fund these programs.
Mr. President, 90.5 percent.
Mr. President, if I may respond to my friend, I don't carry with me a card that includes what happens to the States that are all Republican, but I am carrying with me during consideration of this bill a card that lists every State that has a Democratic Senator representing it and what they get. It is right here. It is hard to find anything that is wrong with it.
I recognize there are some States that for many years have been getting--I want to say this in a way that I will still be a gentleman-- far more than what they are entitled to under the formula. When you go to the gas pump and you fill your tank, so much money goes into the fund. There are some States getting far more than they are putting in. There are a few States still getting more than they are putting in. We are balancing this out. As the Senator from Oklahoma said, when we did this in the past--this is my fourth highway bill--we put the numbers together, found out where the votes were, and jammed it through. We have not done that this time.
This is a fair bill. You could take this to a high school civics class and explain what we have done and they would say this is fair. We have been as fair as possible. There are some people, who were driving around in a Lincoln they couldn't afford, who are upset because maybe they are going to have to drop back to a Lexus or something such as that.
The point is, we have tried to be fair. You can't have the program going on the way it was in the past and still recognize basic fairness. I repeat, what happened in decades past was we would find out where the votes were and just jam the bill through: If Missouri was getting 77 percent, there are only two Senators from Missouri, we don't need their votes. We haven't done that this time.
I think the American public will see this legislation is fair and reasonable. I am dumbfounded by some of the people who have come to this floor and complained about what they have gotten in the bill because they have really done extremely well.
I yield the floor, Mr. President.
If the Senator would withhold offering that for just a few minutes.
I think probably the best thing to do is to have the Senator lay down the amendment. It is my understanding from the majority and minority that there are a couple of Senators with whom we have to clear it, and we should be able to do that shortly.
Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I ask my friend if he would be willing to modify this. We have been asking people to come over and offer amendments. Senator Dorgan is here to offer a germane amendment. He only wants 8 minutes to speak to offer his amendment. I ask that the consent request be modified to have the pending amendment set aside and that Senator Dorgan be allowed to offer his amendment and speak for up to 8 minutes, and then we adopt the Senator's consent as indicated.
I would also say that I am not sure anybody is going to use any time on our side on the nomination anyway. I think adequate time will be preserved.
The Dorgan amendment deals with farmers' transportation of hazardous products. I have just glanced at it. It appears there is an inordinate burden placed upon farmers to transfer a load of gas to their farms.
We are just laying what is pending aside. His would be a separate, independent amendment to the substitute that is now pending.
That is right.
Reserving the right to object, I will go along with what the Senator from Missouri requests. It is kind of unfair to the Senator from North Dakota. We have been begging people to offer amendments. He shows up to offer one and now we cannot do it. It doesn't seem very fair. We may be waiting a long time based upon statements by the chairman in the Chamber. I am happy--
Mr. President, when are we going to have the vote? It is past 4 o'clock.
Mr. President, this morning the Senate and House were privileged to conduct a joint meeting--a wonderful meeting--to hear a powerful address by President Aznar of Spain. I again thank President…
Mr. President, this morning the Senate and House were privileged to conduct a joint meeting--a wonderful meeting--to hear a powerful address by President Aznar of Spain. I again thank President Aznar, who left here just moments ago, for his visit and for his remarks today.
Spain, through this President, has been a true ally in every sense of the word. He did a wonderful job in articulating the great friendship that our two countries have demonstrated, as he said, over the last two administrations of this country.
schedule
Mr. President, this afternoon we have resumed consideration of S. 1072, the highway bill. We notified Senators last night that it is our intention to work to complete action on this bill before the February recess. We have made some progress on the bill thus far this week. The chairman modified the committee substitute yesterday and is ready to work with Senators on their amendments today. Rollcall votes should be anticipated during today's session as we begin the amendment process. I, once again, encourage Senators to come to the floor and to work with the bill managers to schedule floor time.
In addition to the highway bill amendments, the Senate may act on available judicial nominations today. We will alert all Members of these votes as they are scheduled.
unanimous consent agreement--committee meetings
Mr. President, I have three unanimous consent requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They all have been approved by the majority and minority leadership. I ask unanimous consent that these requests be agreed to, en bloc, and that these requests be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, the managers are here. I know we had not locked in any time. I would like to defer to the managers for that because, as we had said before, we would like to proceed with the consideration of the bill itself.
Mr. President, we will proceed with the regular order here then.
ricin update
Mr. President, let me just say, in reference to the incident, the criminal investigation that is underway because of the attack here with ricin now 2
days ago, I will, sometime in the next hour, be coming back to the floor for a very brief announcement so our colleagues will know of a proposed schedule for the reopening of the Senate office buildings. I will be working on that over the course of the next 40 minutes or so. I mentioned to the Democratic leader that I will plan to come back.
I know there is a lot of concern and anticipation, and some frustration, not knowing exactly when Senators will have access to their offices and to their records. We are working on that. We have been working on it over the course of the morning. We made real progress yesterday. It was a very successful day in terms of laboratory testing.
But again, let me come back and say that it is the safety and welfare of our employees and our staff that is fundamental. The science of this particular agent is uncertain and new, but we have a lot of certainty that we are gaining with each minute. So I plan on coming back to the floor in about 30 minutes.
order of procedure
Mr. President, for several minutes I want to give our colleagues an update and make several announcements which will have a direct impact on their schedules for the next several days. I begin by thanking my colleagues for their patience as we work through these uncertain times. I assure them, we are progressing as rapidly as we can, as rapidly as is humanly possible. We are on course to be back in complete functioning operation here. That plan I will lay out shortly.
I do want to make a couple of quick points though. First, everybody is doing well. There are a number of people who have been in very close contact to the poisonous substance which was identified in my office. They are all doing well. The emergency responders are all doing well. That is my primary focus; that is, the safety and well-being of our extended Senate family here. We are continuing to monitor the health of all people who were potentially exposed and we have identified and spoken with each of those. They have had the appropriate counseling. Everybody is doing well.
As the world knows by now, the impact of inhaled ricin, to the best of our knowledge, is over a very short period of time and we are well beyond that window, now 48 hours after the time of exposure. I do commend and applaud my staff because they were astute in noting the powder and responded appropriately and quickly, and that could have, and in fact I am sure did, avert a serious and potentially life- threatening matter for others.
The incident, as I mentioned, is 48 hours old. We were able to move aggressively and rapidly to isolate that affected area in my mailroom. The monitoring of health effects has gone very smoothly. I appreciate the Capitol Physician's Office, as I mentioned this morning and last night, being with all people exposed and have counseled people since that point in time.
We were able to implement plans which had been carefully laid out and coordinated among many different groups, agencies here on the Capitol Grounds, and that results in protection of Members and protection of staff and the reaction in a very sophisticated way to this discovery.
After consultation with appropriate officials and reflecting upon the excellent coordination with the Sergeant at Arms and the Capitol Hill police, I have made a decision this morning, in consultation with the Democratic leader and others, that we can accelerate our efforts to open our Senate office buildings. It is still not going to be as quickly as most people would like, but we can accelerate the initial proposal and plans. This proposal is consistent with safely removing mail and continuing to review data, which literally comes back every 30 minutes to an hour, as teams move through the complex, the very large complex of the Senate office buildings, but also a response on the House side and in the Capitol itself.
Thus, barring any unforeseen discoveries--and I put that provision in there because you don't know an hour later that something may be discovered. But barring any unforeseen discoveries, the time schedule for opening the buildings will be the following:
The Russell Senate Office Building, tomorrow, Thursday, at noon, February 5. We will be able to open that office building at 12 noon. Again, Thursday noon, February 5, Russell Senate
office building. Friday at 9 a.m., February 6, we will reopen the Hart Senate office building. The Dirksen Senate office building, which is the crime scene itself, will open on Monday at 7 a.m., February 9.
A lot of people thought it would be days and days to reopen. Initially we did not know how long. People pointed out with the anthrax, the buildings were closed for weeks and weeks. We made a decision to accelerate this schedule based on increased manpower that has been offered by various agencies, our continued understanding about the exposure to ricin, the understanding and information that has placed this in one room at this juncture based on the findings to date, and that in all of the monitoring equipment, the HEPA filters throughout the area that have been examined, and we continue to examine them throughout the complex, of all the monitoring and filtering equipment employed, the filters have all been demonstrated to be clean and therefore there has not been aerosolization of this agent.
I do also want to tell Members they can have access to their offices--they, themselves--after assessing the risk, and our counseling will be directly to them. If they want to go to their office and remove essential papers or documents--not mail; mail should not be touched-- they can do that. We do ask that they talk to the Secretary of the Senate's office where the control room is--they have that telephone number--if they plan on going into their office building to access important information to allow them to carry out the essential functions of their office.
We will continue to work with all the Members to ensure a smooth and safe reopening of the Senate complex consistent with this schedule.
Again, Thursday noon, February 5, the Russell Senate office building will open. Friday, 9 a.m., February 6, the Hart Senate office building will reopen. Monday, 7 a.m., February 9, the Dirksen Senate office building will reopen.
Let me close and simply again thank the Capitol police, Chief Gainer, who has done a tremendous job, the EPA, the United States Marines, the FBI, the Department of Homeland Security, the Attending Physician's office, the CDC, the Sergeant at Arms, the Secretary of the Senate, and so many others involved in response to this incident.
Mr. President, I appreciate the Democratic leader's comments and will turn the floor back to the managers. We will have continued announcements. One of the real efforts we have tried to fulfill and missions we put forward is to stay in touch and communicate as best we can. We will continue to do that. There will be a press conference by the Capitol police with an update later this afternoon and they will sit down and announce more about that to give a technical update in terms of the progress that has been made.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Wyoming for his statement. I have worked with him on the Environment and Public Works Committee on this important piece of legislation. The fact is there are a…
Mr. President, I thank the Senator from Wyoming for his statement. I have worked with him on the Environment and Public Works Committee on this important piece of legislation. The fact is there are a lot of committees involved in this legislation. I am thankful the majority leader brought it to the floor.
We had a cloture vote to move forward with the bill. This bill has been before the Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee, with Chairman Shelby, and also before the Environment and Public Works Committee, with Chairman Inhofe. Senators Bond, Jeffords, and Reid have all had input into this particular piece of legislation. I appreciate all of them for the work they put into this bill. It is not easy with input from the Budget Committee, from Don Nickles, chairman of the Budget Committee. We had input from the Finance Committee, Chairman Grassley, and also input from the Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee, which has a small section involving transportation.
This is a transportation bill, not just a highway bill. It is a transportation bill. It takes a good deal of cooperation, working together, to put together any piece of legislation like this. It is not simple.
Most Members experienced the same thing I have experienced in the State of Colorado. The demand and the transportation needs have increased in each of our States. Over time, the demand for transportation mechanisms has grown throughout the country. The States have had to work harder to make their dollars stretch further every year. Transportation projects, whether they are building roads or laying rail, are simply not cheap. They are getting more expensive with each passing year, and the funds required for transportation projects are simply staggering.
The Finance Committee has produced funding mechanisms they believe will be able to fund this bill. We must use the moneys intended for use in building roads and mass transit projects. That is the money in the highway trust fund.
Some time ago, this Congress decided we need to dedicate a stream of revenue into the construction of highways. We need to make sure we maintain the integrity of that process because it is important. It sends a message that highways and this type of infrastructure are important in America. We have told the American people we will use the tax they pay on each gallon of gas they buy directly for funding transportation projects. We must do that. However, it is not appropriate to use moneys from the general fund. We have to stay true to the fiscally conservative obligations we have made for ourselves. We must not add to our country's deficit as we have an increased demand for transportation projects.
That is why I am excited about the potential of an amendment on which I am working. This amendment will allow States to build additional capacity. It is called Fast Lanes. On roads that currently experience problems with congestion, you toll only those lanes. It brings forth a user-pay concept. In other words, if you use these lanes, you will pay for them. I worked hard to get this amendment adopted in committee. It just barely lost by one vote. I hope we can go ahead and get it adopted in the Senate. It gives another mechanism to provide infrastructure in this country, badly needed infrastructure, and has a user-pay concept.
We say on interstate highways you can build additional lanes on to existing highways and toll the highways, toll them with a mechanism. We use our high technology so there are no toll booths. As the trucks and cars go down the toll lanes, commonly referred to as fast lanes, they will receive a bill later for the use they put on the highway. That helps pay for those fast lanes. It is intended to relieve much of the congestion problem we are seeing throughout the United States.
The toll would be paid with electronic technology. There would be no need for a toll booth. The process can happen quickly, without requiring a decrease in speed.
If you wish to use the ``fast lane,'' you pay the toll and do so. However, if you do not wish to pay the toll, you simply drive in the regular lanes, and that means just sit over in the regular lanes for an hour or two on some highly congested roads. It is your choice. But if you decide it is worth your time to go over and pay a toll to go on the toll lanes, then you can do that.
So this is the advantage of having toll lanes. I emphasize that when we talk about ``fast lanes,'' we are not taking existing Federal highway lanes and putting a toll on them. These are new lanes we are putting on the side of some of our interstate highways.
One study found that if every State participates, this ability for States to put in these kinds of lanes could raise close to $50 billion to go toward increasing road capacity.
I realize that it is unlikely all States will use this funding mechanism, but if a tiny fraction of that is raised, that is still additional funding for road capacity that does not put an additional financial burden on those who are not willing and able to pay it.
I see this ability as simply another tool in the ``toolbox'' that State departments of transportation can carry around. My staff continues to work with Senator Bond's staff to see that these provisions are included in the bill, and I appreciate the assistance they have given and their willingness to work with us on this particular provision.
Because this is a transportation bill, and not just a highways bill, as so many incorrectly term it, I would also like to make a few remarks on the mass transit title of the bill. I went through the Environment and Public Works Committee. I served on that committee, so I had some input there. I serve on the Banking Committee. In fact, I am chairman of the Subcommittee on Housing and Transportation, so I had some input there. I am also on the Budget Committee. So I want to make a few comments about the mass transit side.
Before I turn to the specifics of the Banking Committee's bill, I would like to acknowledge the efforts of Senator Shelby. As chairman of the Banking Committee, he has worked diligently to make sure the committee's jurisdiction was protected, while moving forward as quickly as possible with a positive bill. I also thank him for his willingness to work closely with me as chairman of the Subcommittee on Housing and Transportation.
Finally, I also thank Senator Sarbanes, the ranking member of the Banking Committee, and Senator Reed, the ranking member of the subcommittee of which I chair, for their work on this particular piece of legislation. Along with their staff members, they have spent a considerable number of hours working to achieve consensus on many issues in the bill, and I appreciate their efforts.
I was pleased to support the Banking Committee's bill during our markup earlier today. I believe it makes important progress in a number of areas.
First, I am especially supportive of the new growing States formula. For far too long, the transit formulas have sent the lion's share of transit dollars to a small number of cities, primarily located in the Northeast. While we can all agree that transit is important to larger, east coast cities, there is no denying the need for transit services in a number of rapidly growing cities in the South and the West.
While I believe we still need further adjustments to the formula to even better address the growing States, I believe this new formula will finally help growing States begin to address their transportation needs.
I am also extremely pleased to see that the bill places a strong emphasis on rural transit. While many would consider ``rural transit'' to be an oxymoron, in fact, rural areas can often face even more acute transportation needs than large cities.
Last year, one of my constituents, Larry Worth, testified before the Housing and Transportation Subcommittee regarding the need for transit in rural areas. He described how rural citizens may not have any other alternatives to access medical care, jobs, and vital services. With 40 percent of American counties having no public transportation, this investment is long overdue.
There are a number of other very good provisions in the transit title, but I will not take the considerable time that would be necessary to enumerate them all. Suffice it to say that I believe the transit provisions will be of great benefit to public transportation in America. I am pleased to support the transit title, and I look forward to passage of the bill, preserving the provisions, and staying within our budget.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
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Mr. President, I am pleased to be join by Senator Inouye in introducing the Tribal Government Tax Exempt Bond Fairness Act of 2003. This bill will assist Indian tribes raise capital in the private…
Mr. President, I am pleased to be join by Senator Inouye in introducing the Tribal Government Tax Exempt Bond Fairness Act of 2003.
This bill will assist Indian tribes raise capital in the private markets for purposes of job creation and economic development. The bill complements the other economic development initiative I am introducing today to discipline Federal programs aimed to help tribes strengthen their economies.
While making modest adjustments in current law, this bill will have far-reaching and positive effects for tribal governments and their members around the Nation.
The fact is that like State governments, tribal governments are responsible for a host of services not only to their members but to non-members who live on or hear their lands. These services include fire, police and ambulance service, road and bridge maintenance, and a host of social services.
Unlike State governments, however, tribal governments face severe restrictions in their ability to finance development through debt instruments.
The law forbids tribes from issuing tax-exempt bonds for any project unless it can meet the so-called ``essential government function'' test.
That is, in order for the holder of a tribal bond issue to receive income from that bond exempt from Federal tax, it must be issued for activities that are ``governmental'' in nature.
Examples of the kinds of projects that have been ruled by the Internal Revenue Service as falling outside this test are tribal convention centers, hotels, and golf courses.
State governments are not limited by the ``essential government function'' test when they issue tax-exempt debt. The bill I am introducing today will eliminate the disparate treatment tribes now receive.
Armed with this bonding authority, tribal governments will strengthen their economies, provide for their members and others, and lessen their reliance on Federal programs and services.
These are all worthy goals and I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this bill.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased to be joined by Senator Inouye in introducing a bill to assist Indian tribes in their efforts to strengthen their economies.
Despite recent success some Indian tribes have had with gaming, tourism and natural resource development, the fact is that most tribes still suffer high unemployment, intense poverty and a lack of physical infrastructure.
Most tribal economies continue to perform poorly despite the expenditure of hundreds of millions--even billions--of Federal dollars over the years by the Departments of Agriculture, Commerce, Defense, Interior, Labor, and others.
The core problem is not the amount of dollars, but rather how they are being spent.
Numerous hearings by the Committee on Indian Affairs and several General Accounting Office (GAO) reports show that most Federal efforts are poorly timed and coordinated and lack the kind of tribal decision- making to make the efforts succeed.
The bill we are introducing today will go a long way in fixing these problems.
The principles that guide the bill are not new. In 1970 President Nixon issued his ``Special Message to Congress on Indian Affairs'' that called for significant changes in Federal Indian policy.
Nixon saw that Indians were not in command of the Federal programs and services meant for their benefit and he launched a quiet revolution in Federal Indian policy.
The Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975 authorizes Indian tribes and tribal consortia to ``step into the shoes'' of the Federal government to administer programs and services historically provided by the United States.
Currently, one-half of the programs and services of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Indian Health Service are now contracted by Indian tribes and consortia. Tribal decisionmaking is paramount, service quality has improved, and tribal capacity has been enhanced significantly.
This bill will expand the principles of Indian self-determination to have the tribes--not the Federal bureaucracy--determine which programs and services should be brought to bear in an integrated and coordinated way to bring hope, jobs, and strengthened economies to their communities.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am pleased to be joined by Senator Inouye in introducing the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act Amendments of 2003 to amend and update the act.
In amending the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act of 1988 (IGRA) it is important to keep in mind the twin aims of the act: to ensure that gaming continues to be a tool for Indian economic development; and to ensure that the games conducted are kept free from corrupting forces to maintain the integrity of the industry.
This bill will update the IGRA by clarifying how vacancies in the National Indian Gaming Commission (NIGC) are filled; revising the NIGC statutory rates of pay to correspond with other current Federal rates of pay; and expanding the NIGC's reporting requirements to Congress.
The bill also clarifies the act by making the Johnson Act inapplicable to class II technological aids to bring it in line with the original intent of Congress in 1988.
The bill also requires background checks on class III management contractors, management employees, and gaming commissioners.
When the IGRA was enacted in 1988, Indian gaming was mainly high stakes bingo operations, known as ``class II gaming'' under the act. Virtually no one thought Indian gaming would become the $14.5 billion dollar industry that it is today, providing tribes with resources for development and employment opportunities where none previously existed.
In response to this success, questions have been raised--some legitimate, some not--about the efficacy of regulation within the industry. This bill requires that the NIGC and the gaming tribes develop and implement a system of minimum internal control, background investigation and licensing standards for all tribes that operate class II and class III gaming.
The bill would also ensure that the NIGC has the resources it needs to fulfill its regulatory duties by increasing the fee cap 50 percent over the next six years. With that budgetary increase, and prior to levying any fees, the NIGC would be required to determine and take into account the nature and level of any tribal or joint tribal-state regulatory activities and to reduce the fees assessed accordingly.
The bill will enable the NIGC to provide technical assistance and training to Indian tribes. The NIGC would be authorized to expend the civil fines it recoups for violations of the IGRA for these purposes.
The last substantive reform in the bill goes to the very heart of the act--economic development for Indian tribes. Because of gaming, some tribes have been very successful, employing thousands of people, both Indian and non-Indian, and reducing poverty and the welfare rolls in their areas.
This success has attracted the attention of other governments, cash- strapped and hungry for new revenues. Many States are looking to gaming tribes to help eliminate their deficits, and some States are reportedly refusing to enter or renew compacts required under IGRA until tribes agree to revenue sharing provisions.
Congress never envisioned that kind of pressure would be applied to tribes and, keeping these facts and the goals of IGRA in mind, the bill includes provisions to ensure that tribal gaming revenues are first used to meet the needs of tribal governments and their members. Only after satisfying those needs, would States and tribes be able to negotiate a revenue-sharing agreement.
To encourage States and tribes to negotiate, the bill requires the Secretary to perform her existing responsibilities under the act within 90 days and, at the back end, when existing compacts are up for renewal, the bill provides a 180 day grace period beyond the expiration date of compacts to encourage tribal-State agreements.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise again as we proceed on the bill to present my concerns about where we are in the process relative to the highway bill and relative to the management of the Federal budget. The…
Mr. President, I rise again as we proceed on the bill to present my concerns about where we are in the process relative to the highway bill and relative to the management of the Federal budget.
The bill before the Senate with the proposed amendment which I believe has been offered, the substitute, creates a significant increase in funding and spending in the area of highways. Many Members support transportation improvements. I have always supported having a strong transportation program because it is critical to our infrastructure. But in doing that, we have to do it within the context of managing the budget correctly. We cannot simply put money into programs because we like them without doing it in the context of what the budget limitations are and what the various income is in the trust fund that would pay for these activities.
The highway bill has always been a trust fund--not always--a trust fund-generated event, where the gas tax and other taxes that are highway related and transportation related are collected and spent for the purposes of building infrastructure. That is the way it should be. That is the way most States do it, too, by the way. I don't think any States use general fund revenues for the purposes of managing their highways, although I am not aware of that. As Governor of New Hampshire, when I had the honor and privilege to serve in that position, this was a very big issue that we not use the general funds for the purposes of managing our highways.
However, what is happening in this bill, unfortunately, is that we are, through a series of accounting mechanisms which are, in my opinion, illusory in some ways and inappropriate in other ways, basically raiding the general fund for the purposes of funding highway construction activity and at the same time we are dramatically expanding the spending levels above what the levels are that are part of the budget process for the highway fund. That is inappropriate. It is inappropriate that we should be going outside the highway fund for the purposes of funding highways and that we should be exceeding the budget levels for the purposes of funding highways. Rather, we should have the fiscal discipline to recognize when you are in a difficult fiscal situation, as we are as a country, when you are running deficits, which we are, unfortunately, as a country, you must, in all accounts, including those which you are strongly committed to, have fiscal discipline. That involves staying within the budget and that involves being sure that in something where you are using a trust fund, you have the funds in place in that trust fund before you spend it.
That is why I am concerned about this bill. It is my opinion if we allow this bill to go forward in its present form we will be significantly aggravating the deficit, we will be dramatically adding to the deficit, and we will be creating a precedent of using the general fund for the purposes of funding the highway accounts. That is bad policy. The underlying policy and having a strong transportation program can still be accomplished, but we should do it within the context of staying within the budget and staying within the highway bill. I have spoken on this before. This is not one item that stands alone on this issue. I suppose if we were running a surplus, or a deficit which was not so large or was not growing, I would probably tolerate this type of spending. This is, rather, an additional straw on the camel's back, and specifically our children. Our children have to pay the debt which we run up in the Government. It is passed on to the next generation. If we are going to be fair to our children and our children's children so they can have the quality of life we have, then we have to give them a government and a fiscal house that is in order.
Unfortunately, within the last 2 years we have not necessarily followed that course of action as a Congress. We have passed a series of bills which have dramatically aggravated the situation relative to the budget, deficit spending, and long-term structural deficits--mostly on the entitlement side, and mostly in the area of programmatic activity that has to be spent, or programmatic activity that is locked in place on a flight path of expenditure. It occurs in the Medicare accounts and it occurs in the agricultural accounts. There is an attempt to do it in the energy accounts. It could potentially
occur in this account, if it passes in its present form.
That is why I have such reservations about this bill. I especially have reservations about the substance of it. I am not absolutely sure how it is structured because I haven't had time to look at it yet. But it appears to me that in its present form it does take money out of the general fund and move it into the highway fund through a variety of mechanisms which at best would be called playing fast and loose with the budget rules of this Congress. It is probably, therefore, subject to a budget point of order and is, therefore, inappropriate.
In addition, if we are going to take up this bill, it is our first opportunity to have a bill which could address a variety of other issues we have concerns about as a government.
There is a bill that was passed out of my committee which I had the good fortune to chair, the Health, Education, Labor and Pension Committee, which deals with the rights of public safety officers, specifically firemen and police officers, who work in one of the most dangerous jobs in our country. It deals with fair treatment of them in the area of how they protect their rights in employment. It is a bill which has passed my committee a couple of times. It was being brought to the floor last year, and regrettably it didn't come through the entire process. But it does create an opportunity for fire and police personnel, and public safety personnel--who are very important, and who obviously use our transportation system rather aggressively--to protect the transportation system when there are violations of law relative to the operation on roads, or protecting it when there are hazardous events on the road, or when people are injured and fire rescue personnel respond, or even if there are fires involving transportation vehicles. So it is tied into this whole bill--the protection of police and fire personnel and their rights to have a reasonable workplace and a workplace where they feel they are getting what they need.
It is something which I have been greatly involved in and committed to for many years.
Thus, it is my intention at this time to send an amendment to the desk in the nature of a second degree to the amendment which is the pending substitute.
I send an amendment to the desk.
Amendment No. 2266 to Amendment No. 2265
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
This amendment deals with the rights of police officers to have the right to collective bargaining and firemen to have the right to collective bargaining.
I would ask what the Durbin amendment does and does not do.
What would the amendment of the Senator from North Dakota be to? Mine was a second-degree amendment, I believe.
And after his was disposed of, mine would be properly in order; is that not correct, Mr. President?
Mr. President, I am proud to join Senator Kyl in introducing legislation that would rename the Veterans Administration medical center in Prescott, AZ after Bob Stump. In June of this year, Arizonans…
Mr. President, I am proud to join Senator Kyl in introducing legislation that would rename the Veterans Administration medical center in Prescott, AZ after Bob Stump.
In June of this year, Arizonans suffered a major loss with the passing of Bob Stump, a native son who made his mark for our State and our Nation. Congressman Stump had a patriot's devotion to those who served our country in uniform. He will be deeply missed by his friends, family and a grateful Nation.
Congressman Stump served his country and the residents of Arizona admirably in the United States Navy, during World War II; in the Arizona State legislature; and in the United States Congress.
Congressman Stump's service in the House of Representatives was marked by this dedication to his constituents in Arizona. Never one for the trappings of a political office, Bob read and responded to all of his mail, he never had Press Secretary and often answered the office phone personally.
One could not overlook his leadership in Defense and Veterans issues. Serving as Chairman of the Veterans Affairs Committee, his work has so beneficial to America's veterans that a street in Arlington National Cemetery was named after him. Everywhere I travel, veterans remark to me that Bob Stump put Veterans needs first.
Bob's strong leadership of the House Armed Services Committee helped usher in many of the technological advances that characterize our modern military.
This legislation serves as a memorial to a member of Congress who left an indelible legacy.
Mr. President, today, I am pleased to reintroduce legislation to authorize a three-year nationwide school choice demonstration program targeted at children from economically disadvantaged families. The Excellence Through Choice to Elevate Learning Act, or the EXCEL Act, will expand educational opportunities for low-income children by providing parents and students the freedom to choose the best school for their unique academic needs while encouraging schools to be creative and responsive to the needs of all students.
This bill authorizes $1.8 billion annually for fiscal years 2004 through 2007 to be used to provide school choice vouchers to economically disadvantaged children throughout the nation. The funds allocated by the bill will be divided among states based upon the number of children they have enrolled in public schools. States will then conduct a lottery among low-income children who attend the public schools with the lowest academic performance in their State. Each child selected in the lottery would receive $2,000 per year for three years to be used to pay tuition at any school of their choice in the State, including private or religious schools. The money could also be used to pay for transportation to the school or supplementary educational services to meet the unique needs of the individual student.
In total, this bill authorizes $5.4 billion for the three-year school choice demonstration program, as well as an evaluation of the program by the General Accounting Office. The cost of this important test of school vouchers is fully offset by eliminating more than $5.4 billion in unnecessary pork and inequitable corporate tax loopholes.
We all know that one of the most important issues facing our nation is the education of our children. We must strive to develop and implement initiatives which strengthen and improve our education system thereby ensuring that our children are provided with the essential academic tools for succeeding professionally, economically and personally. I am sure we all agree that increasing the academic performance and skills of all our nation's students must be the paramount goal of any education reform we implement.
School vouchers are a viable method of allowing all American children access to high quality schools, including private and religious schools. Every parent, not just the wealthy, should be able to obtain the highest quality education for their children. Tuition vouchers would provide low-income children trapped in poor or mediocre
schools the same educational choices as children of economic privilege.
Some of my colleagues may argue that vouchers would divert money away from our Nation's public schools. They will claim it is better to pour more and more money into poor performing public schools, rather than promote competition in our school systems. I respectfully disagree. While I support strengthening financial support for education in our nation, the solution to what ails our system is not money alone.
Currently our nation spends significantly more money on education than most countries and yet our students consistently score lower than their peers. Students in countries which are struggling economically, socially and politically, such as Russia, outscore U.S. children in critical subjects such as math and physics. Clearly, we must make significant change beyond blindly throwing money into the current structure in order to improve our children's academic performance in order to maintain a viable force in the world economy.
It is shameful that we are failing to provide many of our children with adequate training and quality academic preparation for the real world. The number of college freshmen who require remedial courses in reading, writing and mathematics when they begin their higher education is unacceptably high. It does not bode well for our future economy if the majority of workers are not prepared with the basic skills to engage in a competitive global marketplace.
I concede that school vouchers are not the magic bullet for eradicating all that is wrong with our current educational system, but they are an important opportunity for providing improved academic opportunities for all children, not just the wealthy. Examination of the limited voucher programs scattered around our country reveal high levels of parent and student satisfaction, an increase in parental involvement, and a definite improvement in attendance and discipline at the participating schools. Vouchers encourage public schools, communities and parents to work together to raise the level of education for all students. Through this bill, we have the opportunity to replicate these important benefits throughout all our nation's communities.
Thomas Jefferson said, ``The purpose of education is to create young citizens with knowing heads and loving hearts.'' If we fail to give our children the education they need to nurture their heads and hearts, then we threaten their futures and the future of our nation. Each of us is responsible for ensuring that our children have both the love in their hearts and the knowledge in their heads to not only dream, but to make their dreams a reality.
The time has come for us to finally conduct a national demonstration of school choice to determine the benefits or perhaps disadvantages of providing educational choices to all students, not just those who are fortunate enough to be born into a wealthy family. I urge my colleagues to support this bill and put the needs of America's school children ahead of pork barrel projects and tax loopholes benefitting only special interests and big business.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of this bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I thank my friend from Missouri. I am glad this conversation is going on. Certainly there isn't anything before us that is more immediate in need and more important than this highway…
Mr. President, I thank my friend from Missouri. I am glad this conversation is going on. Certainly there isn't anything before us that is more immediate in need and more important than this highway bill. Not only is it a matter of infrastructure, of course, that we necessarily need, but it is also a matter of providing more jobs more quickly than anything we can possibly do.
Someone said this morning at one of our meetings that they will wait until next year to use the money. Not at all. I think many of the highway departments similar to Wyoming where I am from are ready to go. They are ready to contract. They can move very quickly.
I think it is terribly important that we move forward on this. I hope before we are through that we have a thorough discussion of the bill. But I hope we don't get off into a bunch of irrelevant amendments that really do not belong in here but are simply trying to be used as a carrot and a stick. That is not the way it ought to be.
In any event, this is a very large bill and it is very detailed. We have talked a lot about the details. I want to talk a little more generally about it.
This bill, of course, has gone through several committees. The EPW Committee, of which I am a member, is the basic committee where a great deal of work was done. This is the same committee that dealt with the previous bill 6 years ago, a bill, as it turned out, that worked very well. There is a great deal of detail here, but the detail has to be done in committee, and we need to now talk about the principles and to move forward with it.
The bill as reported by the Environment and Public Works Committee would authorize $255 billion over 6 years beginning in 2004 to fund the Federal aid for highways, highway safety programs, and other transportation projects. The last surface transportation authorization was the Transportation Equity Act, called ISTEA. We are moving forward one more time. As I said, it replaces an older one, and indeed actually even before that in the early 1990s, we had this same kind of approach with a gas tax. Each of us pays 18.5 cents a gallon of Federal gas tax when we buy gas. That goes into
the fund for the purpose of upkeep of the infrastructure.
This bill makes significant progress in streamlining the environmental review and delivery process which, as always, is part of the problem.
It encourages communities and project sponsors to consider environmental concerns earlier so things can go together and it comes out as a manageable package.
It increases the oversight on the expenditure side. There is a great deal of money here. The highway funds are spent by requiring project management plans and annual financial plans of Federal programs. That is as it should be. Accountability is necessary.
Actually, when the Finance Committee then received the bill, the funding from the gas tax was not complete enough to cover what we hoped to do. It happened to be about a 6 percent reduction that had to be filled after it came to the Finance Committee. So we have heard a great deal about that, and I understand most want to fund the highway bill with funds that come from related sources instead of the general fund.
I will say a few words about how we are paying with that in the highway bill. The Finance Committee reported out a mechanism for paying for this bill. This mechanism retains the integrity of the highway trust fund. These are truly transportation-related taxes that are now deposited in the highway trust fund. Some of the taxes were previously deposited in the general fund. In other words, the general fund was getting support for transportation-oriented taxes. The Finance Committee finally righted the wrongs. The taxes should have been funding this trust fund for years. Now they will be.
In addition, there are exemptions enjoyed by certain taxpayers that diminish the taxes that would otherwise be deposited in the trust fund. These are exemptions that are subsidies that have nothing to do with highway policy. The impetus behind the exemptions was energy policy and tax policy. Since they are not highway policy, why should they have the trust fund bear the burden?
No one is taking issue with these exemptions of subsidies but rather the funding structure behind them and who pays. The Finance Committee made changes that the exemptions are allowed, allowing for the highway trust fund to legitimately receive the taxes that have been due for a very long time. The exemptions of subsidies will stay in place but now appropriately become the burden of the general fund.
In addition, the Finance Committee went a step further to authorize new taxes to take up the slack in the general fund. The result is that the tax necessary for the highway fund is there and those funds are replaced by new ones in the general fund so there is an equity.
I heard several Senators talk about funny money and shell games when describing this mechanism. The fact is that all highway tax money will be paid in full into the highway trust fund--no exemptions; no gimmicks.
Any subsidy that certain taxpayers enjoy will stay in place but will be paid from the general fund. Any losses to the general fund will be covered by new offsets that have been identified by the Finance Committee. We are taking some things that should have been going for years into the highway fund--gasohol, gas guzzlers, interest on the trust fund balance, these kind of things that should have been going there--now we put those in the highway trust fund. The general fund does not receive them.
To make up for that, we have certain other changes, including the corporation governances, Enron tax shelters, that have been going into the general fund will now be an offset. We are still, then, as a matter of fact, funding this highway fund from those kinds of taxes that were set in to do the job for highways.
Certainly nothing is more important than highway and transportation infrastructure in this country. It is very important to everyone. Each State has a little different approach to it. Smaller population States, such as mine, that have large areas, have fewer people per mile and therefore the cost per person is higher to keep up the infrastructure. But it is a Federal and national system so it needs to go across to Wyoming, Nevada, as well as across Pennsylvania and any other State.
These are the kinds of tasks that we have undertaken and that have been resolved in a reasonable manner. Obviously, not everyone has the same view.
I mention again, certainly in terms of jobs inspiring more development in States and having the jobs come about quickly, nothing could happen more quickly than in the highway fund.
These are some of the details that will be talked about here. The fact is, as I mentioned, they have gone through three committees and have been given a great deal of attention. Now we should take a look at where we want to be when this highway bill is through to see if we can move forward in our States to strengthen this infrastructure.
I yield to my friend from Colorado.
Mr. President. I am pleased to rise today with my colleague Senator Lieberman to introduce legislation that would amend the Internal Revenue Code to exclude property tax abatements, provided by local…
Mr. President. I am pleased to rise today with my colleague Senator Lieberman to introduce legislation that would amend the Internal Revenue Code to exclude property tax abatements, provided by local governments to volunteer firefighters and emergency medical responders, from the definition of income and wages. Congressman John Larson of Connecticut introduced identical legislation in the House.
Seventy-five percent of firefighters in our country are volunteers. Unfortunately, statistics show that the number of volunteer firefighters and emergency responders have been declining in past years at an alarming rate. The number of volunteer firefighters around the country has declined by 5 to 10 percent since 1983, while the number of emergency calls made has sharply increased.
Many municipalities throughout the country, including the State of Connecticut, offer stipends and property tax abatements of up to $1,000 per year to volunteer firefighters, emergency medical technicians, paramedics, and ambulance drivers. These incentives have helped local fire departments in their volunteer recruitment efforts throughout the country.
Last year the IRS ruled that property tax abatements to volunteers should be treated as wages and income. This ruling would undermine the efforts of localities across the country to recruit more volunteer firefighters.
The bill that Senator Lieberman and I are introducing amends the Internal Revenue Code to exclude property tax abatements and stipends for volunteer firefighters and emergency medical responders from the definition of income and wages. This bill would allow local governments around the country to continue providing these incentives to their volunteer firefighters and emergency medical responders.
The President has recently called for Americans to volunteer in their communities. When both heads of household hold full-time employment, it is often too difficult for them to take time away from their families without some form of compensation. A $1,000 property tax break is not a large request for the great service these men and women provide to our communities. They risk their lives for others. The least we can do is allow States and towns to offer them modest incentives to serve.
The IRS ruling undermines the good intentions and creative efforts of many localities. If our municipalities are willing to forgo their local tax revenues in order to ensure they have enough volunteer firefighters and emergency service providers to protect their communities, and if members of the community are doing their part by volunteering, then we, as a country should do our part and support local efforts to ensure that all our communities have adequate protection. And that is what our bill will ensure.
I hope that our colleagues will join us in supporting this legislation so that we can ensure that state and local governments have the flexibility to design and implement recruiting and retention programs that benefit not only the volunteer firefighters and emergency medical providers, but also the communities they protect.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that I rise today to introduce legislation for the research, prevention, and treatment of Lyme disease. This bipartisan legislation works toward the goal of eradicating Lyme disease--a devastating disease that has particularly impacted those of us from Connecticut and the Northeast. The Senate showed its strong support for this legislation when it passed it in the last Congress by Unanimous Consent. It is my hope that the Senate will show this same support again to ensure the goals of this legislation are achieved.
Lyme disease can be devastating to those it affects. The disease first achieved prominence in the 1980s in the state of Connecticut and got its name from the town of Lyme, CT. Today, Connecticut residents have the unfortunate distinction of being 10 times more likely to contract Lyme disease than the rest of the nation. However, the incidence of Lyme disease nationwide is on the rise. In fact, cases of Lyme disease have been reported by 49 states and the District of Columbia. Since 1982, the number of Lyme disease cases reported to health officials has exceeded 200,000. Even more disconcerting are reports indicating that the actual incidence of Lyme disease may be significantly greater than what is reported.
Those infected with Lyme disease may experience a number of health problems including facial paralysis, joint swelling, loss of coordination, irregular heartbeat, liver malfunction, depression, and memory loss. Unfortunately, this devastating disease can often be misdiagnosed, due to the fact that the symptoms presented by Lyme disease often look similar to other conditions. The misdiagnosis of this often debilitating illness can result in prolonged pain and suffering, unnecessary tests, expensive treatments, as well as severe emotional consequences for victims and their families.
The legislation we introduce today will build on earlier efforts to tackle the problem of Lyme disease and other tick-borne disorders. Through an amendment that I offered to the Fiscal Year 1999 Department of Defense (DoD) appropriations bill, an additional $3 million was directed toward DoD's research in this area. This was an important first step in the fight to increase our understanding of this disease, but much more remains to be done. This legislation will provide what is necessary to continue the effort to research, prevent and treat Lyme disease and other tick-borne disorders.
A critical component of this legislation is the creation of a federal advisory committee on Lyme disease and other tick-borne disorders. This advisory committee, the first of its kind, will include members of the scientific community, health care providers, and most directly impacted by the disease, Lyme patients and their families. Among its activities, the committee will identify opportunities for coordination and communication between Federal agencies and private organizations in their efforts to combat Lyme disease.
This legislation also includes other key elements designed to conquer Lyme disease and other tick-borne disorders. It provides a framework for the government to establish clear goals in the areas of research, treatment, and prevention of Lyme disease. Crucial to activities in each of these areas, is the fact that this legislation authorizes $10 million in annual funding for federal activities related to the elimination of Lyme disease.
I would like to thank my colleague from Pennsylvania, Senator Rick Santorum, the legislation's chief Republican cosponsor, for his dedicated
support of this important initiative. I look forward to continuing to work with Senator Santorum, my other colleagues, and the Lyme disease community to strengthen our efforts to eradicate Lyme disease. This legislation provides an important step toward reaching this laudable goal.
Mr. President, today I am proud to introduce the Higher Education for Freedom Act. This bill will establish a competitive grant program making funds available to institutions of higher education,…
Mr. President, today I am proud to introduce the Higher Education for Freedom Act. This bill will establish a competitive grant program making funds available to institutions of higher education, centers within such institutions, and associated nonprofit foundations to promote programs focused on the teaching and study of traditional American history and government, and the history and achievements of Western Civilization, at both the graduate and undergraduate level, including those that serve students enrolled in K-12 teacher education programs.
Today, more than ever, it is important to preserve and defend our common heritage of freedom and civilization, and to ensure that future generations of Americans understand the importance of traditional American history and the principles of free government on which this Nation was founded. This basic knowledge is not on essential to the full participation of our citizenry in America's civic life, but also to the continued success of the American experiment in self-government, binding together a diverse people into a single Nation with common purposes.
However, college students' lack of historical literacy is quite startling, and too few of today's colleges and universities are focused on the task of imparting this crucial knowledge to the next generation. One survey of students at America's top colleges reported that seniors could not identify Valley Forge, words from the Gettysburg Address, or even the basic principles of the U.S. Constitution. Given high-school level American history questions, 81 percent of the seniors would have received a D or F, the report found.
One college professor even informed me that her students did not know which side Lee was on during the Civil War, or whether the Russians were allies or enemies in World War II. A student of hers even asked why anyone should care what the Founding Fathers wrote.
Thomas Jefferson once wrote, ``If a nation expects to be ignorant-- and free--in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be.'' I believe the time has come for Congress to do something to promote the teaching of traditional American history at the postsecondary level, and I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I come to the floor today to offer legislation to solve a pension funding crisis in our country. The approach incorporated in this bill has been supported in the past by both the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations and the American business community. As Chairman of the Senate Labor Committee, I must say that these two groups do not often agree and I want to take this historic opportunity to memorialize their agreement.
These groups have supported the approach taken by this legislation because it will generate jobs, improve the financial strength of our corporations, and promote capital investment, all at a time when our economy sorely needs a shot in the arm.
My colleagues will remember that Congress adopted a temporary fix to the problem raised by the artificially low interest rate set by the 30- year Treasury bond. Pension law relies on that the 30-year Treasury bond, which is no longer being issued, to determine funding levels. A low interest rate means employers must put more cash in their plans to satisfy full funding requirements. That temporary fix, enacted in March 2002, is set to expire at the end of this year.
If no action is taken soon, companies will be required to divert billions of dollars from capital investment and job growth in order to satisfy the arbitrary funding rules. For example, General Motors will have to contribute $7 billion if no action is taken by the end of this year. Compounded in businesses across the nation, the total liability adds up to--as the late Carl Sagan used to say--``Billions and Billions.''
Both for collective bargaining and corporate financial planning purposes, a new fix needs to be in place this summer.
In a nutshell, the Pension Stability Act, the legislation I am introducing today, does four things.
First, it extends the temporary fix for a longer period of time--five years--in order to give Congress time to craft a permanent solution. The five year period is important because businesses and their unions need time to plan ahead and to make commitments that they can live up to.
Second, the bill temporarily switches form the out-of-date 30-year Treasury bond as the benchmark rate and adopts for this five-year period a rate based on a high-quality corporate bond index or composite of indices. In shifting to this rate, the legislation assumes that the highest permissible rate of interest is 105 percent of the four-year weighted average of that rate for the first two years--2004 and 2005. For the remaining three years--so as not to permit long term underfunding of pensions--the highest permissible rate of interest drops down to 100 percent of the weighted average.
Third, the legislation incorporates a smooth transition from the out- of-date 30-year Treasury Bond rate to the composite rate that will be used for determining funding obligations. No change in the lump sum distribution rate is made for the first two years. Then, in 20 percent increments, the new rate is phased in. My bill does not take the interest rate to 100 percent of the composite rate, as most commentators assert is the appropriate rate. But my bill makes significant progress toward that goal, and gives Congress time to make informed decisions on this important issue that affects very many lives.
Finally, the Pension Stability Act acknowledges that reasonable people can differ on the best permanent solution to the pension funding issues. The amendment calls for the creation of an independent commission to consider all of the issues relevant to funding of pensions, and making concrete recommendations to Congress. The goal is to take controversy and politics out of the deliberation.
The issues confronting our pension system are too important, and the dollar figures too large, for an internal task force within any administration. Stakeholders in this debate include company financial and human resources officers, stockholders, plan participants and beneficiaries, unions, and financial markets. If they are not included in the process, they are more likely to oppose the proffered solutions. The intent with this legislation is to create a bipartisan commission that includes business, union and pension rights groups. Such a panel would be able to address both the funding issues presented here, including the ``private yield curve'' approach, and evaluate other ideas for revitalizing the defined benefit system.
I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
Today I am introducing the Permanent Partners Immigration Act, a Senate companion to legislation that Representative Nadler of New York has introduced in the House for each of the last three…
Today I am introducing the Permanent Partners Immigration Act, a Senate companion to legislation that Representative Nadler of New York has introduced in the House for each of the last three Congresses. This legislation would allow U.S. citizens and legal permanent residents to petition for their foreign same-sex partners to come to the United States under our family immigration system. I am pleased to be joined in introducing this bill by Senators Jeffords, Feingold, Kennedy, and Kerry.
Under current law, committed partners of Americans are unable to use the family immigration system, which accounts for about 75 percent of the green cards and immigrant visas granted annually by the United States. As a result, gay Americans who are in this situation must live apart from their partners, or leave the country if they want to live legally and permanently with them.
This bill rectifies that situation, while retaining strong prohibitions against fraud. To qualify as a permanent partner, petitioners must prove that they are at least 18 and in a committed, intimate relationship with another adult in which both parties intend a lifelong commitment, and are financially interdependent with one's partner. They must also prove that they are not married to, or in a permanent partnership with, anyone other than that person, and are unable to contract with that person a marriage cognizable under the Immigration and Nationality Act. Proof could include sworn affidavits from friends and family and documentation of financial interdependence. Penalties for fraud would be the same as penalties for marriage fraud-- up to five years in prison and $250,000 in fines for the U.S. citizen partner, and deportation for the alien partner.
There are Vermonters who are involved in permanent partnerships with foreign nationals and who have felt abandoned by our laws in this area. This bill would allow them--and other gay and lesbian Americans throughout our Nation who have come to feel that our immigration laws are discriminatory--to be a fuller part of our society.
The idea that immigration benefits should be extended to same-sex couples has become increasingly prevalent around the world. Indeed, fifteen nations Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Iceland, Israel, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, South Africa, Sweden and the United Kingdom--recognize same-sex couples for immigration purposes.
Our immigration laws treat gays and lesbians in committed relationships as second-class citizens, and that needs to change. It is the right thing to do for the people involved, it is the sensible step to take in the interest of having a fair and consistent policy, and I hope that the Senate will act.
Mr. President, I join my Judiciary Committee colleague Senator Hatch and others in introducing a bill to authorize the minting of a commemorative coin in honor of United
States Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall, commonly known as ``the Great Chief Justice.''
Marshall's contributions to our country have been noted by members of the executive and judicial branches. President John Quincy Adams described his father's appointment of Marshall to the Supreme Court as ``one of the most important services rendered by [his father] to his country.'' Fellow Supreme Court Justice Joseph Story described Marshall in the following terms: ``Patience, moderation, candor, urbanity, quickness of perception, dignity of deportment, gentleness of manners, genius which commands respect, and learning which justifies confidence.'' Congress' passage of the ``John Marshall Commemorative Coin Act'' in honor of the upcoming 250th anniversary of his birth would be a fitting complement to these, and other, recognitions of ``the Great Chief Justice's'' extraordinary accomplishments.
Marshall presided over the Supreme Court during the formative years of 1801-1835. Before that time, the Supreme Court played a comparatively minor role in our Federal government. Under Marshall's leadership, the Court evolved into a powerful institution and assumed its role as guardian of the Constitution, and as the arbiter of disputes between the Federal government and the States. As one legal scholar commented: ``It is not inconceivable that the Supreme Court would have remained a minor appendage of our government, and our constitutional development taken a distinctly different course, but for the fact that John Marshall occupied the Chief Justice's chair during the first three decades of the nineteenth century.''
Marshall is considered the founding father of American Constitutional law. To name just a few of Marshall's groundbreaking opinions, Marbury v. Madison the first instance in which the Supreme Court pronounced an act of Congress unconstitutional is the leading precedent for the Court's power to judge the constitutionality of legislative and executive acts. In McCulloch v. Maryland, Marshall asserted the right of the Supreme Court to decide questions involving the conflicting powers of the Federal and State governments, affirmed Congress' authority to act in furtherance of its enumerated powers, and established the standard for determining when the exercise of a Federal power limits the otherwise sovereign power of a State. In Cohens v. Virginia, Marshall established the authority of the Federal judiciary to review decisions of the highest State courts. As a final illustration of Marshall's many important judicial opinions, in Gibbons v. Ogden, he set forth Congress' power to regulate commerce among the States and with foreign nations.
Aside from the specific constitutional principles Marshall established while on the Court, he made many other important contributions to American constitutional law. For example, Marshall advocated that judges, as ultimate guardians of the Constitution, should be above politics and that the role of the Nation's courts was to mitigate the effects of factional politics. Moreover, Marshall adopted an approach to constitutional interpretation termed ``fair construction'' which struck a middle ground between an overly restrictive, and an overly broad, reading of the Constitution because he feared that strict construction would ultimately weaken the Constitution and, in due course, the Nation.
In closing, it is difficult to overstate Chief Justice Marshall's contributions to our Nation. Many years ago, when I read Marshall's opinions in my first year of law school, I admired the Chief Justice. Now, having served in Congress and worked within the principles Marshall established, I find him all the more admirable. A commemorative coin in his honor would be a fitting tribute to ``the Great Chief Justice.''
I ask unanimous consent that the text of bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, we often don't think about how important water is to our everyday lives, for our health and for our economy. As Americans, we take for granted that when we turn on the tap that clean…
Mr. President, we often don't think about how important water is to our everyday lives, for our health and for our economy. As Americans, we take for granted that when we turn on the tap that clean and safe water will flow from the faucet.
Over the last three decades, the United States has made substantial progress in reducing the pollution flowing into our waters and safeguarding drinking water supplies for our communities. Despite our progress, we still face many challenges.
Population growth is increasing demand for water, and pollution from point and nonpoint sources threaten the quality and quantity of water available to us. According to EPA, the overwhelming majority of the population of the United States--218 million people--live within 10 miles of a polluted river, lake, or coastal water. Nearly 40 percent of these waters are not safe for fishing, swimming, boating, drinking water, or other needs. And while overall water pollution levels decreased dramatically over the last 30 years, recent data may be revealing a disturbing trend. Indeed, EPA's most recent National Water Quality Inventory found that the number of polluted rivers and estuaries increased between 1998 and 2000. Water pollution represents a real and daily threat to public health and to the wildlife that depend on clean water.
This year, we are celebrating the Year of Clean Water. To honor our national commitment to reduce the pollution flowing into our waters and provide safe drinking water for our communities, I am introducing the National Clean and Safe Water Fund Act of 2003. The legislation, cosponsored by Senators Voinovich, Sarbanes, Snowe, Jeffords, Levin and Harkin will create a fund to carry out projects to promote water quality and protect watersheds and aquifers. It would establish a fund whose sole purpose is to advance the restoration of U.S. waters, particularly in the watersheds where these violations occurred. The bill is supported by a wide variety of organizations, including: the Narragansett Bay Commission, the Association of Metropolitan Water Agencies, American Rivers, Environmental Integrity Project, Friends of the Earth, National Audubon Society, Natural Resources Defense Council, The Ocean Conservancy and the U.S. Public Interest Research Group. I asked unanimous consent that the bill and letters of support be included in the record following my statement.
Last year, the Federal Government collected $52 million in civil and criminal penalties from violations of the Clean Water Act and Safe Drinking Water Acts. The money was deposited in the Treasury with no guarantee that the fines collected would be used to correct the water pollution for which the penalties were levied. Our legislation would make these funds available to local communities, tribes, States and non-profit organizations to protect and preserve watersheds and aquifers and to improve water quality.
This legislation would target this money to worthy projects, such as wetland protection and stream buffers to help filter out pathogens and pollutants that contaminate drinking water; land acquisition and conservation easements to protect watershed and aquifers; best management practices to prevent pollution in the first place; and, treatment works to control combined sewer or sanitary sewer overflows. Our legislation will continue progress to reduce the number of impaired waterways in our Nation, and to reduce, or better yet, prevent contamination of groundwater and drinking water sources.
It is imperative that we increase Federal investment in clean water and drinking water infrastructure and devote greater resources and attention to protecting and improving our watersheds and aquifers.
The Congressional Budget Office released a report that estimated the spending gap for clean water needs could reach as high as $388 billion and the spending gap for drinking water needs could reach $362 billion over 20 years. The CBO concluded the current funding from all levels of government and current revenue generated from ratepayers will not be sufficient to meet the Nation's future demand for water infrastructure. Yet, despite these grim statistics, the Federal Government is investing only $1.35 billion in Clean Water infrastructure each year and $850 million in Drinking Water infrastructure. And unfortunately, the President's budget proposes to cut this funding by $500 million this year.
Given the tremendous need in our communities, and the importance of water infrastructure to our economy, it is vital that the Federal Government maintain a strong partnership with States and local governments to avert this massive funding gap. We need to find new funding sources for watershed and aquifer protection. Clean, safe and abundant drinking water can no longer be taken for granted.
The costs of building new reservoirs and treatment facilities threaten to overrun our ability to pay, especially during the current fiscal crisis. Technology also has limitations in its ability to treat polluted water. Many water agencies are focusing on protecting watersheds and aquifers and conserving valuable clean water resources. In my State, the Providence Water Supply Board collects 1 cent per 100 gallons in a water usage tax to fund watershed acquisition. This may be our best and cheapest way to guarantee water quality and quantity.
Congress needs to increase support for efforts to protect our water resources. Polluted runoff from urban and agricultural land is now the most significant source of water pollution in the nation and the greatest threat to our drinking water. Our greatest future gains in pollution control will, therefore, come from reducing non-point source pollution.
There are cost-effective and environmentally sound projects that could help reduce this pollution, but currently, many non-point source projects cannot participate in the State revolving loan programs since they often do not have a guaranteed source of revenue. Also, without making new Federal resources available it is unlikely we will be able support increased investment in green infrastructure projects such as wetland conservation and stream buffers. The legislation that we are introducing today will make greater funding available for water quality projects.
I hope that my colleagues will join Senators Voinovich, Sarbanes, Snowe, Jeffords, Levin, Harkin and me in supporting this legislation. Creating this fund will help further the Nation's goals of providing safe and clean water for our communities and restoring water quality for wildlife.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of bill and letters of support be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, as Members of the this Senate are well aware, I have worked for many years on the development of renewable fuels in the marketplace. Twenty-five years ago we created an alcohol fuels…
Mr. President, as Members of the this Senate are well aware, I have worked for many years on the development of renewable fuels in the marketplace. Twenty-five years ago we created an alcohol fuels tax incentive to promote the use of ethanol. Today, I am introducing legislation that will simplify the excise tax collection system for all transportation and renewable fuels.
This legislation reforms the alcohol fuels tax credit and creates a new ``Volumetric Ethanol Excise Tax Credit'' (VEETC). In addition to streamlining the alcohol fuels tax credit, this legislation creates a new tax credit for biodiesel.
Under the VEETC we accomplish three objectives: First, improve the tax collection system for renewable fuels; second, increase the revenue source for the Highway Trust Fund.
This is because the full amount of user excise taxes levied will be collected and remitted to the Highway Trust Fund (HTF). In simplifying the tax collection system, all user excise taxes levied on both gasoline and ethanol blended fuels would be collected at 18.4 cents per gallon; and all excise taxes levied on diesel and biodiesel blended fuels would be collected at 24.4 cents per gallon.
On average, the proposal would generate more than $2 billion per year in additional HTF revenue, which would improve the ability of the federal government to address the nation's transportation infrastructure needs; and third, we will enhance the delivery of renewable fuels in the marketplace.
The federal government's tax collection system will work in concert with the petroleum industry's and independent terminal's fuel delivery system.
The Grassley/Baucus amendment provides tremendous new flexibility to gasoline refiners, marketers, and ethanol producers.
It eliminates the restrictive blend levels, 5.7 percent, 7.7 percent and 10 percent dictated by the Tax Code to reflect obsolete Clean Air Act requirements, providing significant flexibility to oil companies to blend as much or as little ethanol or biodiesel to meet their octane or volume needs.
It streamlines the tax collection system to avoid the potential for fraud while accelerating the refund mechanism.
It provides new market opportunities for ethanol and biodiesel in off-road uses, E-85 and ETBE, and, of course, it resolves a longstanding issue with regard to the Highway Trust Fund.
The ``Volumetric Ethanol Excise Tax Credit Act of 2003'' is a forward-thinking piece of legislation that deserves universal support and it will address a number of tax issues that have created roadblocks for the renewable industry for a number of years.
Specifically, the tax amendment will do the following: eliminate the negative impact of the ethanol tax incentive on the Highway Trust Fund; eliminate the waste, fraud and abuse of the excise tax collection system, which means that 18.4 cents per gallon of each gallon of ethanol-blend fuel will be remitted to the U.S. Treasury; streamline the delivery of renewable fuels to petroleum blenders at the terminal rack because fuel mixtures will not be based on the Clean Air Act requirements of 5.7, 7.7 or 10 percent blends--the tax credit is allowed for any blend of ethanol and gasoline; streamline the tax refund system for below the rack blenders to allow a tax refund of 52 cents per gallon on each gallon of ethanol blended with gasoline to be paid within 20 days of blending gasoline with ethanol; Eliminate the need of the alcohol fuels income tax credit that is subject to the alternative minimum tax; any taxpayer eligible for the alcohol fuels tax credit will be able to use the volume ethanol excise tax credit system, which means they will be able to file for a refund for every gallon of ethanol used in the marketplace without regard to the income of the taxpayer or whether the ethanol is used in a taxed fuel or tax exempt fuel.
Create a new tax credit for biodiesel--$1.00 per gallon for biodiesel made from virgin oils derived from agricultural products and animal fats; and $.50 per gallon for biodiesel made from agricultural products and animal fats.
Allow the credit to be claimed in both taxable and nontaxable markets; tax exempt fleet fuel programs; off road diesel markets (died diesel).
Streamline the use of biodiesel at the terminal rack--the tax structure and credit will encourage petroleum blenders to blend biodiesel as far upstream as possible, which under the RFS and Minnesota's 2 percent volume requirement will allow more biodiesel to be used in the marketplace.
Streamline the tax refund system for below the rack blenders to allow a tax refund of the biodiesel tax credit on each gallon of biodiesel blended with diesel, dyed and undyed, to be paid within 20 days of blending.
The alternative minimum tax (AMT) will not be an issue for biodiesel; any taxpayer eligible for the biodiesel tax credit will be able use the volume biodiesel excise tax credit system, which means they will be able to file for a refund for every gallon of biodiesel used in the marketplace regard to the income of the taxpayer or whether the ethanol is used in a taxed fuel or tax exempt fuel.
No affect on the Highway Trust Fund--the biodiesel tax credit will be paid for out of the ``General fund'' not the ``Highway Trust Fund.''
Eliminate the E85 AMT issue: any taxpayer eligible for the alcohol fuels tax credit will be able use the volume ethanol excise tax credit system, which means they will be able to file for a refund for every gallon of ethanol used in the marketplace without regard to the income of the taxpayer or whether the ethanol is used in a taxed fuel or tax exempt fuel.
Allow the alcohol fuels tax credit to be claimed in both taxable and nontaxable markets;
Streamline the tax refund system for below the rack blenders to allow a tax refund of the alcohol fuels credit on each gallon of ethanol blended with gasoline to be paid within 20 days of blending.
I feel strongly about the legislation because it eliminates the tax infrastructure, and fuel delivery impediments that have been problematic throughout the history of the renewable duels industry and encourage you to join us in working to enact this legislation during this Congress.
Mr. President, I rise today for myself and Senator Ensign to introduce the Pahrump American Legion Post Land Conveyance Act. This Act will transfer approximately five acres of BLM land in Pahrump,…
Mr. President, I rise today for myself and Senator Ensign to introduce the Pahrump American Legion Post Land Conveyance Act. This Act will transfer approximately five acres of BLM land in Pahrump, NV, to the American Legion for the purpose of constructing a post home and other facilities that will benefit veterans' groups and the local community.
The American Legion and other non-profit organizations that represent our Nation's veterans in the vicinity of Pahrump, NV, have tripled in size over the last 10 years. The local memberships of the American Legion, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the Disabled American Veterans will soon exceed 1000 members, and will continue to expand with the rest of the fast-growing local community.
The existing facility used by the veterans in Pahrump was built by the Veterans of Foreign Wars in the 1960s. It is much too small and not at all adequate for the veterans' current needs. The nearest facility that can accommodate them is located in Las Vegas, more than 60 miles away.
The Pahrump American Legion would like to build a post building, veterans' garden, and memorial park. These new facilities would benefit not only the local veterans, but would be made available--at no cost-- for community activities. The American Legion has tried for over six years to acquire a suitable tract of land to provide a home for a new veterans center. The Legion started a pledge campaign and raised over $16,000 for the building fund before the parcel of land they sought to acquire was removed from consideration by the BLM. Unfortunately, other tracts of land that might represent alternative sites in Pahrump are not suitable.
Mr. President, this situation is intolerable. Without a home, the Pahrump American Legion Post can't offer the kind of services and programs that the veterans in the area deserve. Our veterans aren't the only ones who are suffering, either. All across the United States, the American Legion is deservedly famous for supporting community activities like the Boy Scouts and Girl Scouts, as well as the National Oratorical Contest, American Legion Baseball, Girls and Boys State, and other activities for young people. All of these worthy groups and projects would benefit from the construction of a new post home.
Our bill simply directs the Secretary of the Interior to convey this property from the Bureau of Land Management to American Legion ``Edward H McDaniel'' Post No. 22 in Pahrump. Because of the great public benefit such a facility will provide, we ask that the land be conveyed for free, but that the American Legion cover the costs of the transaction.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I am pleased today to introduce the Rural Post Office and Community Preservation Act of 2003.
My legislation would prohibit the Postal Service from closing post offices in our Nation's small rural communities. Where the Postal Service has closed a rural post office, my legislation directs the Postal Service to provide a plan for the rehabilitation and economic development of such closed offices in consultation with the local community affected. It also authorizes $10 million in grants to local communities to assist in such rehabilitation. Finally, it provides that the Postal Service shall transfer the closed post office in Ely, NV, to White Pine County for such rehabilitation.
All across the Nation, the Postal Service is closing, consolidating, and moving post offices in our rural communities. Oftentimes, the Postal Service sells off centrally located and in many cases historic post offices in favor of moving the office to cheaper land on the outskirts of town. While this may result in a short-term economic gain to the Postal Service, there is both an immediate and long-term negative impact on the community.
A 1993 study by the National Trust for Historic Preservation tells us what we intuitively already know. That is, in rural communities, the post office is often the economic and social anchor of the town. When post offices are closed in our rural communities, nearby businesses suffer and the small-town character of the community is diminished.
Nevada knows the harm caused by closing rural post offices first hand.
Take the small town of Ely, NV, where roughly 3,700 Nevadans make their home. Located in northeastern Nevada, Ely is a charming small town surrounded by beautiful mountains and the cleanest air in America. Decades ago, Ely was a main stopover for public officials and movie stars alike as they traveled through the West, and was briefly the hometown of Pat Ryan who later became Pat Nixon, the First Lady of the United States, At the time, Ely's six-story Hotel Nevada was the tallest structure in the whole State of Nevada. Near the Hotel Nevada, Ely had a quaint post office that helped form the center of town. Today if you go to Ely, you will still find the Hotel Nevada. The mountains are just as beautiful. But you won't find the Ely Post Office in the center of town. Last year, over my objection and the objection of the people of Ely, the Postal Service closed the office.
My legislation introduced today would help prevent future rural post office closings like the one in Ely. It would also give the closed post office in Ely to the local community.
My legislation is not intended to be a criticism of the Postal Service. Many fine men and women work there. In fact, my bill is really a testament to the importance of our post offices and the Postal Service. It recognizes that over the history of our Nation, post offices have come to symbolize and offer more than just the practical service of keeping people in touch with friends and families in distant locales. Increasingly, the local post office has become the heart of the community, a place where people within small rural communities keep in touch with one and other.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Pathways to Independence Act of 2003, along with Senators Conrad and Jeffords. This bill includes two important provisions that we will work to include in…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce the Pathways to Independence Act of 2003, along with Senators Conrad and Jeffords. This bill includes two important provisions that we will work to include in the TANF reauthorization. These provisions will help both TANF recipients with disabilities, and the States as they work with people with disabilities in their respective programs.
In July 2002, the General Accounting Office reported that as many as 44 percent of TANF families have a parent or a child with a physical or mental impairment. This is almost three times as high as among the non- TANF population in the United States. In eight percent of TANF families, there is both a parent and a child with a disability; among non-TANF families, this figure is one percent. The GAO's work confirmed the findings of earlier studies, including work by the Urban Institute and the HHS Inspector General.
These figures mean that we need to make sure that TANF reauthorization legislation give States the ability and incentives to help families meet their current needs, while also helping them to move from welfare to work. This is the lesson that Oregon and many other States have already learned as they developed and refined their TANF programs.
The first provision of my bill provides a pragmatic approach to helping parents with disabilities and substance abuse problems receive the treatment and other rehabilitative services they will need to succeed in a work setting. It is designed so that, over time, States can gradually increase the work activity requirements, while continuing to provide them with rehabilitative services. Under this proposal, much like in other proposals under consideration, a person participating in rehabilitation can be counted as engaged in work activity for three months. After the first three months, if a person continues to need rehabilitative services, the State can continue to count participation in those activities for another three months, so long as that person is engaged in some number of work hours, to be determined by the State.
The next step of my proposal builds on the concept of partial credit that is being considered in the Senate Finance Committee. If, after six months, a State determines that a person has a continuing need for rehabilitative services, the State may create a package that combines work activity with these services. The State will receive credit for the individual's efforts so long as at least one-half of the hours in which the individual participates are in core work activities. For example, if a State receives full credit for a person who works 30 hours per week, and the State has determined that an individual needs rehabilitative services beyond six months, that individual would need to be engaged in core work activities for at least 15 hours per week to get full credit, with the remaining 15 hours spent in rehabilitative services. Similarly, if partial credit is available for a person who works 24 hours per week, then a State could receive that same partial credit if the person was engaged in core work activities for at least 12 hours per week, with the remaining 12 hours spent in rehabilitative services.
This approach is appealing for many reasons. First, it allows States to design a system in which a person can move progressively over time from rehabilitation toward work. Second, it gives States credit for the time and effort they will need to invest to help people move successfully from welfare to work by allowing States to use a range of strategies to help these families. Third, it creates a more realistic structure for individuals with disabilities and addictions who may otherwise fall out of the system either through sanction or discouragement, despite their need for financial support. Finally, this approach is appealing because it is designed to work within the structure of the final TANF reauthorization bill.
The second provision in the bill would allow States the option of counting as work activity the time that an adult in a TANF family spends caring for a child with a disability or an adult relative who is in need of care. The studies reflect that these people often cannot find care for their relative so they can work. They are often forced into the impossible choice of caring for their child with a disability, or leaving that child to go to work in order to continue receiving their TANF grant. This is not a choice a parent should ever have to make.
In order to be able to count the care provided by the TANF recipient as work activity, the State would first be required to determine that the child or adult with a disability is, in fact, truly disabled, and that the person needs substantial ongoing care. Then, the State must decide that the TANF recipient is the most appropriate means for providing the needed care. The State would also have to conduct regular periodic evaluations to determine that the child or adult with a disability continues to need the care provided by the TANF recipient. Nothing in the provision prevents a State from determining that the TANF recipient can
work outside the home or engage in other work-related training or other activities that will help the person eventually move to work on a full- or part-time basis.
I would like to submit for the record a letter from close to forty national organizations that are members of the Consortium for Citizens with Disabilities supporting this legislation, as well as a letter of support from my home State of Oregon. I look forward to working with my co-sponsors, Senators Conrad and Jeffords, and with the Chairman of the Finance Committee on these important provisions in the upcoming months, and I urge my colleagues to join us in support of this legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill and letters of support be printed in the Record.
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[S. 1533 Introduced in Senate (IS)]
1st Session
S. 1533
To prevent the crime of identity theft, mitigate the harm to
individuals throughout the Nation who have been victimized by identity
theft, and for other purposes.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
July 31 (legislative day, July 21), 2003
Ms. Cantwell (for herself and Mr. Enzi) introduced the following bill;
which was read twice and referred to the Committee on the
JudiciaryYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYY
_______________________________________________________________________
A BILL
To prevent the crime of identity theft, mitigate the harm to
individuals throughout the Nation who have been victimized by identity
theft, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Identity Theft Victims Assistance
Act of 2003''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress finds the following:
(1) The crime of identity theft is the fastest growing
crime in the United States. According to a recent estimate,
7,000,000 Americans were victims of identity theft in the past
year, a 79 percent increase over previous estimates.
(2) Stolen identities are often used to perpetrate crimes
in many cities and States, making it more difficult for
consumers to restore their respective identities.
(3) Identity theft cost consumers more than $745,000,000 in
1998 and has increased dramatically in the last few years. The
credit card industry alone lost an estimated $144.3 million in
2000.
(4) Identity theft is ruinous to the good name and credit
of consumers whose identities are misappropriated, and
consumers may be denied otherwise deserved credit and may have
to spend enormous time, effort, and money to restore their
respective identities.
(5) Victims are often required to contact numerous Federal,
State, and local law enforcement agencies and creditors over
many years as each event of fraud arises.
(6) As of the date of enactment of this Act, a national
mechanism does not exist to assist identity theft victims to
obtain evidence of identity theft, restore their credit, and
regain control of their respective identities.
(7) Victims of identity theft need a nationally
standardized means of--
(A) establishing their true identities and claims
of identity theft to all business entities, credit
reporting agencies, and Federal and State law
enforcement agencies;
(B) obtaining information documenting fraudulent
transactions from business entities;
(C) reporting identity theft to consumer credit
reporting agencies.
(8) One of the greatest law enforcement challenges posed by
identity theft is that stolen identities are often used to
perpetrate crimes in many different localities in different
States, and although identity theft is a Federal crime, most
often, State and local law enforcement agencies are responsible
for investigating and prosecuting the crimes.
(9) Law enforcement, business entities, credit reporting
agencies, and government agencies have a shared responsibility
to assist victims of identity theft to mitigate the harm caused
by any fraud perpetrated in the name of the victims.
SEC. 3. TREATMENT OF IDENTITY THEFT MITIGATION.
(a) In General.--Chapter 47 of title 18, United States Code, is
amended by adding after section 1028 the following:
``Sec. 1028A. Treatment of identity theft mitigation
``(a) Definitions.--As used in this section--
``(1) the term `business entity' means any corporation,
trust, partnership, sole proprietorship, or unincorporated
association, including any financial service provider,
financial information repository, creditor (as that term is
defined in section 103 of the Truth in Lending Act (15 U.S.C.
1602)), telecommunications, utilities, or other service
provider;
``(2) the term `consumer' means an individual;
``(3) the term `financial information' means information
identifiable as relating to an individual consumer that
concerns the amount and conditions of the assets, liabilities,
or credit of the consumer, including--
``(A) account numbers and balances;
``(B) nonpublic personal information, as that term
is defined in section 509 of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act
(15 U.S.C. 6809); and
``(C) codes, passwords, social security numbers,
tax identification numbers, State identifier numbers
issued by a State department of licensing, and other
information used for the purpose of account access or
transaction initiation;
``(4) the term `financial information repository' means a
person engaged in the business of providing services to
consumers who have a credit, deposit, trust, stock, or other
financial services account or relationship with that person;
``(5) the term `identity theft' means a violation of
section 1028 or any other similar provision of applicable
Federal or State law;
``(6) the term `means of identification' has the same
meaning given the term in section 1028;
``(7) the term `victim' means a consumer whose means of
identification or financial information has been used or
transferred (or has been alleged to have been used or
transferred) without the authority of that consumer with the
intent to commit, or with the intent to aid or abet, an
identity theft; and
``(8) the terms not defined in this section or otherwise
defined in section 3(s) of the Federal Deposit Insurance Act
(12 U.S.C. 1813(s)) shall have the meaning given to them in
section 1(b) of the International Banking Act of 1978 (12
U.S.C. 3101).
``(b) Information Available to Victims.--
``(1) In general.--A business entity that possesses
information relating to an alleged identity theft, or that has
entered into a transaction, provided credit, provided, for
consideration, products, goods, or services, accepted payment,
otherwise entered into a commercial transaction for
consideration with a person that has made unauthorized use of
the means of identification of the victim, or possesses
information relating to such transaction, shall, not later than
20 days after the receipt of a written request by the victim,
meeting the requirements of subsection (c), provide, without
charge, a copy of all application and business transaction
information related to the transaction being alleged as an
identity theft to--
``(A) the victim;
``(B) any Federal, State, or local governing law
enforcement agency or officer specified by the victim
in such a request; or
``(C) any law enforcement agency investigating the
identity theft and authorized by the victim to take
receipt of records provided under this section.
``(2) Rule of construction.--
``(A) In general.--No provision of Federal or State
law prohibiting the disclosure of financial information
by a business entity to third parties shall be used to
deny disclosure of information to the victim under this
section.
``(B) Limitation.--Except as provided in
subparagraph (A), nothing in this section permits a
business entity to disclose information that the
business entity is otherwise prohibited from disclosing
under any other applicable provision of Federal or
State law.
``(c) Verification of Identity and Claim.--Unless a business
entity, at its discretion, is otherwise able to verify the identity of
a victim making a request under subsection (b)(1), the victim shall
provide to the business entity--
``(1) as proof of positive identification, at the election
of the business entity--
``(A) the presentation of a government-issued
identification card;
``(B) if providing proof by mail, a copy of a
government-issued identification card; or
``(C) upon the request of the person seeking
business records, the business entity may inform the
requesting person of the categories of identifying
information that the unauthorized person provided the
business entity as personally identifying information,
and may require the requesting person to provide
identifying information in those categories; and
``(2) as proof of a claim of identity theft, at the
election of the business entity--
``(A) a copy of a police report evidencing the
claim of the victim of identity theft;
``(B) a properly completed copy of a standardized
affidavit of identity theft developed and made
available by the Federal Trade Commission; or
``(C) any properly completed affidavit of fact that
is acceptable to the business entity for that purpose.
``(d) Limitation on Liability.--No business entity may be held
liable for a disclosure, made in good faith and reasonable judgment, to
provide information under this section with respect to an individual in
connection with an identity theft to other business entities, law
enforcement authorities, victims, or any person alleging to be a
victim, if--
``(1) the business entity complies with subsection (c); and
``(2) such disclosure was made--
``(A) for the purpose of detection, investigation,
or prosecution of identity theft; or
``(B) to assist a victim in recovery of fines,
restitution, rehabilitation of the credit of the
victim, or such other relief as may be appropriate.
``(e) Authority To Decline To Provide Information.--A business
entity may decline to provide information under subsection (b) if, in
the exercise of good faith and reasonable judgment, the business entity
determines that--
``(1) this section does not require disclosure of the
information;
``(2) the request for the information is based on a
misrepresentation of fact by the victim relevant to the request
for information; or
``(3) the information requested is Internet navigational
data or similar information about a person's visit to a website
or online service.
``(f) No New Recordkeeping Obligation.--Nothing in this section
creates an obligation on the part of a business entity to obtain,
retain, or maintain information or records that are not otherwise
required to be obtained, retained, or maintained in the ordinary course
of its business or under other applicable law.
``(g) Affirmative Defense.--In any civil action brought to enforce
this section, it is an affirmative defense (which the defendant must
establish by a preponderance of the evidence) for a business entity to
file an affidavit or answer stating that--
``(1) the business entity has made a reasonable diligent
search of its available business records; and
``(2) the records requested under this section do not exist
or are not available.
``(h) No Private Right of Action.--Nothing in this section shall be
construed to provide a private right of action or claim for relief.
``(i) Enforcement.--
``(1) Injunctive actions by the attorney general.--
``(A) In general.--Whenever it appears that a
business entity to which this section applies has
engaged, is engaged, or is about to engage, in any act
or practice constituting a violation of this section,
the Attorney General of the United States may bring a
civil action in an appropriate district court of the
United States to--
``(i) enjoin such act or practice;
``(ii) enforce compliance with this
section; and
``(iii) obtain such other equitable relief
as the court determines to be appropriate.
``(B) Other injunctive relief.--Upon a proper
showing in the action under subparagraph (A), the court
shall grant a permanent injunction or a temporary
restraining order without bond.
``(2) Administrative enforcement.--
``(A) Federal trade commission.--
``(i) In general.--Except to the extent
that administrative enforcement is specifically
committed to another agency under subparagraph
(B), a violation of this section shall be
deemed an unfair or deceptive act or practice
in violation of the Federal Trade Commission
Act (15 U.S.C. 41 et seq.), for purposes of the
exercise by the Federal Trade Commission of its
functions and powers under that Act.
``(ii) Available functions and powers.--All
of the functions and powers of the Federal
Trade Commission under the Federal Trade
Commission Act are available to the Commission
to enforce compliance by any person with this
section.
``(B) Other federal agencies.--Compliance with any
requirements under this section may be enforced--
``(i) under section 8 of the Federal
Deposit Insurance Act (12 U.S.C. 1818)--
``(I) by the Office of the
Comptroller of the Currency, with
respect to national banks, and Federal
branches and Federal agencies of
foreign banks (except brokers, dealers,
persons providing insurance, investment
companies, and investment advisers);
``(II) by the Board of Governors of
the Federal Reserve System, with
respect to member banks of the Federal
Reserve System (other than national
banks), branches and agencies of
foreign banks (other than Federal
branches, Federal agencies, and insured
State branches of foreign banks),
commercial lending companies owned or
controlled by foreign banks, and
organizations operating under section
25 or 25A of the Federal Reserve Act
(12 U.S.C. 601 et seq. and 611 et
seq.);
``(III) by the Board of Directors
of the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation, with respect to banks
insured by the Federal Deposit
Insurance Corporation (other than
members of the Federal Reserve System),
insured State branches of foreign
banks, and any subsidiaries of such
entities (except brokers, dealers,
persons providing insurance, investment
companies, and investment advisers);
and
``(IV) by the Director of the
Office of Thrift Supervision, with
respect to savings associations, the
deposits of which are insured by the
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation,
and any subsidiaries of such savings
associations (except brokers, dealers,
persons providing insurance, investment
companies, and investment advisers);
``(ii) by the Board of the National Credit
Union Administration, under the Federal Credit
Union Act (12 U.S.C. 1751 et seq.), with
respect to any federally insured credit union,
and any subsidiaries of such credit union;
``(iii) by the Securities and Exchange
Commission, under the Securities Exchange Act
of 1934 (15 U.S.C. 78a et seq.), with respect
to any broker or dealer;
``(iv) by the Securities and Exchange
Commission, under the Investment Company Act of
1940 (15 U.S.C. 80a-1 et seq.), with respect to
investment companies;
``(v) by the Securities and Exchange
Commission, under the Investment Advisers Act
of 1940 (15 U.S.C. 80b-1 et seq.), with respect
to investment advisers registered with the
Commission under such Act;
``(vi) by the Secretary of Transportation,
under subtitle IV of title 49, with respect to
all carriers subject to the jurisdiction of the
Surface Transportation Board;
``(vii) by the Secretary of Transportation,
under part A of subtitle VII of title 49, with
respect to any air carrier or any foreign air
carrier subject to that part; and
``(viii) by the Secretary of Agriculture,
under the Packers and Stockyards Act, 1921 (7
U.S.C. 181 et seq.), except as provided in
section 406 of that Act (7 U.S.C. 226, 2271),
with respect to any activities subject to that
Act.
``(C) Agency powers.--
``(i) In general.--A violation of any
requirement imposed under this section shall be
deemed to be a violation of a requirement
imposed under any Act referred to under
subparagraph (B), for the purpose of the
exercise by any agency referred to under
subparagraph (B) of its powers under any such
Act.
``(ii) Rule of construction.--Nothing in
this section shall be construed to prevent a
Federal agency from exercising the powers
conferred upon such agency by Federal law to--
``(I) conduct investigations;
``(II) administer oaths or
affirmations; or
``(III) compel the attendance of
witnesses or the production of
documentary or other evidence.
``(3) Parens patriae authority.--
``(A) Civil actions.--In any case in which the
attorney general of a State has reason to believe that
an interest of the residents of that State has been, or
is threatened to be, adversely affected by a violation
of this section by any business entity, the State, as
parens patriae, may bring a civil action on behalf of
the residents of the State in a district court of the
United States of appropriate jurisdiction to--
``(i) enjoin that practice;
``(ii) enforce compliance with this
section;
``(iii) obtain damages--
``(I) in the sum of actual damages,
restitution, and other compensation on
behalf of the affected residents of the
State; and
``(II) punitive damages, if the
violation is willful or intentional;
and
``(iv) obtain such other equitable relief
as the court may consider to be appropriate.
``(B) Notice.--Before filing an action under
subparagraph (A), the attorney general of the State
involved shall, if practicable, provide to the Attorney
General of the United States, and where applicable, to
the appropriate Federal agency with the authority to
enforce this section under paragraph (2)--
``(i) a written notice of the action; and
``(ii) a copy of the complaint for the
action.
``(4) Intervention.--
``(A) In general.--On receiving notice of an action
under paragraph (3), the Attorney General of the United
States, and any Federal agency with authority to
enforce this section under paragraph (2), shall have
the right to intervene in that action.
``(B) Effect of intervention.--Any person or agency
under subparagraph (A) that intervenes in an action
under paragraph (2) shall have the right to be heard on
all relevant matters arising therein.
``(C) Service of process.--Upon the request of the
Attorney General of the United States or any Federal
agency with the authority to enforce this section under
paragraph (2), the attorney general of a State that has
filed an action under this section shall, pursuant to
rule 4(d)(4) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure,
serve the Attorney General of the United States or the
head of such Federal agency, with a copy of the
complaint.
``(5) Construction.--For purposes of bringing any civil
action under this subsection, nothing in this section shall be
construed to prevent an attorney general of a State from
exercising the powers conferred on such attorney general by the
laws of that State to--
``(A) conduct investigations;
``(B) administer oaths or affirmations; or
``(C) compel the attendance of witnesses or the
production of documentary and other evidence.
``(6) Limitation on state action while federal action is
pending.--In any case in which an action is instituted by or on
behalf of the Attorney General of the United States, or
appropriate Federal regulator authorized under paragraph (2),
for a violation of this section, no State may, during the
pendency of that action, institute an action under this section
against any defendant named in the complaint in that action for
such violation.
``(7) Venue; service of process.--
``(A) Venue.--Any action brought under this
subsection may be brought in the district court of the
United States--
``(i) where the defendant resides;
``(ii) where the defendant is doing
business; or
``(iii) that meets applicable requirements
relating to venue under section 1391 of title
28.
``(B) Service of process.--In an action brought
under this subsection, process may be served in any
district in which the defendant--
``(i) resides;
``(ii) is doing business; or
``(iii) may be found.''.
(b) Clerical Amendment.--The table of sections at the beginning of
chapter 47 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by inserting
after the item relating to section 1028 the following new item:
``1028A. Treatment of identity theft mitigation.''.
SEC. 4. AMENDMENTS TO THE FAIR CREDIT REPORTING ACT.
(a) Consumer Reporting Agency Blocking of Information Resulting
From Identity Theft.--Section 611 of the Fair Credit Reporting Act (15
U.S.C. 1681i) is amended by adding at the end the following:
``(e) Block of Information Resulting From Identity Theft.--
``(1) Block.--Except as provided in paragraphs (4) and (5)
and not later than 30 days after the date of receipt of--
``(A) proof of the identity of a consumer; and
``(B) an official copy of a police report
evidencing the claim of the consumer of identity theft,
a consumer reporting agency shall block the reporting of any
information identified by the consumer in the file of the
consumer resulting from the identity theft, so that the
information cannot be reported.
``(2) Reinvestigation.--A consumer reporting agency shall
reinvestigate any information that a consumer has requested to
be blocked under paragraph (1) in accordance with the
requirements of subsections (a) through (d).
``(3) Notification.--A consumer reporting agency shall,
within the time period specified in subsection (a)(2)(A)--
``(A) provide the furnisher of the information
identified by the consumer under paragraph (1) with the
information described in subsection (a)(2); and
``(B) notify the furnisher--
``(i) that the information may be a result
of identity theft;
``(ii) that a police report has been filed;
``(iii) that a block has been requested
under this subsection; and
``(iv) of the effective date of the block.
``(4) Authority to decline or rescind.--
``(A) In general.--A consumer reporting agency may
at any time decline to block, or may rescind any block,
of consumer information under this subsection if--
``(i) in the exercise of good faith and
reasonable judgment, the consumer reporting
agency finds that--
``(I) the block was issued, or the
request for a block was made, based on
a misrepresentation of fact by the
consumer relevant to the request to
block; or
``(II) the consumer knowingly
obtained possession of goods, services,
or money as a result of a transaction
for which a block has been requested,
or the consumer should have known that
the consumer obtained possession of
goods, services, or money as a result
of a transaction for which a block has
been requested; or
``(ii) the consumer agrees that the blocked
information or portions of the blocked
information were blocked in error.
``(B) Notification to consumer.--If the block of
information is declined or rescinded under this
paragraph, the affected consumer shall be notified, in
the same manner and within the same time period as
consumers are notified of the reinsertion of
information under subsection (a)(5)(B).
``(C) Significance of block.--For purposes of this
paragraph, if a consumer reporting agency rescinds a
block, the presence of information in the file of a
consumer prior to the blocking of such information is
not evidence of whether the consumer knew or should
have known that the consumer obtained possession of any
goods, services, or monies as a result of the
transaction that was blocked.
``(5) Exception.--A consumer reporting agency shall not be
required to comply with this subsection when such agency is
issuing information for authorizations, for the purpose of
approving or processing negotiable instruments, electronic
funds transfers, or similar methods of payment, based solely on
negative information, including--
``(A) dishonored checks;
``(B) accounts closed for cause;
``(C) substantial overdrafts;
``(D) abuse of automated teller machines; or
``(E) other information which indicates a risk of
fraud occurring.''.
(b) False Claims.--Section 1028 of title 18, United States Code, is
amended by adding at the end the following:
``(j) Any person who knowingly falsely claims to be a victim of
identity theft for the purpose of obtaining the blocking of information
by a consumer reporting agency under section 611(e)(1) of the Fair
Credit Reporting Act (15 U.S.C. 1681i(e)(1)) shall be fined under this
title, imprisoned not more than 3 years, or both.''.
(c) Statute of Limitations.--
(1) In general.--Section 618 of the Fair Credit Reporting
Act (15 U.S.C. 1681p) is amended to read as follows:
``SEC. 618. JURISDICTION OF COURTS; LIMITATION ON ACTIONS.
``(a) In General.--Except as provided in subsections (b) and (c),
an action to enforce any liability created under this title may be
brought in any appropriate United States district court without regard
to the amount in controversy, or in any other court of competent
jurisdiction, not later than 2 years from the date of the defendant's
violation of any requirement under this title.
``(b) Willful Misrepresentation.--In any case in which the
defendant has materially and willfully misrepresented any information
required to be disclosed to an individual under this title, and the
information misrepresented is material to the establishment of the
liability of the defendant to that individual under this title, an
action to enforce a liability created under this title may be brought
at any time within 2 years after the date of discovery by the
individual of the misrepresentation.
``(c) Identity Theft.--An action to enforce a liability created
under this title may be brought not later than 5 years from the date of
the defendant's violation if--
``(1) the plaintiff is the victim of an identity theft; or
``(2) the plaintiff--
``(A) has reasonable grounds to believe that the
plaintiff is the victim of an identity theft; and
``(B) has not materially and willfully
misrepresented such a claim.''.
(2) Effective date.--The amendments made by this subsection
shall take effect 2 years from the date of enactment of this
Act.
SEC. 5. COORDINATING COMMITTEE STUDY OF COORDINATION BETWEEN FEDERAL,
STATE, AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES IN ENFORCING IDENTITY THEFT
LAWS.
(a) Membership; Term.--Section 2 of the Internet False
Identification Prevention Act of 2000 (18 U.S.C. 1028 note) is
amended--
(1) in subsection (b), by striking ``and the Commissioner
of Immigration and Naturalization'' and inserting ``the
Commissioner of Immigration and Naturalization, the Chairman of
the Federal Trade Commission, the Postmaster General, and the
Commissioner of the United States Customs Service,''; and
(2) in subsection (c), by striking ``2 years after the
effective date of this Act.'' and inserting ``on December 28,
2005.''.
(b) Consultation.--Section 2 of the Internet False Identification
Prevention Act of 2000 (18 U.S.C. 1028 note) is amended--
(1) by redesignating subsection (d) as subsection (e); and
(2) by inserting after subsection (c) the following:
``(d) Consultation.--In discharging its duties, the coordinating
committee shall consult with interested parties, including State and
local law enforcement agencies, State attorneys general,
representatives of business entities (as that term is defined in
section 4 of the Identity Theft Victims Assistance Act of 2003),
including telecommunications and utility companies, and organizations
representing consumers.''.
(c) Report Distribution and Contents.--Section 2(e) of the Internet
False Identification Prevention Act of 2000 (18 U.S.C. 1028 note) (as
redesignated by subsection (b)) is amended--
(1) by striking paragraph (1) and inserting the following:
``(1) In general.--The Attorney General and the Secretary
of the Treasury, at the end of each year of the existence of
the coordinating committee, shall report on the activities of
the coordinating committee to--
``(A) the Committee on the Judiciary of the Senate;
``(B) the Committee on the Judiciary of the House
of Representatives;
``(C) the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban
Affairs of the Senate; and
``(D) the Committee on Financial Services of the
House of Representatives.'';
(2) in subparagraph (E), by striking ``and'' at the end;
and
(3) by striking subparagraph (F) and inserting the
following:
``(F) a comprehensive description of Federal
assistance provided to State and local law enforcement
agencies to address identity theft;
``(G) a comprehensive description of coordination
activities between Federal, State, and local law
enforcement agencies that address identity theft; and
``(H) recommendations in the discretion of the
President, if any, for legislative or administrative
changes that would--
``(i) facilitate more effective
investigation and prosecution of cases
involving--
``(I) identity theft; and
``(II) the creation and
distribution of false identification
documents;
``(ii) improve the effectiveness of Federal
assistance to State and local law enforcement
agencies and coordination between Federal,
State, and local law enforcement agencies; and
``(iii) simplify efforts by a person
necessary to rectify the harm that results from
the theft of the identity of such person.''.
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