Training for Realtime Writers Act of 2004
Legislative Activity
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Held at the desk.
November 20, 2004 • 3:59 PM
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Introduced in Senate
February 27, 2003
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR S2938)
February 27, 2003
Read twice and referred to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. (text of measure as introduced: CR S2938-2939)
February 27, 2003
Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. Ordered to be reported without amendment favorably.
September 22, 2004
Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. Reported by Senator McCain without amendment. With written report No. 108-399.
October 11, 2004
Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 790.
October 11, 2004
Passed Senate without amendment by Unanimous Consent. (consideration: CR S11586-11587; text as passed Senate: CR S11586-11587)
November 19, 2004
Message on Senate action sent to the House.
November 20, 2004
Received in the House.
November 20, 2004 • 11:24 AM
Held at the desk.
November 20, 2004 • 3:59 PM
Floor Debate
21 membersWhat members said about S. 480 on the floor
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Floor Debate
21 membersWhat members said about S. 480 on the floor
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to the consideration of Calendar No. 209, S. 877; provided further that the committee amendment be agreed to and be considered…
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to the consideration of Calendar No. 209, S. 877; provided further that the committee amendment be agreed to and be considered original text for the purpose of further amendment.
Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Madam President, this bill was introduced in April by Senators Burns and Wyden, and the substitute version was approved by the Senate Commerce Committee on June 19.
Also, we have had intensive negotiations with the Senator from New York, Mr. Schumer, who is now on the floor, concerning a ``do not spam'' aspect of this legislation.
First of all, I wish to thank, of course, Senator Hollings, the ranking member of the committee, for all of his effort, but I particularly acknowledge my two colleagues who are on the floor, Senators Burns and Wyden. Around here, we have a tendency to take credit for a lot of things that may not necessarily be true, although I am not sure that is true in my case, but the fact is, Senator Burns and Senator Wyden have worked for, I believe, 3 years on this issue. It is complex. It is difficult. It has a lot to do with technology. The issues are very technical in nature in some respects. They have responded to what I think is a major concern of every young American and every American who uses a computer, and that is this issue of unwanted spam.
I again tell my colleagues that without the efforts Senator Burns and Senator Wyden have made on this bill, we would not be here today, and I am very grateful for their participation.
I believe the ranking member, Senator Hollings, wishes to make an opening comment, and then I would like to be recognized after Senator Hollings.
I yield the floor.
Madam President, I will mention Senator Schumer's amendment which we have agreed to, which as soon as opening statements are completed we will propose, and I believe it will be without objection. It does do several things. I will mention it now because Senator Schumer has worked so hard on this amendment.
This amendment says that not later than 6 months after the date of enactment of the act, the Commission will transmit to the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, and to the House of Representatives Committee on Energy and Commerce a report that sets forth a plan and timetable for establishing a nationwide market Do Not E-mail Registry. It includes an explanation of any practical, technical, security, privacy, enforceability, or other concerns the Commission has regarding such a registry and includes an explanation of how the registry would be applied with respect to children with e-mail accounts.
Finally, it says the Commission may establish and implement the plan, but not earlier than 9 months after the date of enactment of this act.
I say to my friend, Senator Schumer, that I will do everything in my power to make sure that this is enacted and this plan, not earlier than 9 months, should be implemented. I hope that is satisfactory.
Again, I thank Senator Schumer. If we can implement a Do Not Spam provision which is clearly modeled after the Do Not Call list, I think it will have enormous benefit to all Americans.
I will make a few comments about the bill and then yield to my colleagues and to Senator Schumer for their remarks.
If passed into law by Congress and signed by the President, the CAN- SPAM Act would be the first Federal law to regulate senders of commercial e-mail.
The bill would prohibit senders of commercial e-mail from falsifying or disguising the following: their identity; the return address or routing information of an e-mail; and the subject matters of their messages. Violations of these provisions would result in both criminal and civil penalties.
The bill would also require senders of commercial e-mail to give their recipients an opportunity to opt out of receiving future messages and to honor those requests. Except for e-mail that is transactional in nature, such as purchase receipts or airlines ticket confirmations, every commercial e-mail sent over the Internet to American consumers would be required to provide this valid, working opt-out or unsubscribe mechanism. These rules represent current industry best practices regarding commercial e-mail messages.
For unsolicited commercial e-mail, however, the bill would require more disclosures from the sender of the message, such as providing recipients with instructions on how to operate the opt-out mechanism, a valid physical address of the sender, and a clear notice in the body of the message that it is an advertisement or solicitation.
In an amendment I offered in committee, this bill would also prohibit businesses from knowingly promoting or permitting the promotion of their business through e-mail transmitted with false or misleading identity or routing information. Those that benefit the most from sending fraudulent spam, the companies advertised in those messages, should be held accountable, and they will.
As my colleagues, Senators Burns and Wyden, will explain in more detail, the bill would also target many of the insidious mechanisms used by today's spammers, including e-mail harvesting, dictionary attacks, and the hijacking of consumer e-mail accounts in order to send spam.
In addition to setting strict rules of the road for senders of commercial e-mail, the CAN-SPAM Act would provide tough criminal and civil penalties for offenders, and a multilayered approach to enforcement. This bill provides for enforcement actions by the FTC, State attorneys general, Internet service providers, and if Senator
Hatch's proposed criminal amendment is passed which I assume it will, the Department of Justice.
I strongly support this bill and I urge my colleagues to join me, Senators Burns, Wyden, Hollings, Hatch, and others, in passing this bill as a first step toward giving consumers back some control of their e-mail in-boxes.
I would like to make a few general observations about this issue that I have come to learn over the years that the Commerce Committee has examined it.
According to the Pew Internet & American Life Project, approximately 140 million Americans, nearly half of all U.S. citizens and 63 percent of full-time or part-time workers regularly use e-mail. E-mail messaging has fundamentally changed the way we communicate with family, friends, coworkers and business partners; the way consumers communicate with businesses that provide goods and services; and the way that businesses may legitimately market products to consumers. The growing affliction of spam, however, may threaten all of this.
We must keep in mind the tremendous promise that the Internet and more specifically e-mail, holds for consumers and businesses alike. We must recognize that the word ``spam'' means different things to different people.
The Federal Trade Commission defines spam generally as ``unsolicited commercial e-mail.'' and some Americans do not want any of it. Other consumers like to receive unsolicited offers by e-mail; to these consumers, spam means only the unwanted fraudulent or pornographic e- mail that also floods their inbox.
Many American businesses view e-mail over the Internet as a new medium through which to market or communicate more efficiently with consumers. To them, this type of communication is not spam, but commercial speech protected by the first amendment. The Direct Marketing Association reports that 37 percent of consumers it surveyed have bought something as a result of receiving unsolicited e-mail from marketers.
Internet service provider are the businesses caught in the middle, forced every day to draw distinctions between what they perceive as legitimate e-mail and what is spam. In this environment, the risk of ISPs blocking legitimate mail that consumers depend on, such as purchase receipts or healthcare communications, is as much a concern as the prospect of failing to block as much spam as possible in the face of consumer demand. Often, the filters used by ISPs fail to meet their subscribers' expectations on both accounts, failing to block the spam and sometimes blocking legitimate e-mail from coming through, leaving consumers, legitimate businesses and the ISPs themselves frustrated.
I think Senator Burns and Senator Wyden remember, as well as I do, a professional spammer who came and testified before our committee. I mentioned in passing that it took him approximately 4 hours to break through a filter that had recently been in place, and he immediately began his work again of spamming millions of people every day. He was a man who was proud of his work, by the way. He was a very interesting witness and, I might say in an otherwise dull hearing, a very entertaining one.
We must be mindful that in our quest to stop spam, we may impose e- mail restrictions that go too far and actually prohibit or effectively prevent e-mail that customers want to receive and that legitimate businesses depend on to service their customers.
I believe this bill strikes the proper balance, thanks to the efforts of Senator Wyden, Senator Burns, Senator Schumer, and others, by carefully targeting the spam that consumers reject while preserving the fundamental benefits of e-mail to all Americans.
Regardless of whether we call all solicited commercial e-mail spam, one fact is clear: Spam is rapidly on the rise. Its sheer volume is significantly affecting how consumers and businesses use e-mail. Less than 2 years ago, spam made up only 8 percent of all e-mail. In a hearing before the Commerce Committee in May, my colleagues and I learned that spam accounted for more than 45 percent of all global e- mail traffic and, worse, it would probably exceed the 50 percent mark by year's end.
In the committee's hearing, America Online--our Nation's largest Internet service provider with roughly 30 million subscribers-- testified that it blocks 80 percent of all its inbound e-mail--nearly 2.4 billion out of 3 billion messages it receives each day. Not surprisingly, this number of blocked messages was nearly 2.5 times larger than the 1 billion messages AOL blocked per day only 2 months prior to that hearing, and nearly 5 times larger than the 500 million messages it blocked per day in December 2002.
It's not just AOL. Our Nation's second and third largest e-mail providers, Microsoft and Earthlink, have also reported a tremendous surge in spam. Microsoft, the provider of MSN mail and the free Hotmail service, reported in May that both services combined block up to 2.4 billion spam messages each day. Earthlink, the third largest ISP in the United States, also reported a 500 percent increase in its inbound spam over the past 18 months.
I realize that these numbers may not mean as much to those who do not follow e-commerce closely, so let me put it in perspective to what nearly all Americans are familiar with--junk mail. The USA Today recently reported that more than 2 trillion spam messages are expected to be sent over the Internet this year, or 100 times the amount of direct mail advertising pieces delivered by U.S. mail last year.
Managing this influx adds real monetary costs to consumers and businesses.
A 2001 European Union study found that spam cost Internet subscribers wouldwide $9.4 billion each year, and USA Today reported in April that research organizations estimate fighting spam adds an average of $2 per month to an individual's Internet bill.
Costs to businesses are also on the rise. Ferris Research currently estimates that costs to U.S. businesses from spam in lost productivity, network system upgrades, unrecoverable data, and increased personnel costs, combined will top $10 billion in 2003. Of that total, Ferris estimates that employee productivity losses from sifting through and deleting spam account for nearly 40 percent of that--or $4 billion alone.
There are other costs to our society besides monetary costs. All of us are deeply concerned about the risks to our children who use e-mail and may be victimized by the nearly 20 percent of spam that contains pornographic material, including graphic sexual images.
Parents encourage their children to use the Internet to play and do schoolwork, and to use e-mail to reach distant relatives. Yet, parents today spend more and more of their time worrying that their children may open up an e-mail, disguised to look like it's from a friend or loved one, only to find pornography.
This greatly concerns me as a parent, as a legislator and as an American citizen. First and foremost, parents should not have to think twice before encouraging their children to use the computer at home.
In addition to pornography, the FTC also tells us that two-thirds of all spam contains deceptive information, much of it peddling get-rich- quick schemes, dubious financial or healthcare offers, and questionable products and services.
Spam is a serious and rapidly growing problem that the Senate must act on, but we must also be mindful of the complexity of the problem we face. While I agree with my colleagues in the Senate who believe that passing legislation is a necessary step, I also believe that legislation alone will not solve the problem of spam.
Spammers today disregard our laws and are winning the technological arms race with Internet service providers who try to block the spam they send. The New York Times recently reported just one example of how unscrupulous spammers were using technology to stay one step ahead of the law--in this instance, by highjacking a local Virginia school's computers to send out untraceable spam.
I repeat: A local Virginia schools computers. The same day, in the Commerce Committee's hearing, Mr. Ronald Scelson--who is popularly known by his moniker ``The Cajun Spammer''--testified that it took him only 12 hours to ``crack'' the latest technology filter supplied by the company of another witness at the table. Not only did he hack into their filter and figure out how to defeat it, the
Cajun Spammer had distributed the keys to unlocking the filter to all of his fellow spammers so that they too could send spam past the filters to the ISP's subscribers.
Keeping up with resourceful spammers' latest technology is not the only challenge. Jurisdictional barriers also complicate enforcement, and as we heard in our hearing, nearly 90 percent of all spam is untraceable and may be passing through mail servers outside of the United States.
I mention these things only to emphasize the complexity of this problem and to remind my colleagues that the odds of us defeating spam by legislation alone are extremely low. The fact that there may be no silver bullet to the problem of spam, however, does not mean that we should stand idly by and do nothing at all about it.
The CAN-SPAM Act is a good first step, and one we should take today.
It is clear this Congress must act, but we should make no mistake-- unless we can effectively enforce the laws we write, those laws will have little meaning or deterrent effect on any would-be purveyor of spam.
At the Commerce Committee's executive session where we considered this bill, I introduced an amendment that would empower the FTC to take action against businesses that financially benefit from the sending of spam with deliberately falisifed sender information. This amendment passed unanimously and I would like to take a moment here to briefly comment on it because it goes to the heart of this enforcement matter.
In two hearings before the Commerce Committee this past spring, the chairman and Commissioners of the FTC testified to the Commission's tremendous difficulty in tracking and finding spammers who send out spam with fraudulent and often untraceable transmission information.
The chairman advised us, however, that their investigations are usually most effective when ``following the money'' to track down spammers. By this, they mean following the Web link or phone number in the spam message that consumers follow with their money to purchase the product or service promoted in the spam. From there, the FTC attempts to prove a connection between the business and a spammer who sent it out on their behalf. In essence, they spend significant time and effort attempting to follow the money trail all the way back to the spammer-- if they can find them.
As an alternative to the inefficient and often slow moving process, the amendment I proposed which is now section 6 of the bill was designed to help the FTC enforce the law against those businesses at the front end of the money trail that are promoted in the spam consumers receive. They need to go further, and here is why.
Many unremarkable businesses employ sophisticated spammers to send e- mail to consumers in large volumes with deliberately falsified identity and routing information in order to get past the ISP's spam filters. These businesses often escape liability because enforcement efforts are too often focused on catching the spammer rather than the unscrupulous businesses that hire them in the first place.
Section 6, however, would make it easier for the FTC to enforce the law against businesses knowingly complicit in the use of spam to promote their businesses with deliberately falsified routing information. I urge my colleagues to support this principle of holding businesses that benefit from spam messages accountable for the acts of those they knowingly hire to fraudulently send spam to consumers on their behalf.
I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record a number of letters I have received in support of this provision.
Madam President, the House will adopt a similar provision in any House spam bill. I have received support for the provision from every sector involved in the spam debate--consumers' groups, e-mail providers, marketers, advertisers, online and offline retailers, technology companies and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce.
I urge my colleagues to join me in responding to the demands of millions of American consumers in doing all that we can to try to stop spam. I urge them to support passage of the CAN-SPAM Act.
My comments were a little lengthy, and I apologize. This is a very serious and important and complex issue, as I stated at the beginning of my remarks. That is why my two colleagues have spent 4 years working on this issue. I think they would be the first to agree that this may not stop spam.
There are some very smart people out there who will do everything they can for avoidance, including this issue I mention of organizations outside the United States. For us to do nothing would be a great disservice to millions of Americans, including the young ones, the majority of whom in America are regular users of computers.
I thank my colleagues, Senator Wyden and Senator Burns. For the benefit of my colleagues, we have three or four amendments. Maybe one or two might require a vote. I hope we can dispose of this legislation in a fairly short period of time.
I yield the floor.
Madam President, I believe the Senator from Oregon has a technical amendment and maybe would like to propose that at this time. It is my understanding that the Senator from New York, Mr. Schumer, is on his way over to propose his Do Not Spam amendment.
It is also my understanding that Senator Hatch, Senator Santorum, and Senator Corzine are the ones who have amendments. I would urge them to come forward when it is convenient so we can dispense with those amendments in a timely fashion.
I yield the floor.
Madam President, we support the amendment. It is helpful to the legislation. I urge its adoption.
Madam President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Madam President, we would like to, obviously, finish the bill as expeditiously as possible and yet offer all Members the opportunity to propose amendments. As I understand it right now, we have pending amendments by Senators Corzine, Santorum, and Hatch.
As Members know, there is a briefing at 4 p.m. by the Secretary of Defense for all Members in room 407. Shortly before 4, I would like to propose a unanimous consent agreement to lock in all amendments with no time agreements agreed to. I ask my colleagues who may have additional amendments to let us know between now and shortly before the hour of 4, which is over a half an hour.
I will also say we are asking Senators Hatch, Santorum, and Corzine to come over to offer their amendments so we can dispose of those amendments.
Amendment No. 1892
Mr. McCain. Madam President, I wish to make a few comments about Senator Schumer's amendment regarding the Do Not Spam list. As Senator Schumer pointed out, it authorizes the Federal Trade Commission to develop a Do Not Spam list similar to the Do Not Call list which has been widely supported by Americans across the country.
The Senator from New York and I remember when apparently perhaps, in the view of some, a misguided member of the judiciary stayed the Do Not Call list and the reaction that followed was certainly extraordinary. If we are able technologically to develop a Do Not Spam list, I think it would be of great assistance to many Americans. So I think the Senator from New York has a remarkable idea here.
As a first step, the FTC, which has testified they have some technological reservations about creating such a list, although I am sure the FTC would not object to it in principle, but they have some reservations, Senator Schumer has modified his amendment so that the FTC would be required to submit a report to the Congress within 6 months. It contains a plan for implementing the Do Not Spam list. The FTC would be authorized to implement the list 3 months later, and I would certainly urge them to do so.
As everyone is aware by now, there has been a tremendous amount of discussion about this issue. I believe it is a good one and one that provides the FTC with the authority to establish such a registry if they believe it is the proper mechanism to stop the onslaught of spam to consumers.
I think we have given them the flexibility to come back and show us if there are serious problems. If there are serious problems, we would be glad to look at them and help resolve those problems through any kind of legislative or other assistance we can provide.
The Schumer amendment also absolutely emphasizes this is an idea that has worked in the Do Not Call area and is a concept that should be pursued to the fullest extent of our capabilities. So I thank the Senator. I also thank Senator Nelson, a valued member of the committee, for his involvement in this issue.
Again, I hope Senators who have amendments will come to the floor and let us know about them.
I am glad to yield.
I am glad to yield, but first, to add to my remarks, I believe Senator Enzi may have an amendment as well.
I thank my friend from New York for his comments and I yield to the Senator from Oregon.
Madam President, I again urge my colleagues, particularly Senators Santorum, Hatch, Corzine, and Enzi, to come to the floor to give us their amendments so we can move expeditiously.
I also intend to propose a unanimous consent agreement in about 15 minutes that there be no further amendments in order at that time.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
I thank Senator Hatch and Senator Leahy for their work to improve the criminal provisions and strengthen the Burns-Wyden CAN-SPAM Act. The active participation of Senator Hatch and his committee on this issue has been extremely valuable.
I join my friend from Oregon in urging Senator Hatch to have oversight on how this law is enforced and that it is properly done. We face challenges in enforcement of this act, particularly in light of the changes in technology that will inevitably occur which will make this legislation even harder to enforce than it is today. I thank Senator Hatch, and I urge adoption of the amendment.
Madam President, I ask consent that the following amendments be the only first-degree amendments in order to the bill and that they be subject to second-degrees which would be relevant to the first degree to which they are offered: Corzine amendment, Santorum amendment, Enzi amendment, Landrieu amendment, and Boxer amendment.
I do modify my request.
Pending and about to be adopted.
Mr. President, I thank Senator Leahy for his work on this amendment, along with Senator Hatch, who lends and contributes a great deal of teeth to this bill. I know they have worked very hard.
As I mentioned to Senator Hatch, as did the Senator from Oregon, we know that the Senator and his committee will be involved in the oversight of the enforcement of this legislation. We thank you for his valuable contribution.
I urge the sponsors of those amendments, Senators Corzine, Santorum, Enzi, Landrieu, Boxer, and Harkin, to please come to the floor in courtesy to their colleagues so we can take up and dispose of these amendments. Please show some courtesy to your colleagues. If you have amendments pending, please come. We are ready for them.
I yield the floor.
Madam President, I send an amendment to the desk on behalf of Senators Santorum and Enzi, and I ask for its immediate consideration.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Madam President, this amendment by Senators Santorum and Enzi requires warning labels on sexually explicit commercial e-mail to regulate interstate commerce by imposing limitations and penalties on the transmission of unsolicited commercial electronic mail via the Internet.
Basically, this amendment says no person may initiate or affect interstate commerce the transmission, to a protected computer, of any unsolicited commercial electronic mail message that includes sexually oriented material and fail to include in the subject heading for the electronic mail message the marks or notices prescribed by the Commission, or fail to provide that the matter in the message that is initially viewable to the recipient, when the message is opened by any recipient, and absent any further actions by the recipient, includes only to the extent required or authorized pursuant to any such marks or notices; the information required to be included in the message is clear.
This amendment also prescribes that not later than 120 days after the date of the enactment of this act, the Commission, the Federal Trade Commission, in consultation with the Attorney General, shall prescribe clearly identifiable marks or notices to be included in or associated with unsolicited commercial electronic mail that contains sexually oriented material, in order to inform the recipient of this message, of the material, of that fact to facilitate filtering of such electronic mail.
As all of us have discussed in consideration of this bill, one of the great concerns all of us have is pornographic material that is transmitted in the form of spam. According to several experts, 20 percent of unsolicited spam is pornography. This is an effort on the part of Senators Enzi and Santorum to try to at least begin addressing this issue. It is a valuable and important contribution in the form of trying to identify it and to bring it under control. It would make it a crime to send unsolicited e-mail that contains sexually oriented material unless they labeled it as prescribed by the FTC. The criminal penalties for this section would be the same as those contained in the Hatch-Leahy amendment.
I strongly support the amendment and urge its adoption.
Madam President, for the benefit of my colleagues, we have a Landrieu amendment which the Senator from Louisiana has been kind enough to withdraw, but we need to discuss what we need to do in the form of sending a letter to the Federal Trade Commission instructing them to take certain actions which I will discuss in a minute; a Corzine amendment which has two parts to it, which both sides have agreed to; and then I don't believe there will be any further amendments, although that is not completely clear. We could expect a vote on final passage relatively soon.
Senator Landrieu was going to offer an amendment that would have required the Consumer Product Safety Commission to undertake a rulemaking to have manufacturers create a database for consumers to be notified of certain product recalls. I have committed to Senator Landrieu to work with the CPSC to solicit these views on her legislation and ask how best to accomplish her worthy goals of better informing consumers about product recalls.
Senator Landrieu has hit on a very important issue. Unless you happen to see it by accident mentioned on television, the recalls are very seldom
known by at least a majority of those who would be affected by it. I commit to Senator Landrieu to see how we can best accomplish that. I appreciate her forbearance at this time in withdrawing the amendment. I hope we can satisfy her concerns by asking for rapid action on the part of the Consumer Product Safety Commission.
I yield the floor.
Madam President, as we are nearing the end, I am waiting for the Corzine amendment that we will discuss and adopt. Then I believe we will be able to move to final passage. I am not positive, but I think we will be able to. I would like to again express my appreciation to the Senator from Montana, Mr. Burns, and Senator Wyden. Four years is a long time to work on a single issue. When these two Senators began work on this issue, spam was minuscule as compared to what it is today. I must admit, I didn't pay much attention to it then, nor did the members of the Commerce Committee, nor the oversight agencies. Both Senators had the foresight to see the incredible proportions that this spamming would reach and the effect that it would have not only on our ability to use e-commerce and e-communications but also on our ability to improve productivity.
The costs involved in the spamming issue are pretty incredible when you count it all up according to certain experts.
So I thank our staffs who have worked on this for so long. Without the leadership of the Senator from Montana, Mr. Burns, and that of Senator Wyden, we would not have been able to move this, after several hearings in the Commerce Committee, to the floor of the Senate. I have some confidence that our friends on the other side of the Capitol will act with some dispatch since they are as wary as we are of the gravity of this problem. As soon as we get the Corzine amendment, we will move forward.
I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that we lay aside the pending amendment so Senator Harkin may be recognized.
Amendment No. 1895
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator Hatch be added as a cosponsor to the Enzi-Santorum amendment No. 1894, and I ask unanimous consent that I be added as a cosponsor of S. 877.
Mr. President, I think the amendment of the Senator from Iowa is a worthy cause. We appreciate very much Senator Harkin's continued commitment to those who are hearing impaired in America. He has been a consistent and longtime advocate of this group of Americans. I thank him for his other contributions.
I urge adoption of the amendment.
I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. President, Senator Santorum would like to speak about the Santorum-Enzi amendment, and then we will have the Corzine amendment, which I will propose, and then we will be ready, I believe, for final passage.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I assure the Senator from Pennsylvania that we will do everything we can to hold it. I have to tell my friend from Pennsylvania that probably the greatest single aspect of this spamming that is so disturbing to families all over America is the issue the Senator from Pennsylvania raises, and that is this graphic pornography that pops into view when children are trying to do their homework, much less other entertaining aspects of using the computer.
I want to work with the Senator from Pennsylvania in every way we can to see if we can enact whatever safeguards to prevent this pollution of young Americans' minds.
Mr. President, as we await the completion of the Corzine amendment, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
I believe the pending amendment is the Santorum-Enzi amendment.
Mr. President, we have discussed this amendment and we have now received clearance from both sides of the aisle and I urge its adoption.
I am told by the staff that we will commence this vote at 6:30. I hope by that time we would have the final writing of the Corzine amendment, which I could propose at that time and have adopted since it is agreed to by both sides. We are waiting for that. Is that correct?
It has been resolved. We are just waiting for the language to be done. We may have to fire some staff people, I am afraid. Senator Wyden was writing them before.
Let me put it this way: I ask unanimous consent that after the adoption of the Corzine amendment, the bill be read a third time and a final vote be taken at 6:30, with the understanding that if the Corzine amendment is not adopted that would not happen.
On behalf of Senator Corzine, I have an amendment at the desk. I ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. President, I support the amendment by Senator Corzine. I thank my colleagues for reaching a compromise at this time. I thank those who rapidly wrote this amendment on short notice so we could complete work on this legislation.
The amendment has two components. The first part addresses labeling of unsolicited commercial e-mail with the term ADV and also addresses the possibility of industry self-regulation. The Federal Trade Commission has raised serious concerns with both of these proposals with respect to ADV labeling. The FTC has written to me in opposition to labeling:
First, consumer groups, ISPs, and emailers at the SPAM
Forum roundly criticized the mandatory use of an ``ADV''
label. Labeling requirements could harm legitimate marketers,
while illegitimate marketers are likely to ignore the
requirement. Indeed, although several States require ``ADV''
labels on unsolicited commercial email, in its recent study
on False Claims in SPAM, Commission staff found that only 2
percent of email messages analyzed contained such a label.
In lieu of Senator Corzine's original proposal to make ADV labeling an industry self-regulation, the amendment has been modified to require the Federal Trade Commission to report to Congress on whether the ADV labeling and industry self-regulation should be implemented.
So I think this is a sensible solution in light of the Federal Trade Commission's concerns as I just read from their report to Congress.
The second part of the amendment would authorize the Federal Trade Commission to adopt a bounty hunter proposal to give people a portion of the fines collected from spammers that they hope to catch. As with the Do Not Spam Registry, the FTC would be authorized to act after first sending a report to Congress.
I support the amendment.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum. Under the previous order, I believe the vote will start at 6:30.
Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding. Madam Speaker, I rise tonight to talk a little bit about health care, and I want to personally first of all thank the gentlewoman from California…
Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.
Madam Speaker, I rise tonight to talk a little bit about health care, and I want to personally first of all thank the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis) for her leadership in the area of health.
On behalf of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis) is the chairwoman of the Task Force on Health. She has brought to it a great deal of energy. Now she sits on the Committee on Energy and Commerce also, so we have high expectations for the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis) and we want to thank her for what she has done, not only for her constituents back in California, but throughout the Nation, and her efforts in the area of health care. Under her leadership and passion the Health Care Task Force will be at the forefront of issues ranging from chronic diseases to the issues that we are here to discuss tonight, which is the uninsured.
The 2000 census revealed what many of us already knew back home, and that is that the Hispanic community has grown by leaps and bounds over the past decade. Hispanics are now the fastest growing community in the United States and make up close to 13 percent of the U.S. population. So I want to take this opportunity to say that of that part of the population, we have one of the largest numbers of uninsured.
Serving the uninsured must be a top priority for our Nation. Currently we have data to show that 33.2 percent, and it has been growing now with the individuals that have lost their jobs, of Hispanic individuals are uninsured, compared to the non-Hispanic whites who are uninsured at about 10 percent.
Let me tell you, these are people that are hard working individuals, that are out there working and making $20,000, $30,000, yet find themselves, if they are working for a small company, they are not going to have access to insurance. Unless they are working for a government, State, local or Federal, unless they are working for a major corporation, they will not have access to insurance.
So it is important for us to look at providing access to that insurance that their children and they need. While 19 percent of all Hispanics depend on Medicare and 35 percent of all Hispanic children depend on what we call the State Children's Health Insurance Program, which is CHIP, for their health care, still many of our needy families are not receiving the services that they deserve.
Despite the rhetoric of the administration, we leave millions of children
behind by President Bush calling for a $2.1 billion cut in this critical program for children, which is the only health care that a lot of these children receive. These are families that are working, trying to make ends meet. They are not poor enough to qualify for Medicaid, and they find themselves just making too much money, $20,000, $30,000, that they do not have access to health care, which is unfortunate.
It is unfortunate for too many working Americans that continue to lack this access to health insurance. Hispanics especially fall into this category. Over 33 percent of the Hispanics are uninsured, as I indicated earlier.
When it comes to health care, despite the promises, the Bush budget leaves our community behind. The Bush budget gives no money to these vital Federal health care programs for Hispanic communities. The Bush budget insufficiently funds the Community Health Centers, which have been out there making a difference, that millions of uninsured low and moderate income individuals rely on for their health care needs. The Community Health Centers have been there in responding to our communities' needs, and we need to make sure they continue to get the resources needed.
The Bush budget also cuts funding to the Office of Minority Health that focuses on health concerns which disproportionately affect minority communities.
The Bush budget also cuts into the future of Hispanic communities by eliminating funding for health career opportunities that aim to increase the number of minority health care providers.
We need to ensure linguistically and culturally appropriate health care by providing minorities an opportunity to go into the health care profession. At the present time we understand and recognize that we have a large number of individuals that could qualify and could enter the profession. A lot of times a little assistance in these programs that allow that opportunity to get into nursing, that allow them to get into some of the other health professions, as well as the medical profession, is important. So every effort needs to be made to continue.
I want to also talk a little bit about diabetes and HIV/AIDS. In diabetes among the Hispanic community, the risk for diabetes is twice that of the non-Hispanic whites. Nearly 11 percent of Hispanics have been diagnosed with diabetes as compared to 7 percent of non-Hispanics.
In the area of AIDS, funding for HIV/AIDS must also address the change in infectious rates. Hispanics have a rate of new infections four times that of non-Hispanics, despite the fact we have made some gains in the area of AIDS. Despite the fact that the number that are getting it and that are suffering serious illnesses are decreasing, the number for Hispanics is growing disproportionately.
So we ask as we look at those issues, such as diabetes that hit Hispanics disproportionately and such as AIDS that now affect those poor communities throughout this country, as well as African Americans, it is time to focus attention to the needs of these populations. I would ask the Bush administration to seriously reconsider their budget when it comes to health.
The Bush administration also has continued to deny legal permanent residents, and I will say that once again legal permanent residents' access to vital programs such as the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, TANF, and the States' Children's Health Insurance Program, such as CHIP. These are individuals that are here legally, these are individuals that have not broken the law, yet we have denied them the right to have access.
One of the proposals that we have serious concerns with this administration on is the proposal that he has taken in hand, and that is that the Medicaid proposal has been one that addresses the needs of the most needy in this country, those that are indigent.
He has taken the Medicaid, and then he has taken the CHIP program, which is the program that addresses the children of the working families of this country, and has taken that program.
Thirdly, he has also gone after the disproportional share, the money that goes to hospitals that provide the indigent care, that provide for those in need.
So those three programs impact the most needy of this country, yet those are the three programs that this administration has chosen to bundle up into one block grant, and his proposal is to send it to the States, with the understanding that as the future goes on there is going to be a cap on it, and in those States where we have disproportional numbers, such as Texas and other States, that we will continue to have a difficulty in that area.
I want to continue to go ahead and address a couple of issues, but I wanted to take this opportunity to thank our task force chairman from the Hispanic Caucus, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis), on her efforts, and I want to continue to join her here and thank her very much for what she has been doing.
First of all, I want to thank the gentlewoman for allowing us to be here tonight, and I want to thank her for her leadership in the area of health. Also, as I was looking at the data that she had before us and the research and all of the studies, one of the things that was glaring was the fact that things are not getting any better; they are getting worse. As they get worse, we come up here and we get elected to respond to the problems that we are confronted with, we get elected to hopefully come up with some solutions to those problems. But it is unfortunate that some people are up here not to solve problems, but to see how they can leverage their political power in the process of not responding to the needs of our constituency in this country.
So one of the things that is important, as the gentlewoman indicated, is, and the research shows, that of the ones that are uninsured, 87 percent, especially the Hispanics, 87 percent of them are hard-working Americans. These are people that are not out there not working and being lazy; these are people that are making $20,000, $30,000, $40,000 a year. Yet, if they work for a small company, they do not have access to insurance. Once again, unless they are working for the Federal Government or the State government or some form of government, they do not have access to insurance, or a major corporation.
And so these are hard working Americans that are trying to make ends meet. They make some money and because of that they do not qualify for the Medicaid for the indigent. And now we are trying to take away the only thing that they might qualify for, which is to ensure their children an access to health care. So in this country we would hope that as we move forward, we make every effort to make it affordable and accessible. What good is it that we have the best health care in the whole world, the best research, if it is not accessible and it is not affordable? It does not make any sense. So hopefully we will continue to work on that.
I just wanted to also add that, additionally, we have only 43 percent that have employer based coverage compared to 73 percent for Anglos, which means that most Hispanics are working for even smaller companies and so they do not have any access.
I wanted to share with the Congresswoman, I represent Starr County on the Mexican border. I have 11 counties. Starr County is a beautiful county, yet it has the distinction of being one of the poorest in the 2000 Census. It is the poorest in the entire Nation. In Starr County we have close to 40 percent of those between the ages of 19 to 64 are without health insurance, 40 percent of the population. And the lack of insurance means restricted access to preventative care which can lead to costly emergency room visits, poor quality of life and even shortened lifespan. While we have a patchwork of Federal and State types of programs, we continue to have difficulty. And I know that there is a talk about the private sector coming in. Well, I represent rural America, too. I have 11 counties. I have a lot of what we call the ``brush country'' in Texas in San Saba, in Frio, La Salle, in Atascosa, Duval, Jim Wells also, those counties out there as well as Starr and now parts of Hidalgo, those counties are rural counties, a lot of them are rural counties and the ones that are rural counties have difficulty getting the private sector to come in. So despite the fact that we have had the private sector move into Medicare, they have not had the experience.
I will share with you what happened to one of my counties that I used to represent that I do not now, in Wilson County, where the private sector was not making the profits that they wanted to see. They cannot get rid of the individuals if they are not making the profits, but what they can do is decide not to service the entire county. So they decided to get rid of most of the rural counties.
So in rural America we are having a rough time. And if you work in rural America and live in rural America, most likely you are working for a
small company. You are working for a small employer who does not have access to health insurance. That is why it is important for us to provide that alternative. That is why it is important for us to provide that access to health care that is so critical.
I wanted to also share with the gentlewoman that it is unfortunate that there are no easy answers, but the reality is that we can come up with if the will was there, we could make something happen. But it is unfortunate that we have not come to grips with it and we are not close to answering the problems. But the election is coming up in 2 years, and people have talked about meeting the prescription drugs. I saw the ads lots of time calling to thank Congressman so-and-so for their legislation that they had passed. Well, I want to ask where are they now on that piece of legislation? Nowhere.
And the same thing with the proposal on prescription drug coverage that this administration has put forward. It is embarrassing. It is a sham. The Bush administration in terms of their proposal on drug prescription, I am sick and tired of these types of responses when people are sincere. When they come to me when I go to churches they tell me, Mr. Rodriguez, I cannot afford to buy the prescription. I cannot afford it. I buy my husband's. I cannot buy mine. We go without food because we are on fixed incomes.
We have got to do something about this. Once again, it does not make any sense for us to have all the remedies in the world when our own constituency who are working hard and trying to make ends meet do not have access to this.
I wanted to take this opportunity if it is okay to talk a little bit about the Hispanic Health Improvement Act that the gentlewoman is a co- author of that piece of legislation. I would like to use a little time on that.
This week we will be introducing the Hispanic Health Improvement Act with Senator Bingaman and the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis) and members of the Hispanic Congressional Caucus. This will be landmark legislation and it is based on the previous Hispanic Health Act. I reintroduced it in the 106th Congress with existing legislation with Senator Bingaman, who has been a champion for us. And I want to personally thank him for his efforts in the area of health care because he has been there.
In addition, we have taken some of the Federal regulations from the Hispanic Health Leadership Summit, as the gentlewoman will recall. We convened last August. The Hispanic Caucus convened in a group and incorporated many of the suggestions of the group. And we invited two Members from each side of the Congress, both Republican and Democrat, we invited them to San Antonio to come and talk about the needs of Hispanic health. We had a good representation from both Republicans and Democrats come forward and participate in our conference. And the legislation offers a variety of different strategies for expanding health care coverage, improving access, and that is important.
If you have the decisions that respond to the problems that we are encountering but you do not provide the access, it does not do any good. And also we talk about affordability. It has got to be affordable, otherwise forget it. I do not care how good the response is. If the person does not have any money, it is not accessible. It is not affordable. They will not be able to live unless they get that accomplished.
And then we also reduced and addressed the health disparities. We know that in certain communities such as the Hispanic communities and the African-American community that we have disparities such as diabetes, AIDS and varieties of others. So while we consider each provision in our bill, we look to improve it. And I am just going to highlight just a few things from the piece of legislation.
In order to address the lack of health care coverage, the legislation provides $33 billion between fiscal year 2003 and 2010 for the expansion of the successful State Children's Health Insurance Program, SCHIP, and to cover the uninsured, low-income pregnant women and parents. So we are looking at those working parents and women that are expecting. In addition, it provides States the option to enroll legal immigrants. Once again, we are not talking about undocumented illegals. We are talking about legal residents, legal immigrants, pregnant women and children, access to both Medicare and SCHIP.
In addition, the Congressional Hispanic Caucus considers the expansion of Medicaid and CHIP eligible to be critical legislative priorities for improving health, Hispanic health. The bill also seeks to address Hispanic health disparities and requires an annual report to Congress on Federal programs or responding to improving health status of Hispanic individuals with respect to both diabetes, cancer, as the gentlewoman has mentioned, asthma, HIV infection, AIDS, substance abuse and mental health. And the legislation provides $100 million for targeted diabetes prevention as well as education, school-based programs, and screening activities in the Hispanic communities. Similarly, the bill provides for targeted funds for programs that were aimed at preventing suicide.
One of the things that we have noticed recently, and when I have first heard about the issue of suicide among young Hispanic young ladies, I was not aware of the seriousness of the situation and how bad it was, and so the issue of mental health in responding to the needs of young Latinos who are committing suicide. We really need to be conscious of that. This country has really not come forward when it comes to the mentally ill, whether Hispanic or non-Hispanic. The mentally ill really are not addressed and especially our young, the youths, when it comes to mental illness, we need to see what we can do for them much sooner for them and see how to address these needs. We are hoping to begin to address the issue of mental illness.
And I want to lastly indicate that we seek in the bill to reduce health care disparities also by addressing the lack of providers who can provide culturally competent and linguistically appropriate care. That is so important. When you look at especially therapists that provide access to psychiatrists to Hispanics who when the doctor is unable to speak the language of the client, you know that the type of care is not going to be up to where it should be. When in describing the type of medication that is needed, having an understanding of the client in terms of culture is also extremely important; and we can cite some examples later on. But the bill also provides for increased funding for HRSA, health professions and the diversity programs.
As you know, the President's budget for 2003 budget proposal eliminates virtually all funding for these types of programs. So you tell me that we are needing people in the area of health care in every forum, we need minority representation in those areas, and yet these programs that are so needed by our community are the same programs that this administration is choosing to cut.
In addition to the promoting of diversity, these programs support the training of health professionals in the fields experiencing shortages, such as pharmacy, dentistry and allied health. They promote access to health care services in the medically underserved communities.
I want to also mention that the Hispanic Caucus considers increased funding for those programs a high priority. As the Hispanic community continues to grow, the implementation of these provisions will take on even greater importance, so the consequences of inaction will be felt for many years. So we encourage both the Democrats and the Republicans and the administration to reconsider their budget when it comes to health because their budget is one that basically says we do not care. We are not here to respond to the problems that are confronted by their little proposal. The President's proposal is a sham and I know that people, even Republicans that look at it, ought to be ashamed of that and they are embarrassed because it really does not address the issues that confront our communities and address the issues of our constituency when they come and say, how can I have access to buy the prescription that I need for my husband or my wife? And the answer is that unless we come together on that and unless we address that need, the bill that is before us does not answer the problem, and the solution that is there is only a political solution that really does not address the problem that is out there.
But the constituency back home will have an opportunity because the election will be coming up in 2 years. And I am hoping that as we go forward that we will make some inroads. And we have an opportunity because I know that both Democrats and Republicans are looking to get votes from the Hispanics. Well, you have a good opportunity. You start addressing the problems that confront our community, and I think our community will be willing to respond, I think, if that is the case. But if you give us lip service such as we are getting from this administration, then the results will be that you are not going to get our support and it is not going to happen because you are not there sincerely trying to address our problems.
I know this is the gentlewoman's time. I want to thank the gentlewoman very much for taking the time to be out here tonight.
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman once again and touch a little bit on a couple of things that she mentioned.
On the mentally ill, there is no doubt that is one of the areas that we have not made the inroads that we should have. In this country, in a way, we have been negligent, not being responsive to our youth when it comes to the mentally ill. We have not provided the resources that are needed. We forgot all about Columbine and how that occurred, the fact that we really need to go and see what is happening. Youngsters, a lot of them were suffering from depression. We need to make sure we pay a little more attention to what is occurring in those areas and spend some time and look at the number of suicides of young people that is occurring.
So I am hoping that we begin to address some of these issues, and I am hoping that the will will be there to make something happen.
The gentlewoman also mentioned, I know, the issue of rural America. Rural America right now, and I represent 11 counties that I indicated already that are having a rough time getting access, and one of the reasons why we decided to privatize part of Medicare is because the whole argument was to try to reduce the costs. In fact, the other side argued that Medicare is a government-run program and this and that, that they could do it better. We have tried that experiment, and as my colleague well knows, that experiment has failed. In fact, right now, if a person is under Medicare+, they are costing the Federal Government more money than a straight Medicare, despite the fact they might be paying $300 additional money.
So it is a gimmick to try to destroy the program. We know and people understood that if they provide access to our seniors, they are the ones that they are less likely to make a profit on because they are ill. The data that shows that a person on the average spends over $1,000 on prescription drug coverage when they are seniors. There is no insurance company that is going to be able to make the profits they would like to see from our most vulnerable in this country and our seniors, and we
should not be doing that. We need to see how we can make it affordable.
What angers me, and I know what angers Americans, is that that same pharmaceutical company that sells those products that contributes to the politicians up here and contributes big bucks and puts those ads to thank those Congressmen for nothing basically because they did not accomplish a darn thing except the elections were coming up, those are the same companies that choose to sell those medicines in Canada and elsewhere for half the price, for one-third of the price.
The sincereness of their efforts, it is a crime what they are committing, and it is sad that we have got to this point that those same products can be bought in Mexico and Canada for much less, and it is the same company, and it is unfortunate that the ones that are having to pay because they claim that they are doing that for research purposes, and yet who are they sticking it to? Our most vulnerable, our seniors, who buy a large percentage of the prescriptions.
So I am hoping that we can come up with a realistic plan, and the people in this country, they are not stupid. They are going to see right through the President's proposal on prescription drugs. It helps a few at the expense of everyone else, because most people, at least the constituency of the Hispanic community, the only thing they have is Social Security. They do not have any other pension, and if they do, it is a small one. They do not have additional money to dish out $300 or more for additional coverage, and even though they get additional coverage, the private sector is not interested because if they do get sick they do not make a profit.
We have all understood that, and that is why we need to come up to the plate. This is no way to treat our seniors after they have given of themselves. This is a time for us to reach out to them and provide whatever assistance that we can and to be able to make it also in a way that is accessible and affordable.
So I wanted to once again thank my colleague for what she has done, and I want to also share that in health care somehow we have not come to grips because we do have a lot of Congressmen out here that basically feel that the Federal Government should have no role in health care, and apparently they feel that way and they feel that it should be just privatized. But we understand that people get ill and cost insurance companies, and we know that the insurance companies, as soon as a person gets a serious illness, will dump them if they have the opportunity, despite the laws that we have tried to pass.
That was happening in the 1960s, when we established Medicare and Medicaid, and that is happening now, so the companies are there, and for good reason, they are there to make a profit and provide access to health care but they are there to make a profit. So a person does not have any problems while they are young and healthy, but as soon as they get ill and they need them, that is when they start having the difficulties. Anyone who has gotten ill understands that and recognizes that.
So their main priority is to be there to make a profit and secondary is everything else, and that is why the Federal Government has a role and a responsibility. The health of this country depends on the quality of life for our constituency.
Reserving the right to object. Where is the Hatch-Leahy amendment? It is not precluded by the unanimous consent request. Mr. President, when the Senator from Arizona asked to make his unanimous…
Reserving the right to object.
Where is the Hatch-Leahy amendment?
It is not precluded by the unanimous consent request.
Mr. President, when the Senator from Arizona asked to make his unanimous consent request, I was in the process of answering the question of the Senator from Florida, who has spoken to me many times about his interest in these areas.
I appreciate what he has done to strengthen this legislation.
We keep the authority to set sentences where it belongs, with the Sentencing Commission, while remaining deferential, to the discretion of prosecutors.
The provisions from the Senator from Florida make it unmistakably clear that Congress expects this legislation to be used not just to punish spammers but also to dismantle criminal operations that are carried out with spam and other unsolicited bulk e-mail.
I also would note that the Senator from Florida has spoken about spam evolving from being just a nuisance. He is absolutely right. Serious crimes are being committed using this medium, which reaches a large number of people. Senior citizens are more and more often targeted to being bilked out of millions of dollars, and with very little effort on the part of the spammers.
Mr. President, I will engage in a colloquy with Senator Nelson because I think it is important for the purposes of the Record. With all the work the Senator from Florida has done, I want the Record to be very clear.
I would be pleased to engage in a colloquy with the Senator from Florida.
The Senator from Florida is correct. Nowadays, we see that spam has moved far beyond being just a nuisance to people trying to use email on their personal computers. Serious crimes are being committed using this medium, which can reach large numbers of people in a matter of seconds. For example, if a person or organization seeks to commit fraud to bilk senior citizens out of their money, with spam they can reach millions of potential victims at very low, even negligible costs. With such low costs, and such wide reach, even a small rate of success can make for a very profitable criminal enterprise.
The Senator from Florida has made me aware of his interest in these provisions on several occasions, and I appreciate his contributions to this effort. They strengthen the legislation in important ways. While keeping the authority to set sentences where it belongs--with the Sentencing Commission--and while remaining deferential to the discretion of prosecutors, these provisions makes unmistakably clear that Congress expects this legislation to be used not just to punish spammers, but also to dismantle the criminal enterprises that are carried out with spam and other unsolicited bulk e-mail.
Mr. President, it is increasingly obvious that unwanted commercial e-mail is more than just a nuisance. Businesses and individuals sometimes have to wade through hours of spam. It makes it impossible for them to do their work. It slows down whole enterprises.
In my home State of Vermont, one legislator logged on to his server and found that two-thirds of the e-mails in his inbox were spam. Our legislator is a citizen or legislature. He does not have staff or anything else. This was after the legislator had installed spam- blocking software. His computer stopped about 80 percent of it. But even
after he blocked 80 percent, two-thirds of the e-mail he had was spam.
The e-mail users are having the online equivalent of the experience of the woman in the classic Monty Python skit. She wanted to order a Spam-free breakfast at a restaurant. Try as she might, she cannot get the waitress to bring her the meal she wants. Every dish in the restaurant comes with Spam; it is just a matter of how much. There is eggs, bacon, and Spam; eggs, bacon, sausage, and Spam; Spam, bacon, sausage, and Spam; Spam, egg, Spam, Spam, bacon, and Spam; Spam, sausage, Spam, Spam, Spam, bacon, Spam, tomato, and Spam, and so on. Finally, the customer said: I don't like Spam. I don't want Spam. I hate Spam.
Now, I repeat that with apologies to John Cleese and everybody else in the Monty Python skit.
Mr. President, anybody who goes on e-mail, including every member of my family down to my 5-year-old grandchild, knows how annoying spam can be.
A Harris poll taken last year found that 80 percent of the respondents viewed spam as ``very annoying'' and 74 percent wanted to make it illegal.
Some 30 States now have anti-spam laws but it is difficult to enforce them.
There are actually billions of unwanted e-mails that are blocked by ISPs every day. Hundreds of millions of spam e-mails get through just the same.
Now, we have to be very careful when we regulate in cyberspace. We must not forget that spam, like more traditional forms of commercial speech, is protected by the first amendment. We cannot allow spam to result in the ``virtual death'' of the Internet, as one Vermont newspaper put it.
So what Senator Hatch and I have offered and is being accepted--the Hatch-Leahy-Nelson-Schumer amendment--would, first, prohibit hacking into another person's computer system and sending bulk spam from or through that system.
Second, it would prohibit using a computer system that the owner makes available for other purposes as a conduit for bulk spam, with the intent to deceive the recipient as to where the spam came from.
The third prohibition targets another way that outlaw spammers evade ISP filters: falsifying the ``header information'' that accompanies every e-mail and sending bulk spam containing that fake header information. The amendment prohibits forging information regarding the origin of the e-mail message.
Fourth, the Hatch-Leahy-Nelson-Schumer amendment prohibits registering for multiple e-mail accounts or Internet domain names and sending bulk mail from those accounts or domains.
Fifth, and finally, our amendment addresses a major hacker spammer technique for hiding identity that is a common and pernicious alternative to domain name registration--that is, hijacking unused expanses of Internet address space and using them to launch junk mail.
Now, penalties under the amendment are tough, but they are measured. Recidivists and those who send spam in furtherance of another felon may be imprisoned for up to 5 years. The sound of a jail cell closing for 5 years should focus their attention.
Large-volume spammers, those who hack into another person's computer system to send bulk spam, and spam ``kingpins'' who use others to operate their spamming operations may be imprisoned for up to 3 years, and so on.
Then, of course, we direct the Sentencing Commission to look at other areas.
So, Mr. President, I see my colleagues on the floor, Senator Burns and Senator Wyden, who have done yeoman work on this legislation. I compliment all those who worked together. I certainly compliment the two of them, as well as Senator Hatch, Senator Nelson, and Senator Schumer. I think we are putting together something that is worth passing.
Sure.
Mr. President, I thank my dear friend from Oregon for his far too generous words. I have enjoyed working with him. He has carried over from his service in the other body. He has a strong interest in this. Just as important as his strong interest is the fact he has extraordinary expertise in this area. That is very helpful.
If you would allow me one quick personal story. This sort of humbles you. I like to think I am very knowledgeable on this. My 5-year-old grandson climbed in my lap and asked me to log on to a particular interactive site for children. It is something he could do himself, but we don't let him log on himself because of the problems with some sites that appear to be for children, and are anything but.
So I log on for him, and he climbs up on my lap, takes the mouse out of my hand and says: I better take over now because it gets very complicated.
In some ways we are protecting those 5-year-olds because they are the next generation using this technology. I thank my friend from Oregon and good friend from Montana for the enormous amount of work they have done here.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, it is increasingly apparent that unwanted commercial e-mail, commonly known as ``spam,'' is more than just a nuisance. In the past few years, it has become a serious and growing problem that threatens to undermine the vast potential of the Internet.
Businesses and individuals currently wade through tremendous amounts of spam in order to access e-mail that is of relevance to them--and this is after ISPs, businesses, and individuals have spent time and money blocking a large percentage of spam from reaching its intended recipients.
In my home State of Vermont, one legislator recently found that two- thirds of the 96 e-mails in his inbox were spam. And this occurred after the legislature had installed new spam-blocking software on its computer system that seemed to be catching 80 percent of the spam. The assistant attorney general in Vermont was forced to suggest to computer users the following means to avoid these unsolicited commercial e- mails: ``It's very bad to reply, even to say don't send anymore. It tells the spammer they have a live address . . . The best thing you can do is just keep deleting them. If it gets really bad, you may have to change your address.'' This experience is echoed nationwide.
E-mail users are having the online equivalent of the experience of the woman in the Monty Python skit, who seeks to order a Spam-free breakfast at a restaurant. Try as she might, she cannot get the waitress to bring her the meal she desires. Every dish in the restaurant comes with Spam; it's just a matter of how much. There's ``egg, bacon and Spam''; ``egg, bacon, sausage and Spam''; ``Spam, bacon, sausage and Spam''; ``Spam, egg, Spam, Spam, bacon and Spam''; ``Spam, sausage, Spam, Spam, Spam, bacon, Spam, tomato and Spam''; and so on. Exasperated, the woman finally cries out: ``I don't like Spam! . . . I don't want ANY Spam!''
Individuals and businesses are reacting similarly to electronic spam. A Harris poll taken late last year found that 80 percent of respondents view spam as ``very annoying,'' and fully 74 percent of respondents favor making mass spamming illegal. Earlier this month, more than 3 out of 4 people surveyed by Yahoo! Mail said it was ``less aggravating to clean a toilet'' than to sort through spam. Americans are fed up.
Some 30 States now have antispam laws, but the globe-hopping nature of e-mail makes these laws difficult to enforce. Technology will undoubtedly play a key role in fighting spam, but a technological solution to the problem is not likely in the foreseeable future. ISPs block billions of unwanted e-mails each day, but spammers are winning the battle.
Millions of unwanted, unsolicited commercial e-mails are received by American businesses and individuals each day, despite their own, additional filtering efforts. A recent study by Ferris Research estimates that spam costs U.S. firms $8.9 billion annually in lost worker productivity, consumption of bandwidth, and the use of technical support to configure and run spam filters and provide helpdesk support for spam recipients.
The costs of spam are significant to individuals as well, including time spent identifying and deleting spam, inadvertently opening spam, installing and maintaining antispam filters, tracking down legitimate messages mistakenly deleted by spam filters, and paying for the ISP's blocking efforts.
And there are other prominent and equally important costs of spam. It may introduce viruses, worms, and Trojan horses into personal and business computer systems, including those that support our national infrastructure.
The public has recently witnessed the potentially staggering effects of a virus, not only through the Blaster case I discussed earlier, but with the appearance of the SoBigF virus just 8 days after Blaster began chewing its way through the Internet. This variant also infected Windows machines via e-mail, then sent out dozens of copies of itself. Antivirus experts say one of the main reasons virus writers continue to modify and re-release this particular piece of ``malware'' is that it downloads a Trojan horse to infected computers, which are then used to send spam.
Spammers are constantly in need of new machines through which to route their garbage e-mail, and a virus makes a perfect delivery mechanism for the engine they use for their mass mailings. Some analysts said the SoBigF virus may have been created with a more malicious intent than most viruses, and may even be linked to spam e- mail schemes that could be a source of cash for those involved in the scheme.
The interconnection between computer viruses and spam is readily apparent: Both flood the Internet in an attempt to force a message on people who would not otherwise choose to receive it. Criminal laws I wrote prohibiting the former have been invoked and enforced from the time they were passed it is the latter dilemma we must now confront headon.
Spam is also fertile ground for deceptive trade practices. The FTC has estimated that 96 percent of the spam involving investment and business opportunities, and nearly half of the spam advertising health services and products, and travel and leisure, contains false or misleading information.
This rampant deception has the potential to undermine Americans' trust of valid information on the Internet. Indeed, it has already caused some Americans to refrain from using the Internet to the extent they otherwise would. For example, some have chosen not to participate in public discussion forums, and are hesitant to provide their addresses in legitimate business transactions, for fear that their e- mail addresses will be harvested for junk e-mail lists. And they are right to be concerned. The FTC found spam arriving at its computer system just 9 minutes after posting an e-mail address in an online chat room.
I have often said that Congress must exercise great caution when regulating in cyberspace. Any legislative solution to spam must tread carefully to ensure that we do not impede or stifle the free flow of information on the Internet. The United States is the birthplace of the Internet, and the whole world watches whenever we decide to regulate it. Whenever we choose to intervene in the Internet with government action, we must act carefully, prudently, and knowledgeably, keeping in mind the implications of what we do and how we do it. And we must not forget that spam, like more traditional forms of commercial speech, is protected by the first amendment.
At the same time, we must not allow spam to result in the ``virtual death'' of the Internet, as one Vermont newspaper put it.
The Internet is a valuable asset to our Nation, to our economy, and to the lives of Americans, and we should act prudently to secure its continued viability and vitality.
On June 19 of this year, Senator Hatch and I introduced S.1293, the Criminal Spam Act, together with several of our colleagues on the Judiciary Committee. On September 25, the committee unanimously voted to report the bill to the floor. Today, Senators Hatch, Nelson, Schumer, Grassley and I offered the criminal provisions of S. 1293 as an amendment to S. 877, the CAN SPAM Act. The amendment was adopted by voice vote.
I thank the lead cosponsors of S. 877 for working with us on this amendment, and for their support and cosponsorship of the Criminal Spam Act. I also thank Senator Bill Nelson for his contribution to the amendment.
The Hatch-Leahy amendment prohibits five principal techniques that spammers use to evade filtering software and hide their trails.
First, our amendment prohibits hacking into another person's computer system and sending bulk spam from or through that system. This criminalizes the common spammer technique of obtaining access to other people's e-mail accounts on an ISP's e-mail network, whether by password theft or by inserting a ``Trojan horse'' program--that is, a program that unsuspecting users download onto their computers and that then takes control of those computers--to send bulk spam.
Second, our amendment prohibits using a computer system that the owner makes available for other purposes as a conduit for bulk spam, with the intent of deceiving recipients as to the spam's origins. This prohibition criminalizes another common spammer technique--the abuse of third parties' ``open'' servers, such as e-mail servers that have the capability to relay mail, or Web proxy servers that have the ability to generate ``form'' mail. Spammers commandeer these servers to send bulk commercial e-mail without the server owner's knowledge, either by ``relaying'' their e-mail through an ``open'' e-mail server, or by abusing an ``open'' Web proxy server's capability to generate form e- mails as a means to originate spam, thereby exceeding the owner's authorization for use of that e-mail or Web server. In some instances the hijacked servers are even completely shut down as a result of tens of thousands of undeliverable messages generated from the spammer's e- mail list.
The amendment's third prohibition targets another way that outlaw spammers evade ISP filters: falsifying the ``header information'' that accompanies every e-mail, and sending bulk spam containing that fake header information. More specifically, the amendment prohibits forging information regarding the origin of the e-mail message, and the route through which the message attempted to penetrate the ISP filters.
Fourth, the Hatch-Leahy amendment prohibits registering for multiple e-mail accounts or Internet domain names, and sending bulk e-mail from those accounts or domains. This provision targets deceptive ``account churning,'' a common outlaw spammer technique that works as follows. The spammer registers--usually by means of an automatic computer program--for large numbers of e-mail accounts or domain names, using false registration information, then sends bulk spam from one account or domain after another. This technique stays ahead of ISP filters by hiding the source, size, and scope of the sender's mailings, and prevents the e-mail account provider or domain name registrar from identifying the registrant as a spammer and denying his registration request. Falsifying registration information for domain names also violates a basic contractual requirement for domain name registration falsification.
Fifth and finally, our amendment addresses a major hacker spammer technique for hiding identity that is a common and pernicious alternative to domain name registration--hijacking unused expanses of Internet address space and using them as launch pads for junk e-mail. Hijacking Internet Protocol--IP--addresses is not difficult: Spammers simply falsely assert that they have the right to use a block of IP addresses, and obtain an Internet connection for those addresses. Hiding behind those addresses, they can then send vast amounts of spam that is extremely difficult to trace.
Penalties for violations of these new criminal prohibitions are tough but measured. Recidivists and those who send spam in furtherance of another felony may be imprisoned for up to 5 years. Large-volume spammers, those who hack into another person's computer system to send bulk spam, and spam ``kingpins'' who use others to operate their spamming operations may be imprisoned for up to 3 years. Other offenders may be fined and imprisoned for no more than one year. Convicted offenders are also subject to forfeiture of proceeds and instrumentalities of the offense.
In addition to these penalties, the Hatch-Leahy amendment directs the Sentencing Commission to consider providing sentencing enhancements for those convicted of the new criminal provisions who obtained e-mail addresses through improper means, such as harvesting, and those who knowingly sent spam containing or advertising a falsely registered Internet domain name. We have also worked with Senator Nelson on language directing the Sentencing Commission to consider enhancements for those who commit other crimes that are facilitated by the sending of spam.
I should note that the Criminal Spam Act, from which the amendment is taken, enjoys broad support from ISPs, direct marketers, consumer groups, and civil liberties groups alike. It is also supported by the administration: In its September 11, 2003, views letter regarding the CAN SPAM Act, the administration advocated the addition to CAN SPAM of felony triggers similar to those proposed in the Criminal Spam Act. The administration further supported our proposal, advanced in the Hatch- Leahy amendment, to direct the Sentencing Commission to consider sentencing enhancements for convicted spammers that have additionally obtained e-mail addresses by harvesting.
Again, the purpose of the Hatch-Leahy amendment is to deter the most pernicious and unscrupulous types of spammers--those who use trickery and deception to induce others to relay and view their messages. Ridding America's inboxes of deceptively delivered spam will significantly advance our fight against junk e-mail. But it is not a cure-all for the spam pandemic.
The fundamental problem inherent to spam--its sheer volume--may well persist even in the absence of fraudulent routing information and false identities. In a recent survey, 82 percent of respondents considered unsolicited bulk e-mail, even from legitimate businesses, to be unwelcome spam. Given this public opinion, and in light of the fact that spam is, in essence, cost-shifted advertising, we need to take a more comprehensive approach to our fight against spam.
While I am generally supportive of the CAN SPAM Act, and will vote in favor of passage, it does raise some concerns. The bill takes an ``opt out'' approach to spam--that is, it requires all commercial e-mail to include an ``opt out'' mechanism, by which e-mail recipients may opt out of receiving further unwanted spam. My concern is that this approach permits spammers to send at least one piece of spam to each e- mail address in their database, while placing the burden on e-mail recipients to respond. People who receive dozens, even hundreds, of unwanted e-mails each day may have little time or energy for anything other than opting-out from unwanted spam.
According to one organization's calculations, if just one percent of the approximately 24 million small businesses in the U.S. sent every American just one spam a year, that would amount to over 600 pieces of spam for each person to sift through and opt out of each day. And this figure may be conservative, as it does not include the large businesses that also engage in online advertising.
I am also troubled by the labeling requirement in the CAN SPAM Act, which makes it unlawful to send an unsolicited commercial e-mail message unless it provides, among other things, `` clear and conspicuous identification that the message is an advertisement or solicitation,'' and ``a valid physical postal address of the sender''. While we all want to curb spam, we must be mindful of its status as protected commercial speech, and ensure that any restrictions we impose on it are as narrowly tailored as possible.
Reducing the volume of junk commercial e-mail, and so protecting legitimate Internet communications, is not an easy matter. There are important First Amendment interests to consider, as well as the need to preserve the ability of legitimate marketers to use e-mail responsibly. We must be sure we get this right, so as not to exacerbate an already terribly vexing problem. This is especially important given the preemption provisions of the CAN SPAM Act, which will override many of the tough anti-spamming laws already enacted by the States.
My distinguished colleagues from Wyoming and Pennsylvania offered an amendment requiring ``warning labels'' on certain commercial electronic mail. While I appreciate my colleagues' efforts to protect our children from the on-line assault of internet pornography--an important goal that we all share--I fear the amendment has been drafted in haste and raises significant constitutional issues that require further analysis.
First, the amendment incorporates broad and vague phrases such as ``devoted to sexual matters'' that are not otherwise defined in the law. I expressed similar concerns during debate on the Communications Decency Act, CDA, which the Supreme Court struck down as unconstitutional in 1996. The CDA also punished as a felony anyone who transmitted ``obscene'' or ``indecent'' material over the Internet. The CDA was deemed too vague as to what was ``indecent'' or ``obscene.'' Some of the terms and phrases used in the Enzi-Santorum amendment may be deemed equally vague when subjected to judicial scrutiny.
There are also first amendment concerns to regulating commercial electronic mail in ways that require specific labels on protected speech. Such requirements inhibit both the speaker's right to express and the listener's right to access constitutionally protected material.
More importantly, existing laws already ban obscenity, harassment, child pornography and enticing minors into sexual activity.
As a father and a grandfather, I well appreciate the challenge of limiting a child's exposure to sexually inappropriate material. Yet, no legislation we could pass would be an effective substitute for parental involvement. We must be vigilant about feel-good efforts to involve government, either directly or indirectly, in regulating the content of the Internet.
For these reasons, the Enzi-Santorum amendment raises serious legal issues that mandate further exploration before a determination can be made on the proposed law's constitutional viability.
I look forward to continuing to work with the sponsors of the CAN SPAM Act on these issues as the bill proceeds to conference.
Madam President, kingpin spammers who send out emails by the millions are threatening to drown the Internet in a sea of trash. The American people want it stopped. Every single day the Senate delays,…
Madam President, kingpin spammers who send out emails by the millions are threatening to drown the Internet in a sea of trash. The American people want it stopped. Every single day the Senate delays, these big-time spammers, the ones who are trying to take advantage of the open and low-cost nature of the Internet, gives them another opportunity to crank up their operations to even more dizzying levels of volumes.
Every Member of the Senate is hearing from citizens. This is a consumer abuse that is visited on millions of people every day. It is now time to put in
place strong enforcement tools to protect the public.
Many are asking, what is the role of Federal legislation? My colleagues have talked a bit about there not being a silver bullet. The key is to pass this bill and come down on the violators with hobnail boots. It is fair to say a lot of the big-time abusers are not exactly quaking today about the prospect of Senate action. They are not technological simpletons. They are very savvy and they figure any law that is passed by the Senate they can get out in front of.
What is going to be important is for those who are charged with enforcement--the Federal Trade Commission, the criminal authorities, we give a role to the State attorneys general, the Internet service providers--when this bill is signed into law, to bring a handful of actions very quickly to establish that for the first time there is a real deterrent, there will be real consequences when those big-time spammers try to exploit our citizens. When the bill takes effect, for the first time those violators are going to risk criminal prosecution, Federal Trade Commission enforcement, and million-dollar lawsuits by the State attorneys general and Internet service providers.
The reason that is the case is because big-time spammers have to violate this bill in order for their sleazy business to work. If they do not hide their identities, their messages end up getting filtered out by the Internet service providers. If they do not use misleading subject lines, people are going to click the messages straight into the trash, unread. It is costly to deal with thousands of demands for consumers to be removed from the lists. The day this bipartisan legislation becomes law, for the first time big-time spamming will become an outlaw business.
It is worth noting when Senator Burns and I started this effort nearly 4 years ago, we had the strong support of Senator McCain. Senator Hollings has been tremendous to me. I got involved in this shortly after joining the Commerce Committee. A lot of people asked, why in the world would Conrad Burns and I be spending our time on something like this. They essentially intimated this was not the kind of issue important enough for the Senate. They said, Senators deal with key matters. They deal with war and peace and entitlement programs. Why in the world would the Senate get involved with something like spam. It was only 6 to 8 percent when we started in 2000. Why is the Senate spending its time on that kind of concern? Suffice it to say, nobody is saying any longer spam is just a minor annoyance. Nobody is saying the delete key is now going to be a sufficient solution to the problem.
This is now something that threatens this medium. Spam, in the view of experts, and in my view, stunts the growth of e-commerce. And if it continues at the rate of growth we have seen in the last few years, I think it will engulf the entire medium.
So something the American people use every day, something that is considered a vibrant, exciting tool, that has empowered millions of people to learn, to be part of cultural activities, to start small businesses--if nothing is done, if somehow this legislation goes by the board or the Senate and House cannot agree, I think what we are seeing in the days ahead is a genuine threat to the entire medium.
So with respect to the specifics of the bill, I think there are a number of key provisions. One I have stressed is the question of misleading identities because I think that goes right to the heart of how you set in place a strong enforcement regime.
But I also emphasize the role of the States here this afternoon. At this point, over half the States have enacted State-level spam legislation. It is pretty easy to see why the States have acted. They are frustrated that the Congress has not moved.
But I believe a State-by-State approach cannot work in this area. The numerous State laws to date certainly have not put in place a coordinated effort against spam. Neither the Internet nor the big-time spammers is sitting around saying: Let's tip our hat to State jurisdictions. And certainly an e-mail address, unlike a phone number, does not reveal the State in which the holder of the address is located. So compliance with a patchwork of inconsistent State laws is virtually impossible, and spammers do not even go through the motions of trying.
What is needed is a uniform, nationwide spam standard to put the spammers on notice and to empower the consumers to have an enforcement regime consistent with their reasonable expectations.
Having emphasized the importance of a nationwide, uniform standard in this area, the legislation does preserve an important role for the States.
First, the State laws that address deception in spam--deception in spam--would be preserved. Second, general consumer protection fraud and computer abuse laws would remain enforceable as well. And third, the bill authorizes States' attorneys general to use the Federal statute to prosecute spammers.
The bottom line is, our States, which have done so much important and innovative work in the area of consumer protection, are going to remain active and important partners in the battle against spam.
Shortly, we will be talking about the Do Not E-mail Registry. I commend Senators Schumer and Dayton. Both of them have introduced legislation in this area. They deserve a great deal of credit with respect to their patience on this legislation. And we know it is a challenge. The telephone Do Not Call list is certainly facing a lot of battles.
But I think this is an important idea. I think it is an idea that makes a genuine contribution. It certainly is one that the American consumer wants. We are going to work with the sponsors, Senator Schumer and Senator Dayton, and others who have been so interested in this to address the various questions that have been brought up with respect to feasibility.
I also commend Senator Nelson of Florida. These big-time spammers-- there are only a few hundred of them. I think Senator McCain and I were struck, as we listened to the debate, at the fact that we are talking about a few hundred big-time violators. They seem to have gravitated to a couple States, particularly Florida and Texas.
Senator Nelson has been very interested in ensuring that there are tough enforcement provisions in this legislation. I share his view that we ought to use all of the enforcement tools, including measures such as the RICO statute, against these particularly reprehensible violators. I commend Senator Nelson for this effort as well.
Finally, as we put together a coordinated game plan against the spammers, I would also like to emphasize that we expect our trading partners, and the many countries that look to do business with the United States, to play a more activist role in this area. As sure as night follows day, some of these kingpin spammers are going to just move offshore and set up shop.
So as we look to the future, I have stressed enforcement. I think we need to see aggressive enforcement action the day this bill is signed into law. Then we have to push our trading partners around the world to work with us to ensure that, as part of a coordinated strategy, we are preventing the big-time violators from simply closing down in the United States and moving offshore.
I have tried to specialize in technology issues in my time in the Senate. My State cares greatly about this issue. I have been fortunate to have a chairman in Senator McCain who has always encouraged these efforts, to deal with Internet taxes, digital signatures, Y2K liability--and the list goes on and on. And Senator Hollings, who is not in the Chamber, has been extraordinarily supportive of my involvement in these issues.
But I think it is fair to say that this spam question--of all the technology issues we have tackled in the last few years in the Commerce Committee, I cannot think of another one that has inflamed consumers more, has been emphasized more to me at townhall meetings.
I can tell the Senate, at the time when we were all concerned about the well-being of our troops and the conflict in Iraq, folks would also say, in addition to standing up for our troops: Make sure you do something about spam as well. I think it is indicative of how much concern there is in the country with respect to these kingpin spammers who really do put at risk--I do not say this lightly--an entire medium that has made such a difference and been so important for millions of Americans.
We are going to deal expeditiously with the amendments. A number of colleagues have already asked of the managers what we thought the timetable of this bill would be. My guess is, we can deal with this legislation certainly within the next couple of hours, at most.
We urge Senators who have an interest in this matter to come to the floor. This is an opportunity for the Senate to stand up for the consumer.
We are not going to overpromise. We are not going to say that the day this bill is signed, spam will magically vanish into the vapor. But this legislation, coupled with an enforcement strategy that has the Federal Trade Commission, criminal authorities, pushing spam as it relates to these big-time violators up the priority list of the tasks that they face--that kind of strategy can make a difference.
Madam President, with that, I yield the floor.
Madam President, I send an amendment to the desk.
Madam President, I offer this amendment on behalf of myself and Senator Burns. It is technical in nature. I know of no opposition.
It clarifies that header information that is technically false, but in such a minor way as to be nonmaterial, will not be actionable under the legislation.
It clarifies that spammers who knowingly route messages through what are called open relays in order to erase the message's originating information--which is a technique used by these big-time spammers--will be treated as having used false or misleading header information.
It permits the Federal Trade Commission to modify the bill's deadline for how quickly ``opt-out requests'' must be processed. Currently, the bill says that 10 business days after receiving a consumer's opt-out request, any further e-mails from the sender become punishable.
The amendment permits the Federal Trade Commission to modify that time period if it finds that a different period would be appropriate. It permits the Federal Trade Commission, if it identifies new and particularly nefarious techniques used by spammers, to add those techniques to the list of what are called aggravated violations so that spammers who use those techniques would be subject to higher penalties.
Finally, this amendment, which has the support of Chairman McCain and Senator Hollings, would clarify that any lawsuits for violations of Federal spam rules should be brought in Federal court. It is noncontroversial in nature. I urge its passage.
I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Amendment No. 1892
Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Madam President, at this time, I ask unanimous consent that the previously agreed-to Burns-Wyden technical amendment, No. 1891, be modified with the change I now send to the desk.
Madam President, this is also a very modest technical amendment. This amendment simply ensures that the Do Not E-mail Registry proposed would be considered on the timetable that all of the parties who have worked on this had intended. It is very noncontroversial.
Will the Senator yield?
Madam President, I will be very short.
Without turning this into a bouquet-tossing contest, let me thank my friend from Florida. Of course, many of the worst violators are people I call kingpin spammers who are located in his home State. The Senator from Florida brought it to the attention of Senator Burns and I that to have an effective enforcement strategy, we had to have in place tools that would deal with the kind of shady operators who are present in his home State.
The Senator from Florida has hammered on that message. I think by the time we are done this afternoon and have Senator Leahy on the floor as well, Senator Nelson's contribution will be especially helpful, not just in Florida but in terms of dealing with these kingpin spammers, the people who send out millions of e-mail now without consequences.
I thank my colleague for yielding, and I thank him for keeping this issue on the radar.
I say to the Senator from New York, I appreciate his patience on this. I think he knows from the outset my concern was not with the nature of this, because clearly empowering consumers to make these kinds of choices is essential. What is important is to try to figure out how to do this right.
The Senator from New York knows people change their e-mail addresses constantly. In that sense, this is different than a telephone. We all understand that if a bad spammer, for example, one of these kingpin operators, was to hack into this, what a gold mine for an evil person who wanted to exploit our citizens. The Senator from New York has been acutely aware of it and that is why he has worked with me, Senator Burns, and all of those on the Commerce Committee. I commend him for his patience.
This is an important contribution. We have a lot of work to do, because we have seen with the Do Not Call list what the challenge is. I personally believe in the telecommunications area we ought to establish, as kind of a bedrock principle, that there is a First Amendment right to communicate, but there also is a right of the consumer to say, I have had it. In effect, that is what the Senator from New York is allowing us to do in the spam area, and to do it in a responsible way.
I thank my colleague from Arizona for giving me this time. With a little luck, we will be able to dispose of the additional spam amendments and send this bill on its way.
Madam President, will the Senator from Utah yield?
I commend the Senator from Utah for his efforts in this area. The contribution the Senator from Utah makes is not just useful but it is absolutely critical. We can write bills to fight spam until we run out of paper, but unless we have the kind of enforcement the Senator from Utah envisions, we are not going to get the job right.
I am particularly interested in working with the distinguished chairman of the Judiciary Committee in making sure we have some vigorous oversight after this bill is enacted into law. If after this bill is passed we have the prosecutors, the Federal Trade Commission, and others bring some tough enforcement actions, that will be a tremendously valuable deterrent.
I would like to work with the distinguished chairman of the committee to have some vigorous oversight hearings after this bill has gone into effect. That is what it is going to take to make sure we have the teeth in this legislation to make a difference. I thank my colleague.
I ask unanimous consent to add Senator Harkin's name to that list and then I support the unanimous consent.
Mr. President, just before he leaves the floor, I thank the distinguished Senator from Vermont for all his help. I have already told Senator Hatch how incredibly important the enforcement provision is. You can write bills forever, but without the enforcement to which the Senator from Vermont and the Senator from Utah are committed, those bills are not going to get the job done.
Suffice it to say, when there were a lot of people in public life who thought their computers were somehow a TV screen, the Senator from Vermont was already leading the Senate and those who work in the public policy arena to understand the implications of the medium.
There is nobody in public life whose counsel I value more on telecommunications and Internet policy than the distinguished Senator from Vermont. I appreciate his giving me this opportunity to work with him on the enforcement provisions. It will be the lifeblood of making this bill work.
Mr. President, we are very close to being able to pass this bill tonight. This is an extraordinarily important consumer measure, a measure that literally touches the lives of millions of people every single day. At this point, we have only three amendments left. The Senator from New Jersey, Mr. Corzine, has an amendment; the Senator from Wyoming, Mr. Enzi, is to offer an amendment with Senator Santorum; and then Senator Landrieu has an amendment.
I am very hopeful we will be able to finish this bill fairly shortly. I urge those Senators who have their amendments in order to come to the floor at this point. This is legislation that has been worked on for more than 4 years. During that time, this problem has grown exponentially. A number of Senators have spoken about it, and the Senate ought to move ahead.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Before the Senator from Tennessee leaves the floor, I say to him I have my hands full today with spam so I am not going to get into the substance of the Internet Tax Freedom Act that, as my friend knows, I have been a sponsor of in the Senate with Congressman Cox in the other body. I am always anxious to work with my colleague from Tennessee.
Essentially, the arguments being made today against the Internet Tax Freedom Act are identical to the ones that were made 5 years ago. If we were to look at the transcript 5 years ago before the Senate Commerce Committee, we were told the States and localities would be stripped of the revenue they needed. We were pretty much told western civilization was going to end at that time.
Ever since then, as we have gone through 5 years of experience, we have not seen that to be the case. States and localities have not been stripped of the revenue they need. Internet sales are still perhaps only 2 percent of the economy. No jurisdiction has shown that they have been hurt by their inability to discriminate against the Internet, and that is all this law stands for is technological neutrality, treating the online world like the offline world is treated.
As I said to my good friend, I have my hands full today with spam so we will debate the Internet Tax Freedom Act another day. I am anxious to work with my colleague. I would only point out the reauthorization of the Internet Tax Freedom Act passed the Commerce Committee unanimously. It is the first time since we have been at this that it has been passed unanimously. I think it is going to be an important debate I will certainly be anxious to talk with my colleague about at that time.
Again, we are hoping those with the amendments that have been made in order to the spam bill will come to the floor. We could finish this legislation in perhaps half an hour, pass a very important proconsumer measure by pretty close to a unanimous vote in the Senate. Senator Burns and I are certainly hoping that will be the case and hope in particular that Senator Corzine, Senator Enzi, and Senator Santorum will come to the floor and we could be done very quickly.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Madam President, let me associate myself with the remarks of the distinguished chairman of the committee. Every Member understands that pornography being transmitted through spam is a scourge. There is no question about it. What we have done, because we have just seen this, is we have asked the minority on the Judiciary Committee, under the leadership of Senator Leahy, to take a look at this. We are very hopeful that we will be able to approve this language in just a few minutes. Again, we are hoping that this bill will be passed, certainly within 20, 25 minutes, and we will have a comment from the Democrats on the Judiciary Committee very shortly.
I share Chairman McCain's view that this is an extremely important issue. When you think about spam, the first thing parents all over this country think about is the flood that is being targeted at families from coast to coast. I am hopeful we will get this approved in a matter of minutes.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Madam President, on behalf of the minority, Senator Hollings believes that Senator Landrieu is raising a very important issue for consumers and kids. We do want to work closely with her and move ahead on her initiative. It is an important one for families.
Madam President, I think we are about ready to actually move to final passage. We have the Corzine amendment and another one coming from the Senator from Iowa. I think we are very close to being able to move ahead.
I wish to express my thanks to the leadership of the committee and my partner for over 4 years, Senator Burns, on this legislation.
The bottom line here is that when this bill becomes law, big-time spamming, in effect, becomes an outlaw business. For the first time, the kingpin spammers are going to be at risk of Federal prosecution, Federal Trade Commission enforcement, million-dollar lawsuits by State attorneys general and Internet service providers. The reason that is the case is that big-time spammers would have to violate this bill in order for their sleazy operations to continue. If they don't hide their identity, their messages will get filtered out. If they don't use misleading subject lines, people are going to go click and these garbage messages will go straight into the trash unread.
It seems to me there is a chance now, recognizing that we still need international cooperation and tough enforcement, to make a very significant step forward for consumers all across the country.
I will conclude by way of saying that, again, I think enforcement is going to be the key to making this legislation work. When this bill is signed into law, I have been saying that the enforcers--the Justice Department, State attorneys general, Internet service providers, and others--have to be prepared to come down on those 200 or 300 big-time spammers with hobnail boots. A lot of them are not exactly quaking tonight at the prospect of Senate action. They are not convinced that the Senate is really going to insist on strong oversight. We saw today, because of what was said by Senator Hatch and Senator Leahy, that they are committed to strong enforcement and vigorous oversight.
I believe as a result of the attention the Senate has given to this issue, when this bill is signed into law, we are going to see very quickly a handful of very tough, significant enforcement actions with real penalties and the prospect of spammers going to jail and paying million-dollar fines. That is the kind of deterrence we need.
The text of this law is very important, but it is only as good a law as we see backed up by enforcement. We have a commitment today from Chairman Hatch and Senator Leahy to follow up and ensure that that kind of enforcement takes place. With that, I think we take a very significant step forward in terms of protecting the rights of consumers who right now find a blizzard of spam every single time they turn on their computer.
I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, on behalf of Senator Hollings, this is what we think Government ought to be about: going to bat for these people. I encourage the Senate to adopt the Harkin amendment.
Mr. President, very briefly, I think the Senator from Pennsylvania is trying to address a very important issue. We have asked for the Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee, under Senator Leahy's leadership, to take a look at it. I think we will have that answer quickly.
As the Senator knows, some of the definitions in this area can get fairly technical. We also understand that pornography, which is conveyed through spam across the Internet, is a real public scourge. We are interested in getting the Senator's amendment adopted. I am hopeful we will be able to support it.
Mr. President, I also support the amendment. This is a compromise. Both of these topics are topics about which we really have not heard a lot. We have not had a chance to discuss them in hearings. Senator Corzine has been working constructively with us. I urge the passage of it.
The bounty issue essentially comes from Professor Lessig at Stanford, looking at innovative ways to create incentives to deal with the problem. It is certainly one the Federal Trade Commission should look at. The question about making sure every unsolicited e-mail has ADV has been contentious among a number of small business groups, ones that have really been burdened by these costs. But I think this is a fair compromise. It gives the Federal Trade Commission ample opportunity to study this and look at the feasibility of it. I urge our colleagues to support it.
As soon as we agree to the Corzine amendment, I believe Senator Harkin has a unanimous consent request he needs to make, and then we are ready to go to final passage. I urge my colleagues now to support the Corzine amendment.
Madam Speaker, tonight I am very pleased to be here to speak about health care and the crisis that we face here in our Nation and particularly about the crisis that is affecting the Hispanic…
Madam Speaker, tonight I am very pleased to be here to speak about health care and the crisis that we face here in our Nation and particularly about the crisis that is affecting the Hispanic population and other minority groups.
I am delighted that I have been joined tonight by three colleagues that will speak about some of the situations and problems that they face in their own States. First I would like to, as chairwoman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Health Task Force, recognize the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Mrs. Christensen), who is our representative for the Virgin Islands. She is chair of the Hispanic brain trust for the Black Caucus.
I yield to the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands.
Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman, who in her own right is a leading physician and who has actually done so much to help further the cause for universal health care, access for everyone and also for HIV and AIDS prevention, and also for those many chronic illnesses that many of us face.
Madam Speaker, I would like to yield to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott).
Madam Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's remarks this evening.
Madam Speaker, it gives me a great deal of pleasure to recognize the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Rodriguez), the chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.
Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Rodriguez), our illustrious chair of the Hispanic caucus. I thank him for appointing me as the woman who will be now in charge of the issues regarding Hispanics and health care this term. I am very privileged to be in this position, and I know that we have a long charge ahead of us.
Madam Speaker, tonight, today as Chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus Health Task Force, I wanted to call attention to the health status of Latinos throughout the United States.
When we talk tonight about Latino health care, it is important to note that Latinos are the fastest growing minority group in the country, in the United States. So the issues we face confront the health care field throughout the country, whether you live in east Los Angeles, in my district in California, or if you live in Atlanta, Georgia, or in Birmingham, Alabama, where we are seeing a large number of Hispanics now residing in that area. I had the privilege, Madam Speaker, of being there this weekend and walking with other members of our caucus to celebrate a civil rights memorial for 28 years of suffrage that has gone on in the South. The issues are no different there than they are in other parts of the country with respect to those that are uninsured. African Americans and Latinos still face the same kinds of problems.
This week, however, Madam Chairman, we are celebrating this week as Cover the Uninsured Week, a national effort that is going on right now, that is being celebrated across the country, to recognize those people who are under-insured and uninsured.
I would be remiss if I did not point to this chart here tonight, to point out that 41 million Americans do not have health care insurance in our country. It is unfortunate that about 30 percent of those individuals are Hispanic.
Let me point that out on this section of the pie chart, 30 percent. Forty-seven percent of non-white/Hispanic, 47 percent. Thirty percent Hispanic, 16 percent black or African American, and 5 percent Asian and South Pacific Islander also fall into that category.
Madam Speaker, by the year 2020, it is projected that one in five children will be Hispanic. Yet Latino children have the highest uninsured rates in the U.S. child population.
And unfortunately, the number of Latino uninsured has been on the rise over the past decade.
I would like to point out the next chart that I have. Here we see also the rising numbers of those individuals that are Latino, that are working, 43 percent; those that are in the private sector, 2 percent; 18 percent Latino, Medicaid; and others that receive some type of coverage; and then those that are in the uninsured category: Latinos, 37 percent, to 14 percent who are Anglo, or white. Madam Speaker, 73 percent of the Anglo population has insurance; 43 percent on this chart here indicates people that are working, working Latino family members are uninsured. It is a crime. It is a crime that this is the situation here in our country.
The next chart unfortunately does not provide us with many more good indicators. The number of Latinos uninsured has been on the rise over the past decade; and all we have to do is start looking at 1990, where 7.0 percent, the number of uninsured Hispanics, has increased 7.0 percent in 1990, a decade ago. When we look to the year 2000, it is now not quite doubled, but almost
there, 11.2 percent. It has increasingly gone up. It is not to say that these people are not working, because they are. I fail to see the reason that they are not being provided with some attempted coverage for those that are uninsured.
In fact, 37 percent of nonelderly Latinos are uninsured, more than double the rate of whites. The large majority of uninsured Latinos come from working families, approximately 87 percent; but less than half of all Latinos have employer-based health coverage. That is to say that where they work, at their place of employment, they do not have any type of insurance coverage for their needs, to meet their needs.
So let us be clear tonight, I say to my colleagues. There are women and men who are working and paying taxes, they play by the rules, but they are not getting any health coverage. This goes far beyond just the Latino community. There are many working men and women, African American, Anglo women that I met, even today when I was out visiting folks in my district, who told me about their plight with not having adequate health coverage, or being underinsured. This is a real issue, I say to my colleagues, that we need to address.
Unfortunately, nearly one-third of all Latinos work for an employer who does not offer any health care insurance at all. The lack of insurance in our country is devastating to families, particularly Latino families. Among the uninsured, Latino adults in fair to poor health, 20 percent are women, 40 percent are men; and they have not visited a doctor in the past year. Can we imagine that, not being able to see a doctor in more than a year?
We know that the uninsured receive less preventive care and are diagnosed later for diseases and tend to receive less medical care for their illnesses. Uninsured children are 70 percent more likely than other children not to have received medical care for common conditions like ear infections, 30 percent are less likely to receive medical attention when they are injured, and nearly 40 percent of uninsured adults report skipping a recommended medical test or treatment in the past year.
Having health insurance would reduce death rates for the uninsured by 10 to 15 percent. How many lives can we save if we provide them with some attempted coverage?
There is a consensus that health insurance is a necessity. So how can we increase access to health insurance? Certainly, we need to make sure that children are enrolled in successful programs like the gentleman from Texas stated earlier, like the State Children's Health Insurance Program, known as SCHIP, and in California known as Healthy Families. And we must make sure that all of our vulnerable populations are enrolled in Medicaid in that safety net program, and that these programs make health care access a reality.
Madam Speaker, we also need to focus on innovative private and public approaches to covering the uninsured. When I was in the State legislature in California, I authored a bill to launch a body of research on how to provide universal health care coverage, and I was proud to be the sponsor of Senate bill 480. The researchers have come up with several proposals for universal health coverage, and many are being implemented now as we speak in Sacramento. Unfortunately, due to severe budget cuts, not only in the State of California but across the board, many of these programs that we have instituted in the past are now on the chopping block. One of the reasons is because of this whole new attempt to try to block-grant Medicaid. Our State is now being devastated with cutbacks in the budget. In California, which is almost a continent in and of itself, we are crying out for assistance now because our budget is woefully low in terms of providing coverage for the very needy, for the working poor, and for children.
Medicaid in California is known as MediCal. It is called MediCal. Our medical program offers dental services, physical therapy, and diabetes management. I was a proud offerer of reforms to provide treatment and management for diabetes. Lord knows the African American community and the Latino community suffer very high rates of diabetes. If it is not treated appropriately in a preventive matter, it can become a very acute problem that will come to haunt us and continues to haunt us if we do not come up with the incentive and money to go into those measures. I say we need to put money up front into programs like that to combat chronic illnesses like obesity, diabetes treatment, and asthma. These are the things that we need to be addressing and putting our money where our mouth is when we talk about providing assistance to the uninsured.
Medicaid is an incredibly important program, and it covers now approximately 40 percent coverage for Latinos; but without this help, I fear what will happen to our communities, not only Latinos, the people that I represent in my district, but poor people, working people, people who actually have jobs that will go without this kind of coverage.
Unfortunately, this administration has proposed what I said earlier, the Medicaid reforms known as block grants. What they are telling us is that they will give States money to be able to get more flexibility to provide coverage for different illnesses; but in the long run, in 10 years, they are going to cut that money back, and what it means is less people will be served. The elderly will be out. The young people, the children will be hurt.
I am here to tell my colleagues that we need to do more than that. We need to reverse that trend and ask this administration to step up to the plate and forget the rhetoric and really talk about making some very meaningful reforms in Medicaid and providing the coverage that is so very much needed in States like mine in California where we do not get a refund in our dollars. We are known as one of those States where we are a donor State. We give more money than we get back. I am here to say it is time that California and other States in the southwest like Texas, Washington State, and other parts of the country receive their fair share of dollars where we need it. Our seniors are crying out for reform; our children need it. Their voices are not heard often enough, and we know that. That is why we are here tonight, to speak on their behalf as well.
These proposals, as I see them, that the administration is proposing will be devastating; and instead, we should be looking at proposals that increase the Federal support to Medicaid by increasing Federal Medicaid or medical assistance known as FMAP. This bipartisan bill that has been introduced, known as H.R. 1816, will provide States the fiscal relief they need to improve health care access to vulnerable populations. To improve Latinos' access to Medicaid, we must lift the ban on health care access for legal immigrants and pregnant women and their children. I say, and I underscore, legal, people who are here legitimately who are having children here and are playing by the rules and paying taxes as they work, whether they are a nanny, whether they are a housekeeper, whether they are there in a restaurant serving us, or whether they are out in the fields picking our fruits and vegetables that we had here tonight, I say to my colleagues.
It is time to pass the bipartisan Legal Immigrant Child's Health Improvement Act. This bill would lift a 5-year ban currently in place on States receiving Federal support for health care services for lawfully present immigrant children and pregnant women who entered the United States after August 22, 1996.
This simply makes sense from a humanitarian and medical point of view, and it will save the public health system money, thousands and thousands of dollars. I can tell my colleagues that firsthand as a Representative in Los Angeles County where we have one of the largest health care, public health hospitals right now that sees so many individuals having to wait 8 hours just to be seen by one doctor, whether it is for a throat infection, an ear infection, or for being a victim of a drive-by shooting. It is unheard of, the kind of medical access that people have to attempt to receive, knowing fully that we are all paying for this standard of health care. Yet, it is unequal in areas that I represent. We have to change that. We have to work hard to make sure that it is equal for everybody, whether one lives in Texas, in the Rio Grande, whether one lives in Boston, Massachusetts, or whether one lives here in Washington, D.C.
We also must fix Medicare in order to help Latino seniors who are struggling with high-cost prescription drugs. This goes far beyond the Latino community. There are many, many seniors who are crying out for reform, who want to see their prescription drugs, the cost for that medication reduced dramatically. I can tell my colleagues now there are people who have told me, why is it that I have to pay $300 for my medication to treat my diabetes or my thyroid gland? I cannot afford to go on vacations; I barely make my rent. Why is it that the Congress cannot come together and make these reforms feasible so that I can live an appropriate life, one that I feel I deserve? This is what seniors are telling me all the time. I look at them and I look in their eyes and I feel we have done them a disservice, because we have not been able to reach an agreement with the other Members on the other side of the aisle to see that we are truly, truly addressing the needs of our senior population.
I say that fully knowing that my own parents are faced with that dilemma right now. They have one of those plastic cards that allows them to go see their HMO, Kaiser, Kaiser coverage; but they have to pay a copayment. If they have surgery, they have to pay another copayment. If they have to go in to get treatment for their thyroid, they have to pay another $200 or $300 every month, and my parents are on a fixed income. They no longer work. They are over 70 years old. I know there are millions of seniors that are in that same predicament, and they probably even have harsher, harsher illnesses than my own parents. And I pray that they will be able to make it as they see their daughter here try to get a resolution to provide an adequate prescription drug benefit for them, that is low cost, that does not discriminate against them, whether they are in an HMO program or if they are seeing their own fee-for-service doctor. There should be no discriminate treatment for either, and that is what I am going to work hard for, and I know that our Hispanic Caucus will do the same.
I want to tell my colleagues that recently I have had a chance to visit with a lot of my seniors in my own district in Monterey Park and in my new cities that I represent in Covina and West Covina, which were previously represented by the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier). I want to tell my colleagues that folks are telling me the same thing: we have to change. We have to change the rules of the game so that everyone receives a fair, level playing field when it comes to access to health care.
Right now, because unemployment rates are so high, people are losing their jobs, they are losing their health care coverage. Today I saw a woman who I spoke to who runs her own business out of her own house. She told me that one of the opportunities that she had was to try to provide her own coverage for health care. It would cost her a minimum of $500 a month. That was entirely too much for her. What does that mean for her? That means that she is going to have to forego that. If she gets ill, God forbid. If she has to go to the doctor, God forbid. If she gets really sick or hit by a car or she becomes tremendously ill, she will have to go to a public emergency or trauma center, which is going to cost the public dollars, the taxpayers a lot more money. If we were just to put more money in to help the uninsured, we could save a whole lot in the long run.
I am advocating for us to have that discussion here tonight, for us to talk about other options for providing assistance to the uninsured and the underinsured, because there are a whole lot of people out there who are working that make $15,000, $16,000 a year, they have four kids, they are beating themselves up because they want the best for their kids; but they cannot afford to even make a copayment to have adequate coverage. It is time that we start looking at providing assistance to the uninsured, because every tax dollar that they pay into when they see their check, their payroll check, it says a deduction, but where does that deduction go? Is it going into a health care trust fund for them? Is it going to be available for them when they need it? Is it going to be available for their children? Those are the questions that I ask here tonight.
I would like to ask my colleague, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Rodriquez), the chairman of the Hispanic Caucus, to please share with me what insights he might be able to shed on this issue.
I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Rodriguez). It is a pleasure to be here tonight with him and other Members that came forward to speak on this very important issue.
The gentleman touched on so many important areas that we do not even have time in our committees, and as a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, a new member, we did not even have sufficient time to debate this new proposal that the administration is putting forward.
We had about 3 weeks ago Secretary Tommy Thompson come forward and talk about the aspect of trying to block grant Medicaid, and I talked about that earlier. What it means, block granting, is that we are racheting down health care. Fewer people get fewer health care. Not more care, fewer. And with the rising increase of population with the uninsured, it means less dollars, not only for Hispanics but for blacks, for Asian Americans, even for Anglos that right now are uninsured.
We have to do something. We have to take action.
Rural America also has been neglected in this debate. We are not doing nearly enough to provide incentives for health care centers, public health care centers to be adequately funded, serving our at-risk populations out there and I mean in particular women and men over the age of 40 who are still toiling out there, whether they are working in the fields or working in rural America who have no benefit of health care access.
We need to put funding there. We have to come up with formulas that are expanding and broadening support of the Federal Government to reach out to these rural communities.
My colleague hit an important note that I want to touch on also, and that is, with respect to the shortage of health care professionals that exist, the opportunities for people to get into the medical profession and especially in the nursing profession. Many of our community colleges at this point in time do not find that they have adequate funding to offer the curriculum that costs a lot of money, but money that is invested and well-spent can provide a product that will mean so much for our society, and I am asking this administration to put more money into those areas, into those health career professions and create those career ladders and opportunities not only for Latinos who want to come back and serve in their community but for all underrepresented groups and particularly those people who live in rural America.
I also want to touch on the aspect of mental health because in that whole discussion we forget about women and individuals who are afflicted by domestic violence, people that have the right under welfare reform, TANF legislation that provides them the ability to get help. Many of these individuals are being asked now to get off of welfare as we know it and to find jobs, but their illnesses have not been addressed. Some have mental illness. Some have substance abuse. Many are victims, at least 50 percent of the caseload can report that they have been victims of domestic violence.
Why have we not done a better job of monitoring those individuals? They are going to go back into that cycle and there will be no remedy for them. We should put dollars up front for prevention in mental health care and that should be covered by any health insurance program, and that is not being adequately addressed.
I know that the former Senator Paul Wellstone had a proposal that is being reintroduced under his name to try to provide that incentive for fully covering mental health care illnesses so that when we detect them we can get to those individuals that need that help to remedy and provide them from creating more harm to themselves, and I know that our caucus will be working hard to promote that.
Lastly, I would just like to say that we have a long way to go in terms of health care. We talk about education as being a privilege and a right for everyone in America, but I do not think that we have talked enough about providing equal access to health care for Americans and people who reside in this country. Our country is so wealthy, we are one of the wealthiest countries in the world, and yet we forego providing assistance and immunization for children to combat TB, to fight HIV, infections that are now ongoing in communities like mine and like my colleague's.
I ask this administration why, why is it that we could send billions of dollars across this country to fight a war and not use that same money to fight the wars that are here on our own Earth, on our own country to combat AIDS, to combat diseases, chronic illnesses in here and making an investment in the very families that are sending their young men and women abroad to fight a war.
It is nonsense that we forego the kinds of opportunities that we have here at home to put that money where it will be well spent, that will reap profits and benefits for this country tenfold, in 10 years to come, instead of bankrupting our system right now.
Those are the questions that I have. Those are the questions that my constituents have been asking me, and I hope that this administration will step up to the plate and begin to outline their plan to provide a recovery for health care for all Americans but particularly in this case tonight for the uninsured and for the Latino community.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for being here this evening and sharing his thoughts and words.
Again, I just want to underscore why we are celebrating here tonight, to talk about the real issue, and the real issue is that there is so many millions of Americans that are uninsured, 40 million, and we need to change that, and we need to do more here in the Congress and work together on both sides of the aisle to see that we come up with some remedies that can be taken care of this legislative session.
I want to thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Rodriguez). I want to thank also other speakers that came here tonight representing the Congressional Black Caucus, the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Mrs. Christensen), and also the gentleman from Washington (Mr. McDermott). I am very privileged.
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Mr. President, I come to the floor to talk about one of the things that is so important. Obviously, items connected with terrorism, the war in Iraq have to be dealt with. We have to deal with…
Mr. President, I come to the floor to talk about one of the things that is so important. Obviously, items connected with terrorism, the war in Iraq have to be dealt with. We have to deal with heightened homeland security and related issues. Health care is an area we need to talk about. Prescription drugs is in the process of this.
One issue that is particularly important is an energy policy. I don't think there has ever been a time when it has been more apparent and more important to deal with energy policy. We have an economy, prices with gas and energy that are high. We have uncertainty, certainly, in the Middle East. We have had a Venezuelan problem. We had a very cold winter. We cannot seem to come together to put together a policy that will allow us to move forward, an aggressive energy policy. I would like to talk briefly about a component of that which I think is very important, and that is an electric component.
I rise today to introduce the Electric Transmission Reliability and Enhancement Act of 2003. It is my intention to build on a changing wholesale, competitive, open access market and to suggest that we build that into a policy. Things have changed in the way energy is generated, the way energy is transmitted, the way energy is sold. We need to change our policy, as well.
Very simply, what we have is: In years past, there was a generator that generated for their own distribution area. That was pretty simple. Prices were controlled. It was a simple technique. Now we have more and more merchant generators, people who do not have a constituency or distribution system of their own but they sell into the marketplace. This is good. There is competition. And we will see more and more of that. But to do that, we have to update our laws and we have to update the regulations that go with that. My legislation would extend and improve open nondiscriminatory access policies. Access to transmission would remove antiquated Federal barriers that stand in the way of competitive wholesale markets. Wholesale markets that are competitive are new. We have to change to meet those needs. We have to encourage increased investments in our transmission system and establish reliability standards.
We saw what happened in California 2 years ago. If there is no reliability, we cannot depend upon getting that energy to people's homes, to businesses, and then we have a very difficult situation.
Particularly what has changed now is it is interstate. For years we grew up with the fact that in your State the State controlled both the generation and the distribution, and that worked well. Now we go across interstate lines and there needs to be something different.
Legislatively we have to pare down our wish list so we get to the bare essentials and keep those things that are necessary.
It seems clear, if we are going to have a truly wholesale market, we need to ensure that all the industry participants play by the same rules. Only Congress can give FERC, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, the tools it needs to ensure that all participants get treated fairly in a competitive marketplace. Under the Federal law, currently FERC has no jurisdiction or authority over transmission owned by public power agencies, municipals, cooperatives, yet they want to participate and need to participate and should participate. Many of them--most--are willing to participate.
These nonregulated utilities represent 52 percent of the total, so we do not want to move forward with FERC's so-called market plan. I think it goes too far getting into the authority of the States. But there are some changes that need to be made, and we would like to do that.
We also need to protect those cooperatives. I grew up in a area of cooperatives and spent much of my life working with cooperatives. So we have given that break. Those that sell less than 4 million megawatt hours per year are entirely exempt. We think that is as it should be.
We would repeal the Public Utility Holding Company Act, PUHCA, because it needs to be restructured and the deployment of capital in this industry needs to go where it is desperately needed. We need to do that. There is ample regulation over those investments now in the existing business. We want to make it easier for people to be able to invest, produce competitively, and go into the marketplace.
The Department of Justice, Federal Trade Commission, and the State commissions would still be able to monitor rates and prevent cross- subsidies. So my legislation would prospectively eliminate mandatory purchase and sales obligations of PURPA, one that was put in a very long time ago. Despite the State administering it, it causes favoritism to many utilities and changes things.
Over the years the grid has been protected through voluntary standards and that is exactly right. But what we are now faced with is to have RTOs, regional transportation organizations, where they can make those decisions within the RTO. There would be a Western one, a Midwestern one, a New England one, and so on. But then connecting with those will be an interstate, like an interstate highway. That has to, of course, be organized and controlled by a national group because it serves all these different ones.
So what we need is to modernize our system so we can accommodate things that have changed. Reliability organizations must be run by market participants and be overseen by FERC. Reliability organizations must be made up of representatives of everyone who is affected: residential, commercial, industrial. That can be done, and this provides an opportunity to do that.
During our discussions last year, we were made to address some of the more egregious behavior and found a great deal of issues that needed to be dealt with--market manipulation, those kinds of things. This is very complex. I believe we can address these issues with regulatory agencies, things that truly can exist.
So my legislation would provide a greater price in the transmission of availability of information and outlaw the practice of roundtrip trading. In the past we found some trading where they went around, got it back, made a profit on the sale, and served no one.
We prohibit the reporting of false information for the purpose of manipulating price indices. Again, we go back a little bit to the California situation, where there obviously is a great need to do some opening up so there is visibility of what is happening. That is what we are seeking to do. It would increase civil and criminal penalties for the violation of the Federal Power Act and would accelerate the effective dates of refunds and so on.
In the end, it is about consumers, it is about serving consumers, it is about competition, it is about reliability, it is about keeping the lights on--the part of energy that probably affects more people and more businesses than any other. It is my hope that the Electric Transmission Reliability Enhancement Act of 2003 will produce a more reliable, efficient transmission system, a more dependable and more affordable product for the end user, and perhaps more than anything else, bring our system and our oversight into the modern time of electric generation and transmission.
Things change. We need to change. Now is the time. We will have an energy bill. It needs to have an energy component.
Mr. President, any comprehensive energy bill must contain an electric component. That is why, today, I rise to introduce the ``Electric Transmission and Reliability Enhancement Act of 2003.'' It is my intention to build on the competitive wholesale open access policies adopted by the Congress in the 1992 Energy Policy Act. My legislation would extend and improve these open, non-discriminatory access policies; remove antiquated federal statutory barriers that stand in the way of competitive wholesale markets; encourage increased investment in our transmission system and establish enforceable reliability standards to help ensure the continued reliability of the interstate transmission system.
The state of the industry is far weaker financially than it has been in years. Billions of dollars of shareholder value has evaporated. Access to capital is becoming an important issue for large segments of the industry that are fighting for survival. In addition, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, FERC, policy regarding wholesale markets seems to be in a state of constant change. The Standard Market Design, SMD, Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, NOPR, has divided regulators and industry participants in a way that may be unprecedented, threatening more years of rulemakings, litigation and regulatory uncertainty.
If we are to legislate successfully, we will have to par down our wish list to the bare essentials, plus those issues necessary for the electric industry to attract the capital it needs to keep our lights on. Last year, the Enron fallout dominated the debate. By being on the defensive most of last year, it was not possible to successfully advance those issues most important to consumers and the industry that serves them.
It seems clear that if truly competitive wholesale markets are to exist, there is a need to ensure that all industry participants play by the same rules. While FERC has tried to ensure this, the Commission's tools are limited. Only Congress can give FERC the tools it needs to ensure that all industry participants in competitive wholesale markets play by the same rules.
The Wyoming State commissioners wrote that ``under present Federal law the FERC has no jurisdiction or authority over transmission facilities owned by public power agencies, municipalities and cooperatives. In the West these types of entities own a substantial portion, perhaps as much as half of the interstate electric transmission system.'' As a matter of fact, in the Western Electric Coordinating Council, an area that encompasses all or part of 11 Western States and parts of Canada, non-FERC jurisdictional facilities account for 52 percent of transmission miles.
The Wyoming commissioners claim that, ``without the full participation of all of those who own transmission in the West, the FERC's wholesale market initiative will fail to provide the full spectrum of benefits Congress expected when it created wholesale electricity markets. System optimization requires that bulk power be able to move freely throughout the interconnected system without regard to who owns the facilities over which the power travels. Removing the institutional impediments to the free movement of bulk power is also requisite to identifying the physical constraints that exist in the western system. Proper planning for the relief of such constraints depends on properly identifying and quantifying them, absent other economic and institutional constraints.''
They go on to say that such a vision for the future of wholesale power markets makes a compelling case for the inclusion of all facilities which can be used to move bulk power across the West, regardless of ownership. Anything less than 100 percent participation by transmission owning entities will simply perpetuate some level of inefficiency in the system and will continue to afford those who do not participate the ability to favor their own generation resources.
My legislation would permit FERC to require certain nonregulated utilities to offer transmission serviced at comparable rates to those they charge themselves, and on terms and conditions comparable to those applicable to jurisdictional public utilities. Currently nonregulated transmitting utilities would not be subject to the full panoply of FERC regulation under this provision. Instead, a ``light handed'' form of regulation would apply and small nonregulated entities, such as those that sell less than 4,000,000 MW/h per year, would be entirely exempt from these nondiscrimination requirements.
It also seems clear that the Public Utility Holding Company Act PUHCA, is hindering necessary restructuring of the industry and the deployment of capital into an industry that desperately needs it. Investors are deterred simply because they do not want to deal with the PUHCA rules and restrictions. If repealed, utility securities will continue to be regulated by the Securities and Exchange Commission, SEC, FERC and most state commissions. Mergers and acquisitions of jurisdictional assets would still require FERC and state commission approval and review by Department of Justice, DOJ, and the Federal Trade Commission, FTC. FERC and State commissions would still be able to monitor rates and prevent cross-subsidies.
Despite State progress in administering the Public Utility Regulatory Policies Act of 1978, PURPA, more in-tune with markets, it is clear that PURPA continues to provide special privileges to certain favored generators at the expense of utilities and their customers. Like PUHCA, PURPA is no longer needed in today's competitive wholesale markets. My legislation prospectively eliminates the mandatory purchase and sell obligations of PURPA.
Over the years the grid has been well protected through voluntary standards established by the North American Electric Reliability Council, NERC, NERC's voluntary reliability standards--which are not enforceable--have generally been complied with by the electric power industry. But with the opening of the wholesale power market to competition, our transmission grid is being used in ways for which it was not designed. New system strains are also being created by the breakup of vertically integrated utilities and by the emergence of new market structures and participants. The results of these changes have been an increase in the number and severity of violations of NERC's voluntary rules.
My legislation converts the existing NERC voluntary reliability system into a mandatory reliability system. A nation-wide organization would have the authority to establish and enforce reliability standards, and take into account regional differences. The new reliability organization will be run by market participants, and will be overseen by the FERC in the U.S. The reliability organization will be made up of representatives of everyone who is affected--residential, commercial and industrial consumers; state public utility commissions; independent power producers; electric utilities and others. There is no question that we need a new system to safeguard the integrity of our electric grid. My legislation would do this, using language that was effectively agreed upon last fall by House and Senate conferees for the energy bill.
During discussions last year, efforts were made to address some of the more egregious behavior and attempted market manipulation through legislation. While this area is obviously very complex, I believe that we need to address this issue if regulatory gaps truly do exist. I realize my attempt might not be perfect, but I wanted to intimate discussion on this very important topic if, in fact, regulatory agencies do need additional authority to police and monitor the industry.
My legislation will provide greater price and transmission availability information, outlaw the practice of round trip trading and prohibit reporting of false information for the purpose of manipulating price indices. In addition, I've included authority the FERC has requested and that would increase civil and criminal penalties for violation of the Federal Power Act and accelerate the refund effective date to the date of filing of a complaint.
In the end it's about the consumer. It is my hope and vision that the ``Electric Transmission and Reliability and Enhancement Act of 2003'' I am introducing today will produce a more reliable and efficient transmission system and that these improvements will result in a more dependable and affordable product for the end user. This legislation is the best solution to move forward with a better product for all classes of consumers and the industry as a whole.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Madam President, I have an amendment at the desk. I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with. Madam President, I offer this amendment on behalf of myself, Senator Graham…
Madam President, I have an amendment at the desk.
I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Madam President, I offer this amendment on behalf of myself, Senator Graham of South Carolina, Senator McCain, and Senator Hollings. I thank my good friend, Senator Lindsey Graham, who worked long and hard on this issue with me. Senator Graham and I have been working on quite a few pieces of legislation together. He is a good legislator and a fighter for the things in which he believes. We do not agree on everything, to say the least, but it is a pleasure to work with him.
I thank my colleagues, Senator Burns and Senator Wyden, both of whom have worked long and hard on this legislation for many years. They both were willing to work with me and accommodate some changes which I hope make the legislation better. I believe they do. But the foundation of this bill is their hard work. This is a good day for both of them because they have spent a long time and they deserve a great deal of accolades for their hard work on this important legislation which, hopefully, will pass today.
I thank my colleague, Senator Hollings, ranking member of the Commerce Committee, who offers this amendment along with myself, Senator Graham, and Senator McCain. We are all going to miss Fritz Hollings. He is one of the true gems of the Senate. He is a forthright man and a direct man. He is a smart man. He is a principled man. I, for one, know that my amendment might not have happened, certainly wouldn't be in the form it is now, without his intervention. I thank him for that.
Finally, Senator McCain and I have worked on a whole number of things together. It is a pleasure to work with him. Again, he is a man of his word. He is able to bring different people together to produce good legislation. He cares about the average person. He never lets any of the special interests get in his way. We wouldn't be here today without the Senator's leadership. I thank him very much.
Let me begin by saying how important this whole bill is to the continued vitality of e-mail and the Internet itself. Unsolicited e- mail has grown at astronomical rates over the past months. It is safe to say we are now under siege. Armies of online marketers have overrun e-mail inboxes across the country with advertisements for herbal remedies, get-rich-quick schemes, and, unfortunately, pornography. What was a simple annoyance last year has become a major concern this year and could cripple one of the greatest inventions of the 20th century next year if nothing is done.
Way back in 1999, the average e-mail user received just 40 pieces of unsolicited commercial e-mail, spam, each year. This year the number is expected to pass 2,500. I know that I am lucky if I don't get 40 pieces of spam every day. As a result, a revolution against spam is brewing as the epidemic against junk e-mail exacts an ever-increasing toll on families, businesses, and the economy.
Let me illustrate this point with a story. My wife and I have two wonderful daughters, one of whom is about to complete her first year at college; the other, a 14-year-old, is an absolute whiz on the Internet. She loves sending and receiving e-mails. As parents, we do our best to make sure she has good values and that the Internet is a positive experience for her, a device to help her with her school work or learn about events taking place around the world, and maybe even a way to order the latest In Sync CD, although I think she likes other groups better.
You can imagine my anger and dismay when I saw my daughter on e-mail. I would say: Great, she is not watching television. And then you can imagine my dismay when I discovered that not only was she a victim of spam like myself, but like all e-mail users, much of the junk mail she was receiving advertised pornographic Web sites. Some of the things that crossed her e-mail were things I would not want to see, let alone my 14-year-old daughter. I was and remain virtually powerless to prevent such garbage from reaching my daughter's inbox.
Recent surveys unambiguously show that the public shares my concern about spam infested with pornography and how it impacts their children. The bottom line is, if parents can control what their kids watch on TV, they should be able to control what their children are exposed to on the Internet. We have parental advisory notices on music, as well as ratings for TV shows and movies to ensure that parents are able to keep their children from being exposed to what they consider inappropriate. So it makes you scratch your head about why there is no safeguard in place to enable parents to protect their kids from vulgar e-mail. The e-mailing public has been at the mercy of spammers for long enough. They want to take back the Internet.
A recent survey conducted by UnSpam, one of the ardent foes of spam and backer of my legislation, and InSightExpress, a research group, backs that view. Here is a quick rundown of some of the highlights of the survey:
Almost 9 in 10 parents say they are seriously concerned about their children receiving inappropriate e-mail versus 5 percent who don't care. Ninety-six percent of parents want the ability to block pornography from their children's inboxes. A paltry 2 percent don't want that right. Ninety-five percent think children should be given extra protection under any anti-spam law, 3 percent undecided. And 93 percent think spammers should face enhanced penalties for sending inappropriate messages to children.
Our amendment is a solution that will give parents--the only solution--the ability to protect their children from offensive and obscene e-mail spam by registering their children's e-mail address. Parents across the country are increasingly worried about this problem, and we should do the right thing by giving them a registry. Parents and children are not the only ones who will benefit from a no e-mail registry. Business owners and ISPs across the Nation can identify with the frustration many of us feel in the battle against spam. With surveys showing that nearly 50 percent of e-mail traffic qualifies as spam, businesses spend millions of dollars each year on research- filtering software and new servers to deal with the ever expanding volume of junk e-mail being sent through the pipes.
According to Ferris Research, spam costs businesses in the United States $10 billion each year in lost productivity, consumption of information technology resources, and help desk time.
That is $10 billion that should be spent on growing American businesses and jobs instead of fighting spam.
The Do Not E-mail Registry created by the FTC would allow businesses to cut costs and improve productivity in the workplace by giving them the ability to register their entire domain names. Very important to businesses.
Some have expressed concern about creating a list of e-mail addresses that spammers could exploit. The FTC has already said it is technologically possible to create and secure the list. This is no longer a worry and one of the breakthroughs we made in the last few months that are allowing this legislation to come to the Senate floor.
In fact, we know that the database of addresses can be protected by military-caliber encryption so that its valuable contents will not fall into the wrong hands.
I want to take a few minutes to talk about the underlying bill and other amendments, and then I will get into mine.
First, I commend Senators Burns and Wyden for their long efforts on this bill. The bill will, for the first time, set minimum standards for all commercial e-mail. It will require all commercial mail to include valid return e-mail addresses and physical addresses of the sender. It must provide accurate header and router information. And most messages will be required to have an opt-out system.
It does not stop there. In addition to these provisions, it will take aim at the mass collection of e-mail addresses and the rampant fraud which, according to a report released by the FTC, is present in 66 percent of junk e-mail.
I am hopeful that we can add important criminal provisions to these civil measures. I know both my colleagues, including Senators McCain and Hollings, want to do that. I worked in the Judiciary Committee with Senators Hatch and Leahy on a bill that makes it clear that fraud and deception in e-mail will not be tolerated. And those who do not heed the warnings in this bill will face stiff punishment. These criminal provisions will outlaw some of the spammers' favorite tricks.
About our legislation as well, let me just say it is really important that we put in the registry, which, in my judgment, is the best way to get at spam. No system is foolproof and, as Mr. Morris of the FTC has said, no bill will solve all of the problems. But the registry is the most complete, comprehensive way to do it, combined with the criminal penalties that we are adding in the Hatch-Leahy-Schumer amendment.
The minute somebody spams someone on the Do Not Call list, there will be an immediate cause of action and criminal prosecution.
The good news is that since we know that a large amount of spam comes from a small amount of people, we can get after these few people. This legislation, as you know, gives the FTC 6 months to come back with a comprehensive proposal. We then get 3 months here to examine it to see if we want to change it, and then the FTC may implement it. I have received--and they have both verbalized this on the Senate floor-- assurances from Senators McCain and Hollings that if the FTC should decide they don't want to implement it, or come up with something that is unworkable, they will use their clout with the FTC to straighten things out and get this done. Otherwise, we in the Congress can respond.
I believe this amendment will allow, without any further action by Congress, as long as the House passes it and it stays in the bill--and I thank Senator McCain for assuring me that he will not even sign a conference report that doesn't have this amendment in it, and I know all of my colleagues are for this legislation. But once it passes the House and is signed into law, we set the road for a no-call registry. It is all downhill after that.
Within a year, it is my belief we will have that registry and, just as the no-call registry was a great success, I believe the no-spam registry will be a great success. It will take a little longer, it will be a little more difficult, but the same basic popularity and support that the American people have given the no-call registry, they will give, for sure, to the no-spam registry, and the combination of a good proposal that the FTC will have to send to us in 6 months and vigilant enforcement, plus the no-spam registry, plus the underlying base of the bill, will put a crimp, a real dent in spam.
Are we ever going to eliminate all spam? For sure not. But is this legislation, along with the amendment I am adding, going to be the toughest, best approach, and greatly curtail spam? Indeed. It is my belief that when we enter these portals a year from now, spam will have greatly decreased.
One of the great inventions of the 20th century, which is now sick and ailing, will be healthy and going full steam ahead. The bottom line is that this is a very fine day for those who use computers and e-mail and for American technology in general. It shows that we can all work together and get something done--get something done that the American people want.
I ask my colleagues to support this amendment and the underlying legislation. Let's finally do something about one of the greatest technological problems that we face right now in this country, the proliferation of spam.
With that, I yield the floor.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that we adopt the amendment and add it to the legislation.
Will my colleague yield?
I once again thank my colleague from Arizona for helping us with this list and his commitment in terms of keeping this in the conference and then making sure the FTC moves forward with this in every technological way possible. I very much appreciate it. As I mentioned before, the Senator is a true gentleman, a man of his word. We would not be here today without his good work.
I think the Senator from Arizona has the floor.
Madam President, I rise to commend the Senators who have brought this legislation forward and say how gracious they have been to me in working to address the seriousness of this issue of spam. Later…
Madam President, I rise to commend the Senators who have brought this legislation forward and say how gracious they have been to me in working to address the seriousness of this issue of spam. Later on, when Senator Leahy comes to the floor, I will have a colloquy with him about some of the provisions that are going to be submitted in the Hatch-Leahy-Nelson amendment.
In the meantime, I wanted to commend the Senator from Oregon for his leadership. I commend Senator Conrad Burns from Montana for his leadership. I commend the Senators for how they saw the problem. They saw it years ago, and they have been so persistent. Senator Wyden and Senator Burns kept after it. It is an idea whose time has come simply by virtue of the fact that people can hardly even use their e-mail now it is so cluttered up with unwanted messages.
I will be happy to yield.
Madam President, I thank Senator Hatch and Senator Leahy for working with me in their capacity as leaders of the Judiciary Committee in attaching some strong penalties on the most egregious kinds of spam.
Spam is clearly a nuisance, and it impedes the course of commerce. When you can't even use your computer because it is so cluttered up, that is one thing, but when spam is used for illicit purposes, such as child pornography, then that is another thing. That needs to be dealt with swiftly and severely.
By Senator Wyden and Senator Burns working with Senator Hatch and Senator Leahy, we have, as part of their amendment--and I think it is worth reading. This is a part of the amendment they will offer:
It is the sense of Congress that spam has become the method
of choice for those who distribute pornography and perpetrate
fraudulent schemes and also offers fertile ground for
deceptive trade practices;
And it is the sense of Congress that the Department of
Justice should use all existing law enforcement tools to
investigate and prosecute those who send bulk commercial e-
mail to facilitate the commission of Federal crimes,
including the tools contained in--
And it lists several chapters of the United States Code, one relating to fraud and false statements; another relating to obscenity; another relating to the sexual exploitation of children; and another relating to racketeering.
By the adoption of this amendment, we will strengthen the penalties and also give a directive to the United States Sentencing Commission, which is the normal course of action, that they shall consider sentencing enhancements for those convicted of other offenses, including offenses involving fraud, identity theft, obscenity, child pornography, and sexual exploitation of children, if those offenses involve the sending of large quantities of unsolicited e-mail.
Why is this so egregious? We know what a nuisance it is. One day, I went in my Tampa office to check the e-mail. We had a list of single- spaced e-mail over the last evening filling up--single space, one sheet of paper, all unsolicited. That was bad enough. But to a Senate office, two of them were pornographic. If that is happening to my Tampa Senate office, we can imagine
what is happening to the e-mail receipt of every consumer in America on their computer. It has to stop. This is an attempt to stop it.
Under the old laws, when we tried to protect against activities such as child pornography or taking advantage of senior citizens by some extortion or deceptive scheme to bilk them out of money, before we had e-mail, the criminal would send out 100, 150 letters to the unsuspecting victims on whom they were preying on child pornography or on fleecing senior citizens of their assets. That was 100, 150 letters. Now with the punch of a button, they can send out 150 million. So we see the insidious ability of a criminal mind to prey upon millions of people by the use of this very new and fantastic tool that we ought to be using for good, not for ill, and that is e-mail.
This Senator is very happy that this legislation is being considered, and we are now going to attach some tough penalties to it for these egregious types of activities.
I also commend the Senator from Arizona, the chairman of our committee, and the Senator from South Carolina, the ranking member of our committee, for being so vigilant in bringing this legislation to the floor.
Madam President, I yield the floor.
I encourage the adoption of this amendment. I am one of the cosponsors along with Senator Hatch and Senator Leahy. Let me state for the Record the essence of part of a colloquy between myself and Senator Leahy.
We have all been stunned by how pervasive spam has become in e-mail traffic. We have experienced the way the clogged inboxes, the unwanted solicitations, and the unwelcome pornographic material make a session on the computer less productive and less enjoyable.
I detailed earlier in my remarks the innumerable pornographic messages that come into my Senate office computer in my offices back in Florida. It is one of the top complaints I receive from my constituents. I am very pleased to be working with the Senators from Utah and Vermont to impose tough penalties on those who impose this garbage on others.
I am always concerned with the type of spam that goes beyond the mere nuisance variety. It is becoming clear with each passing month that many criminal enterprises have adopted spam as their method of choice for perpetrating criminal schemes. Spammers are now frequently perpetrating fraud to cheat people out of their savings, stealing people's identities, or trafficking in child pornography. What spam allows them to do is to conduct these criminal activities on a much broader scale at dramatically reduced costs. They can literally reach millions of people at the push of a button.
I have given the example in the old days that someone would use the mail to send out 100 or 150 letters. They would have nefarious schemes such as bilking senior citizens out of money or perpetrating child pornography. Now they do not send out 150 letters to do it. They punch a button and they are sending out 150 million e-mail messages perpetrating their schemes of fleecing senior citizens or perpetrating child pornography.
The colloquy I propose with Senator Leahy at his convenience would be to reinforce a ban--which is why I had originally introduced S. 1052-- in the Deceptive Unsolicited Bulk Electronic Mail Act. I introduced that with Senator Pryor. That is why I have sought, with the help of the Senator from Vermont and the Senator from Utah, to include provisions in this legislation that make it clear our intent to treat the use of spam to commit large-scale criminal activity as the organized crime that it is.
We do it in two ways. First, by working with the United States Sentencing Commission in the amendment being offered by the Senators toward enhanced sentences for those who use spam or other unsolicited bulk e-mail to commit fraud, identity theft, obscenity, child pornography, or the sexual exploitation of children.
Second, we make the seriousness of our intentions clear in this amendment by urging prosecutors to use all the tools at their disposal, including RICO, to bring down the criminal enterprises that are facilitated by the use of spam.
Specifically, we are talking about the RICO statute which not only comes
with some of the stiffest penalties in the Criminal Code but it allows for the seizure of assets of criminal organizations, it allows the prosecutors to go after the criminal enterprise, and it allows for civil suits brought by injured parties. It is tough enforcement like this that will help bring the worst of the spammers to their knees.
Mr. President, would the Senator from Vermont be willing to engage me in a colloquy?
Mr. President, I have been stunned, as have so many of my colleagues, by how pervasive spam has become in email traffic. We have all experienced the way clogged in-boxes, unwanted solicitations, and unwelcome pornographic material make a session on the computer less productive and less enjoyable. It is one of the top complaints that I receive from my constituents, and I am very pleased to be working with the Senators from Vermont and Utah to impose tough penalties on those who impose this garbage on others.
But I am also concerned with a type of spam that goes beyond the mere nuisance variety. It is becoming clearer with each passing month that many criminal enterprises have adopted spam as their method of choice for perpetrating their criminal schemes. Spammers are now frequently perpetrating fraud to cheat people out of their savings, stealing people's identities, or trafficking in child pornography. What spam allows them to do is to conduct these criminal activities on a much broader scale at dramatically reduced costs--they can literally reach millions of people at the push of a button.
The Senator from Vermont has provided an excellent example of the problem that we are trying to address. And that is why I have sought, with the help of the Senator from Vermont and the Senator from Utah, to include provisions in this legislation that make clear our intent to treat the use of spam to commit large- scale criminal activity as the organized crime that it is.
We do this in two ways: First, by working with the U.S. Sentencing Commission toward enhanced sentences for those who use spam or other unsolicited bulk email to commit fraud, identity theft, obscenity, child pornography, or the sexual exploitation of children.
Second, we make the seriousness of our intentions clear by urging prosecutors to use all tools at their disposal to bring down the criminal enterprises that are facilitated by the use of spam. Among other things, we are talking about the RICO statute, which not only comes with some of the stiffest penalties in the criminal code, but also allows for the seizure of the assets of criminal organizations, and for civil suits brought by injured parties. It is tough enforcement like this that will help bring the worst of the spammers to their knees.
I thank the Senator from Vermont for his outstanding leadership on this issue, and for his cooperation in including my amendments in the legislation.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce two pieces of legislation that will improve the lives of our Nation's fishermen who are struggling to make a living on the sea. Fishing is more than just a…
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce two pieces of legislation that will improve the lives of our Nation's fishermen who are struggling to make a living on the sea.
Fishing is more than just a profession in New England. Fishing is a culture and a way of life. This way of life is being threatened, however, by excessive regulation and unnecessary litigation. Despite scientific evidence of a rebound in fish stocks, New England's fishermen are suffering under ever more burdensome restrictions. Everyday, I hear from fishermen who struggle to support their families because they have been deprived of their right to make an honest living on the seas. The ``working waterfronts'' of our communities are in danger if disappearing, likely to be replaced by development. When that happens, a part of Maine's heritage is lost forever.
Today, I am introducing a package of amendments to the Magnuson- Stevens Act that will deliver a resource management strategy that is balanced, responsive, and sensible. It recognizes the fishermen's strong commitment to conserving the stocks, and acknowledges fishermen as partners in fisheries management.
The Fisheries Science and Management Improvement Act of 2003 will address much needed improvements in the science and regulatory standards of fisheries management. The Nation's fisheries management system, as it is currently designed, is broken. If anyone doubts this is the case, I want to point out that more than 100 lawsuits are currently pending against the Department of Commerce involving fisheries management plans.
Litigation is no way to manage one of our Nation's most important ecological and economic resources. The fact is, the courts are simply not well-suited to making biological and regulatory decisions. Fisheries management is best left to those who know the subject best: the fishermen, scientists, and regulators working together cooperatively.
No one in the country knows this better than New England groundfishermen. Over the last two years, a court case has thrown New England's groundfishing industry into a crisis. The case ended when a Federal judge ordered severe restrictions on groundfishing, including a 20-percent
cut in Days-at-Sea. The effect of this court order has been simply catastrophic for New England's groundfishing industry--an industry made up of small, independently-owned, and often family-owned, businesses.
These severe restrictions were ordered despite the fact that the science clearly demonstrates that the biomass for New England groundfish has increased every year since 1996. If the biomass is increasing, and the stock is clearly rebuilding, it makes no sense to enforce an arbitrarily structured and unscientifically based timeframe on the rebuilding process. This is especially true when the survival of a culture is at stake.
My legislation would inject consistency and common-sense standards into the fisheries management process: it addresses the importance of solid and reliable science in fisheries management. It strengthens the definition of ``best scientific information available'' and requires scientific data, including all stock assessments, to be peer-reviewed and to include the consideration of anecdotal information gathered from the people who know fishing best--the fishermen themselves. My bill ensures that the process of rebuilding stocks is based on rational and comprehensive science. Under current law, when fisheries are classified as overfished, the Councils are required to implement rebuilding plans to attain a historic high level of abundance within ten years, regardless of whether or not the current state of the marine environment can sustain such an abundance level. My bill redefines the concept of ``overfishing'' to take into consideration natural fluctuations in the marine environment. It also eliminates the ten-year rebuilding requirement--a requirement that has no foundation in science--and requires rebuilding periods to take into consideration the biology of the fish stock and the economic impact on fishing communities.
The legislation also addresses problems with the current conception of Essential Fish Habitat. Currently, the entire Exclusive Economic Zone has been defined as Essential Fish Habitat instead of more discrete units of habitat as originally conceived. Further, current law allows the Councils to regulate the impacts of fishing activity on Essential Fish Habitat, while the Councils cannot regulate other commercial activities--such as mining and coastal development and the laying of telecommunications cables--that affect these areas. My bill focuses the management of these areas on ``Habitat Areas of Particular Concern''--more discrete units of fish habitat that are more consistent with the congressional intent behind the Essential Fish Habitat concept.
My proposal treats the fishing industry as a legitimate interest in fisheries management by acknowledging the important role that commercial fishing plays in food security and healthy food consumption. My bill also ensures that the cumulative economic and social impacts of fisheries management decisions are considered, rather than assessed in isolation from one another.
Finally, the legislation would reduce the litigation burden on the fisheries management system. My proposal ensures that fishery management plans are pre-determined to be compliant with NEPA requirements, thereby preventing NEPA law from being used in an incorrect way to regulate fisheries. It would still require fishery management plans to meet all the other conservation provisions, including those governing rebuilding of overfished stocks, set out in the law. The Nation's Councils have asked for this protection from lawsuits so they may resume their proper role as a regulatory body.
I want to acknowledge the important role that my colleagues Senators Snowe and Kerry, Chair and Ranking Member of the Oceans and Fisheries Subcommittee, are playing in addressing the problems of Magnuson- Stevens. My hope is that my proposal will help propel a discussion in the upcoming months as their committee moves forward with their own ideas.
The second piece of legislation I am offering is the Commercial Fishermen Safety Act of 2003, a bill to help fishermen purchase the life-saving safety equipment they need to survive when disaster strikes. I am pleased to be joined by my good friend from Massachusetts, Senator Kerry, in introducing this legislation. Senator Kerry has been a leader in the effort to sustain our fisheries and to maintain the proud fishing tradition that exists in his state and throughout the country.
The release of the movie The Perfect Storm provided millions of Americans with a glimpse of the challenges and dangers associated with earning a living in the fishing industry. While based on a true story, the movie merely scratches the surface of what it is like to be a modern-day fisherman. Everyday, members of our fishing communities struggle to cope with the pressures of running a small business, complying with extensive regulations, and maintaining their vessels and equipment. Added to these challenges are the dangers associated with fishing, where disaster can strike in conditions that are far less extreme than those depicted by the movie.
Year-in and year-out, commercial fishing is among the nation's most dangerous occupations. According to data compiled by the Coast Guard and the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 536 fishermen have lost their lives at sea since 1994. In fact, with an annual fatality rate of about 150 deaths per 100,000 workers, fishing is 30 times more dangerous than the average occupation.
The year 2000 will always be remembered in Maine's fishing communities as a year marked by tragedy. All told, nine commercial fishermen lost their lives off the coast of Maine in the year 2000, exceeding the combined casualties of the three previous years.
Yet as tragic as the year was, it could have been worse. Heroic acts by the Coast Guard and other fishermen resulted in the rescue of 13 commercial fishermen off the coast of Maine in the year 2000. In most of these circumstances, these fishermen were returned to their families because they had access to safety equipment that made the difference between life and death.
Coast Guard regulations require all fishing vessels to carry safety equipment. The requirements vary depending on factors such as the size of the vessel, the temperature of the water, and the distance the vessel travels from shore to fish.
When an emergency arises, safety equipment is priceless. At all other times, the cost of purchasing or maintaining this equipment must compete with other expenses such as loan payments, fuel, wages, maintenance, and insurance. Meeting all of these obligations is made more difficult by a regulatory framework that uses measures such as trip limits, days at sea, and gear alterations to manage our marine resources.
The Commercial Fishermen Safety Act of 2003 lends a hand to fishermen attempting to prepare in case disaster strikes. My bill provides a tax credit equal to 75 percent of the amount paid by fishermen to purchase or maintain required safety equipment. The tax credit is capped at $1500. Items such as EPIRBs and immersion suits cost hundreds of dollars, while life rafts can reach into the thousands. The tax credit will make life-saving equipment more affordable for more fishermen, who currently face limited options under the federal tax code.
I believe these two bills will assist our Nation's fishermen as they struggle to make their living on the seas. Fishing is a legitimate profession that deserves to be treated with the common-sense and consistency that we treat other professions. The legislation I am introducing gives these communities the tools they need to safely make their living in a way that still protects the resource.
Mr. President, I rise today with my colleagues Senator DeWine, Senator Feinstein, Senator Schumer, Senator Reed, Senator Mikulski, Senator Corzine, and Senator Levin to reintroduce the…
Mr. President, I rise today with my colleagues Senator DeWine, Senator Feinstein, Senator Schumer, Senator Reed, Senator Mikulski, Senator Corzine, and Senator Levin to reintroduce the ``Technological Resource to Assist Criminal Enforcement'' ``TRACE'' Act, a bill to require ballistics testing of all firearms manufactured or imported in the United States.
The science of ballistics testing has given police the ability to solve multiple crimes simply by comparing bullets and shell casings found at the scene of a crime to a gun seized in a seemingly unrelated incident. This comparison is possible because every gun has a unique ``fingerprint'' it leaves on spent shell casings and bullets after it is fired. Just as human fingerprints can be grouped into general classifications such as loops and whorls, but still possess individual characteristics and then analyzed for its unique characteristics, firearms evidence can be similarly grouped and then analyzed by trained technicians for unique identifying characteristics.
Let me explain more specifically how this technology works. Today, ballistics technology equipment allows firearms technicians to acquire digital images of the images of the markings made by a firearm on bullets and cartridge casings; the images then undergo an automated initial comparison. If a high confidence match emerges, experts compare the original evidence to confirm a match. Once a match is found, law enforcement can begin tracing that weapon from its original sale to the person who used it to commit the crime.
Microscopic comparison of bullets and shell casings has been in practice for many years, even before formal databases were established. However, in the past 15 years, through the use of computer databases, ballistics technology described above has developed into a systematic tool for law enforcement to solve gun crimes. Since the early 1990's, more than 250 crime labs and law enforcement agencies in more than 40 States have been operating independent ballistics systems maintained by either the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives ``ATFE'', or the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Together, ATFE's Integrated Ballistics Identification System, ``IBIS'', and the FBI's DRUGFIRE system have been responsible for linking 5,700 guns to two or more crimes where corroborating evidence was otherwise lacking. These links have helped law enforcement and prosecutors bring thousands of dangerous criminals to justice.
Never before have the tremendous law enforcement benefits of ballistics testing been so apparent. I would like to take the opportunity to describe a few instances where ballistics technology helped solve otherwise unsolvable crimes.
Last fall, law enforcement officials used ballistics testing to match the bullets and shell casings found at the scenes of the sniper shootings in the Nation's Capital region, and later to other deadly shootings across the country. The bullets and casings were also linked to the gun that the accused assailants had in their possession when they were arrested. This ballistics information has provided vital evidence to prosecutors and will help keep the snipers behind bars.
In another example, the only evidence at the scene of a brutal homicide in Milwaukee was 9 millimeter cartridge casings--there were no other clues. But 4 months later, when a teenage male was arrested on an unrelated charge, he was found to be in possession of the firearm that had discharged those casings. Ballistics linked the two cases. Prosecutors successfully prosecuted three adult suspects for the homicide and convicted the teen in juvenile court.
On September 9, 2000, several suspects were arrested in Boston for the illegal possession of three handguns. Each of the guns was test fired, and the ballistics information was compared to evidence found at other crime scenes. The police quickly found that the three guns were used in the commission of 15 felonies in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. This routine arrest for illegal possession of firearms provided police with new leads in the investigation of 15 unsolved crimes. Without the ballistics testing, these crimes would not have been linked and might have never been solved.
As you can see, ballistics technology helps law enforcement exponentially in their efforts to solve gun crimes. But while success stories are increasingly frequent, the full potential of ballistics
testing is still untapped. One way that the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives is making ballistics testing more accessible to state and local law enforcement is through the installation of a new network of ballistics imaging machines. The final introduction of the machines across the country is almost complete and, once it is, the computers will be able to access each other and search for a greater number of images. The National Integrated Ballistics Information Network, better know as ``NIBIN,'' will be a regional network of databases that will permit law enforcement in one locality access to information stored in other gun crime databases around the entire country. According to the ATFE, ``the NIBIN program is a key element to ATFE's efforts [to remove violent offenders from America's streets].''
But ballistics testing is only as useful as the number of images in the database. Today, almost all jurisdictions are limited to images of bullets and cartridge casings that come from guns used in crimes. The TRACE Act would dramatically expand the scope of that database by mandating that all guns manufactured or imported be test fired before being placed into the stream of commerce. The images collected from the test firing would then be collected and accessible to law enforcement-- and law enforcement only--for the purpose of investigating and prosecuting gun crimes.
Recently, studies done about ballistics testing and ballistics databases have been in the news. Concern has been expressed by some about the size and practicality of a large database. However, it is important to point out that this bill would merely expand upon the existing network of 16 multi-state regional databases, rather than create a single large national database. In addition, accusations that systems would be log-jammed with too many entries has been refuted by ATFE ballistics experts. Since its inception, the speed and efficiency of ballistics databases has substantially increased. For example, from 1994 to 1999 the IBIS correlation speed for cartridge casings dropped from 35 seconds to 1.7 seconds, and correlation speed for bullets dropped from 4 seconds to 0.3 seconds. The conversion to NIBIN is expected to yield an even faster return of correlation results, regardless of an increase in entries.
Of course no investigative tool is perfect or effective in every single situation, not even fingerprints. However, ATFE maintains that the availability of an open-case file of many thousands of exhibits, searchable within minutes, provides invaluable information to law enforcement authorities. TRACE would enhance the current ballistics databases by giving federal, state, and local law enforcement access to even more evidence that will help them solve more gun crimes and make our communities safer.
Today, police can find out more about a human being than they can about a gun used in a crime. Law enforcement can use DNA testing, take fingerprints and blood samples, search a person's health records, peruse bank records and credit card statements, obtain phone records and get a list of book purchases to link a suspect to a crime. Yet, the bullets found at the scene of a crime often cannot be traced back to the gun used because our ballistics images database is not comprehensive. Many of those on the front lines of the fight against crime are in favor of ballistics testing. In fact, in my home state of Wisconsin, over 75 percent of police chiefs surveyed are supportive of the use of ballistics technology.
The burden on manufacturers is minimal--we authorize funds to underwrite the cost of testing--and the assistance to law enforcement is considerable. And don't take our word for it, ask the gun manufacturers and the police. Listen to what Paul Januzzo, the vice- president of the gun manufacturer Glock, said in reference to ballistics testing, ``Our mantra has been that the issue is crime control, not gun control . . . it would be two-faced of us not to want this.'' In their agreement with the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Smith & Wesson agreed to perform ballistics testing on all new handguns. And Ben Wilson, the chief of the firearms section at ATFE, emphasized the importance of ballistics testing as a investigative device, ``This [ballistics] allows you literally to find a needle in a haystack.''
To be sure, we are sensitive to the notion that law abiding hunters and sportsmen need to be protected from any misuse of the ballistics database by government. The TRACE Act explicitly prohibits ballistics information from being used for any purpose unless it is necessary for the investigation of a gun crime.
The TRACE Act will enhance a revolutionary new technology that helps solve crime. The technology is becoming more and more advanced to accommodate high volume-usage, and it is expected to continue to get better and better. Ballistics testing will help solve more gun crimes, prosecute more criminals, and ensure that more communities are protected from violence. TRACE is a worthwhile piece of crime control legislation and I hope that the Senate will move quickly to pass it.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am sending to the desk a bill by myself and Senator Miller to amend the IRS Code. It is a bill to provide jobs and economic growth for our country. Mr. President, this bill…
Mr. President, today I am sending to the desk a bill by myself and Senator Miller to amend the IRS Code. It is a bill to provide jobs and economic growth for our country.
Mr. President, this bill Senator Miller and I are introducing is the President's economic and growth package. This is a package the President has put together that would help American families. This is a package that is profamilial and progrowth. It is a bill that will create jobs. It is a bill that will create an incentive to invest. It is a bill to eliminate unfair punitive taxes on corporate earnings that are distributed to the owners of the corporation. It is a bill that will help stimulate and grow our economy.
I compliment the President for his work in proposing this. I am happy to introduce it. Let me talk about a couple of the provisions of the bill.
This bill will expand the 10-percent bracket. This is to help people of all incomes. But the lowest income people will be the true beneficiaries of this package. It will accelerate reductions in the individual income tax rates that were passed in 2001. You might remember the 2001 tax bill that we passed which had individual rate reductions phased in over the years. There was a 1 percent reduction in most of the rates in 2004, and another percent reduction in 2006. These are accelerated to 2003.
It means that the maximum personal income tax bracket would be 35 percent instead of the present 38.6 percent. It means that individuals would not have to pay taxes at rates greater than corporations. The bulk of the benefit of this will come to individuals who are self- employed, individuals who are sole proprietors, and individuals who own or operate their own business. They will receive the bulk of the benefit of this rate reduction. Some people may want to demagog some of the estimates that benefit primarily the wealthy. I disagree.
We also might keep in perspective that when President Clinton was elected, the maximum rate was 31 percent. He increased it to 39.4 percent. When we totally implement President Bush's tax reduction, the maximum rate will be 35 percent, which is still significantly higher than the 31 percent just 10 years ago.
The President's proposal that we are introducing today would also accelerate the reduction in the marriage penalty. This is a very big item to help married couples reduce their taxes. The net impact of this is it would double the 15-percent bracket that individuals have for couples.
To give you an example, individuals presently pay 15 percent, I believe, on income up to about $28,000. But couples have to start paying a 28-percent or 27-percent bracket when they have income above $47,000. We say that instead of paying 27 percent for taxable income above $47,000, no, that should be double the individual amount. So couples don't have to pay above the 15-percent bracket unless their income exceeds $56,000.
It is not very complicated. Couples should have for the 15-percent bracket twice what individuals have. Individuals pay 15 percent up to $28,000. So we doubled that amount for couples. The net impact of that is you pay 15 percent instead of 27 percent for a total of about $9,000. It saves couples a total of $1,022. If the couples have two children, they would get additional child credit. We increase the child credit, which is presently $600, to $1,000. That is an increase of $400 per child. If you have two children, that is $800 of tax credit--not deductions, tax credit. It reduces your tax bill by $800.
If you have a taxable income of $56,000, you also get the $1,122 of marriage penalty relief. You get $100 savings from the 10-percent bracket expansion. Total tax relief for a family that has taxable income of $56,800 totals over $2,000. Actually, it is $2,022. That is about a 22-percent tax cut for middle-income families. That will help thousands--millions--of families all across the country.
Also, this bill would eliminate the double taxation on corporate earnings. Presently, in the United States, unfortunately, unbelievably, we tax corporate earnings that are distributed to the owners more than almost any other country in the world. Only one country, Japan, taxes corporate earnings distributed to the owners higher than the United States.
Our combined tax rate of 35 percent corporate and the individual tax percentage, depending on the individual's income tax bracket--it could be 15 percent, it could be 30 percent, it could be 38.6 percent--if you add the 38.6 percent plus the 35 percent, it is over 70 percent. If it is 30 percent for the individual rate, and the corporation rate is 35, it is 65 percent. So for a corporation that makes $1,000 and wants to distribute that to the owners, the Federal Government gets 65 percent; and the beneficiary, the owner of the company, gets 35 percent. That is absurd. That is embarrassing. That is indefensible. And countless people--economists, the President, candidates and others--said we should eliminate this unfair double taxation of dividends.
The President has come up with a proposal to do that. I am happy to introduce it for him. I urge my colleagues--before they demagog it, before they castigate it--to look at the facts.
Does it really make sense for us to be taxing corporate distributions to all owners--incidently, the majority of owners are senior citizens-- does it really make sense for us to be taxing these proceeds higher than any other country in the world but one? It makes no sense.
Does it really make sense to have the Tax Code skewed to where it really is beneficial to go into debt because you can expense your interest expense? But, oh, yes, if you go the equity route, you have to pay taxes on anything that is generated in the company. And the individual who receives the benefits pays taxes, so the Government gets two-thirds of the money, two-thirds of the distribution. That does not make sense. It discourages investment. It encourages debt. Not a good corporate policy.
Present law encourages a lot of corporate shenanigans and corporate games trying to get around taxes when they realize that such a great percentage of the distribution to owners is going to be paid in taxes-- ``Let's figure out other ways.'' Maybe they do it through bonuses, but they might do it through all kinds of schemes. And we have seen some of those.
This would be great corporate reform, very positive, well-needed reform, and long overdue--long overdue.
In this package that the President has proposed, it also has something I am very much in favor of: expensing for small business. I used to have a small business. But it triples the amount a small businessperson can expense from $25,000 to $75,000. In other words, if they write a check for that amount, they can expense it in the year that the check is written. That
will greatly encourage investment because they get to recoup the investment that is made in the same year the check is written--a very positive, progrowth proposal. Most jobs are created in small businesses, and this is a good, positive small business provision that will create jobs.
So we reduce taxes on business owners, sole proprietors. They would not have to pay taxes more than corporations. We would reduce taxes on married couples. We would discontinue the present policy of penalizing them for being married and filing joint returns. We would allow them to keep more of their own money. We would allow them to keep more of their own money if they have kids.
Certainly, if you have kids, it costs a lot of money to raise them. We say you should have a $1,000 tax credit per child. So for every child you have, you get to save $1,000 in taxes. I have four kids, so that is $4,000 per year. A couple with four kids would get to save $4,000 per year. That is significant. That is profamily. That is positive. That allows people who really need the money raising families to keep it.
One, we eliminate the marriage penalty, and, two, we allow them to keep more for their own kids. Very significant benefits. When you add all the benefits together, it really makes the income tax even more progressive.
The upper income groups would still pay a greater percentage of income tax, even after we pass this proposal. I can just envision people saying: Well, this is class warfare. I hope they do not play those arguments because this is very family friendly and also investment friendly and will create jobs.
We need to do some things. Revenues have been declining for the last 2 years. We need to figure out ways to get revenues to grow. That means a growing economy. It means the stock market needs to move up instead of down.
This proposal will do that. This proposal is investment friendly. And the main beneficiaries will not be just the owners, it will be the people who get a job because the investment was not going to be made without it.
So let's do some things that will create an incentive for investment, for expensing, for people to go to work, and for people who are working to be able to keep more of their own money so they can take care of their families.
That is what the President's proposal is all about. So I am delighted to introduce this today with my colleague and friend, Senator Zell Miller of Georgia.
I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record two charts to further explain the breakout of this proposal.
I urge my colleagues to seriously consider this proposal. And I welcome their support of it.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, today I am introducing important legislation to affirm Federal jurisdiction over the waters of the United States. I am pleased to have three members of the Environment and Public Works…
Mr. President, today I am introducing important legislation to affirm Federal jurisdiction over the waters of the United States. I am pleased to have three members of the Environment and Public Works Committee, the Senator from California, Mrs. Boxer, the Senator from Vermont, Mr. Jeffords, and the Senator from Connecticut, Mr. Lieberman, as original cosponsors of this bill.
In the U.S. Supreme Court's January 2001 decision, Solid Waste Agency of Northern Cook County versus the Army Corps of Engineers, a 5 to 4 majority limited the authority of Federal agencies to use the so-called migratory bird rule as the basis for asserting Clean Water Act jurisdiction over non-navigable, intrastate, isolated wetlands, streams, ponds, and other bodies of water.
This decision, known as the SWANCC decision, means that the Environmental Protection Agency and Army Corps of Engineers can no longer enforce Federal Clean Water Act protection mechanisms to protect a waterway solely on the basis that it is used as habitat for migratory birds.
In its discussion of the case, the Court went beyond the issue of the migratory bird rule and questioned whether Congress intended the Clean Water Act to provide protection for isolated ponds, streams, wetlands and other waters, as it had been interpreted to provide for most of the last 30 years. While not the legal holding of the case, the Court's discussion has resulted in a wide variety of interpretations by EPA and Corps officials that jeopardize protection for wetlands, and other waters.
The wetlands at risk include prairie potholes and bogs, familiar to many in Wisconsin, and many other types of wetlands.
In effect, the Court's decision removed much of the Clean Water Act protection for between 30 percent to 60 percent of the Nation's wetlands. An estimate from my home state of Wisconsin suggested that more than 60 percent of the wetlands in my state lost federal protection. Wisconsin is not alone. The National Association of State Wetland Managers has been collecting data from states across the country. For example, Nebraska estimates that it will lose protection for more than 40 percent of its wetlands. Indiana estimates they will lose 31 percent of total wetland acreage and 74 percent of the total number of wetlands. Delaware estimates the loss of protection for 33 percent or more of their freshwater wetlands.
These wetlands absorb floodwaters, prevent pollution from reaching our rivers and streams, and provide crucial habitat for most of the nations ducks and other waterfowl, as well as hundreds of other bird, fish, shellfish and amphibian species. Loss of these waters would have a devastating effect on our environment.
In addition, by narrowing the water and wetland areas subject to Federal regulation, the decision also shifts more of the economic burden for regulating wetlands to State and local governments. My home State of Wisconsin has passed legislation to assume the regulation of isolated waters, but many other States have not. This patchwork of regulation means that the standards for protection of wetlands nationwide is unclear, confusing, and jeopardizes the migratory birds and other wildlife that depend on these wetlands.
Since 2001, the confusion over the interpretation of the SWANCC decision is growing. On January 15, 2003, the EPA and Army Corps of Engineers published in the Federal Register an Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking raising questions about the jurisdiction of the Clean Water Act. Simultaneously, they released a guidance memo to their field staff regarding Clean Water Act jurisdiction.
The agencies claim these actions are necessary because of the SWANCC case. But both the guidance memo and the proposed rulemaking go far beyond the holding in SWANCC. The guidance took effect right away and has had an immediate impact. It tells the Corps and EPA staff to stop asserting jurisdiction over isolated waters without first obtaining permission from headquarters. Based on this guidance, waters that the EPA and Corps judge to be outside the Clean Water Act can be filled, dredged, and polluted without a permit or any other long-standing Clean Water Act safeguard.
The rulemaking announces the Administration's intention to consider even broader changes to Clean Water Act coverage for our waters. Specifically, the agencies are questioning whether there is any basis for asserting Clean Water Act jurisdiction over additional waters, like intermittent streams. The possibility for a redefinition of our waters is troubling because there is only one definition of the term ``water'' in the Clean Water Act. The wetlands program, the point source program which stops the dumping of pollution, and the non-point program governing polluted runoff all depend on this definition.
If we don't protect a category of waters from being filled under the wetlands program, we also fail to protect them from having trash or raw sewage dumped in them, or having other activities that violate the Clean Water Act conducted in them as well.
Congress needs to re-establish the common understanding of the Clean Water Act's jurisdiction to protect all waters of the U.S.--the understanding that Congress held when the Act was adopted in 1972--as reflected in the law, legislative history, and longstanding regulations, practice, and judicial interpretations prior to the SWANCC decision.
The proposed legislation does three things, and it is a very simple bill. It adopts a statutory definition of ``waters of the United States'' based on a longstanding definition of waters in the EPA and Corps of Engineers' regulations. Second, it deletes the term navigable from the Act to clarify that Congress's primary concern in 1972 was to protect the nation's waters from pollution, rather than just sustain the navigability of waterways, and to reinforce that original intent. Finally, it includes a set of findings that explain the factual basis for Congress to assert its constitutional authority over waters and wetlands on all relevant Constitutional grounds, including the Commerce Clause, the Property Clause, the Treaty Clause, and Necessary and Proper Clause.
In conclusion, I am very pleased to have the support of so many environmental and conservation groups, and well as organizations that represent those who regulate and manage our country's wetlands, such as: the Natural Resources Defense Council, Earthjustice, the National Wildlife Federation, Sierra Club, American Rivers, the National Audubon Society, U.S. Public Interest Research Group, Defenders of Wildlife, the Ocean Conservancy, Trout Unlimited, the Izaac Walton League, and the Association of State Floodplain Managers. They know, as I do, that we need to re-affirm the federal government's role in protecting our water. This legislation is a first step in doing just that.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation on behalf of Wisconsin's seniors and taxpayers whose wallets are being gauged by certain pharmaceutical companies. My legislation is in response to certain pharmaceutical companies' decision to target seniors who are crossing into Canada to get more affordable prescription drugs for their own use.
If these pharmaceutical companies are going to price gauge seniors's wallets, they don't deserve the taxpayers' support.
A growing number of American seniors are obtaining their prescription drugs from Canada for personal use.
Unfortunately, many of these seniors who are crossing the boarder to access more affordable prescription drugs for their personal use are being targeted by the very pharmaceutical companies that receive millions in tax breaks.
I recently received a call from seniors in my state that Glaxo Smith Klein had decided to stop supplying Canadian pharmacies that resell its drugs to Americans, thereby preventing them from receiving the same benefits these pharmacies provide to Canadians.
The Seniors in my State were not the only ones who took notice of this action. On February 21st of this month, Seniors groups from 12 States, including Wisconsin, sent Glaxo a message by launching a boycott of nonprescription products of Glaxo-Smith-Kline.
Congress should also send all pharmaceutical companies a message that this practice simply is unacceptable.
I think the single most important step we can take is to modernize Medicare and make it better is to eliminate the current inequities in the Medicare system and provide the prescription drug coverage senior citizens need.
At the same time Congress should pass legislation, that Senators Schumer, McCain, and I introduced that would bring lower-cost generic drugs to the market faster and lower the cost of prescription drugs by $60 billion.
Until we pass a comprehensive prescription drug benefit, we must ensure that seniors are not targeted by pharmaceutical companies. If these drug companies actively discriminate against American seniors, we should not provide them tax breaks.
That's why my legislation would deny tax breaks to drug companies who discriminate against Canadian pharmacies that provide Americans the same discount that they provide to Canadians.
I urge my colleagues to join me in cosponsoring this legislation.
Mr. President, I rise today with my friend Senator Kennedy to introduce the ``Senator Paul Wellstone Mental Health Equitable Treatment Act of 2003.'' I have mixed emotions today, because, while we…
Mr. President, I rise today with my friend Senator Kennedy to introduce the ``Senator Paul Wellstone Mental Health Equitable Treatment Act of 2003.''
I have mixed emotions today, because, while we are once again fighting for parity, my long time partner, Paul Wellstone is not standing across the aisle from me. Unfortunately, my colleagues are to aware of Senator Wellstone's tragic passing last year. So, while I feel a profound sense of sadness, I also have a renewed determination to win a parity victory for the millions of Americans affected by these dreaded diseases.
The time has come to end this blatant pattern of discrimination against people merely because they suffer from a mental illness. The human brain is the organ of the mind and just like the other organs of our body, it is subject to illness. And just as we must treat illnesses to our other organs, we must also treat illnesses of the brain.
Building upon that, I would ask the following question: what if forty years ago our Nation had decided to exclude heart disease from health insurance coverage? Think about some of the wonderful things we would not be doing today like angioplasty, bypasses, and valve replacements and the millions of people helped because insurance covers these procedures.
I would submit these medical advances have occurred because insurance dollars have followed the patient through the health care system. The presence of insurance dollars has provided an enticing incentive to treat those individuals suffering from heart disease. But sadly, those suffering from a mental illness do not enjoy those same benefits of treatment and medical advances because all too often insurance discriminates against illnesses of the brain.
Individuals suffering from a mental illness face this discrimination even though medical science is in an era where we can accurately diagnosis mental illnesses and treat those afflicted so they can be productive. I simply do not understand, why with this evidence would we not cover these individuals and treat their illnesses like any other disease? There simply should not be a difference in the coverage provided by insurance companies for mental health benefits and medical benefits, merely because an individual suffers from a mental illness.
The introduction of our Bill marks a historic opportunity for us to take the next step towards mental health parity. The timing of our Bill is even more important because the second consecutive one year extension of the landmark Mental Health Parity Act of 1996 will sunset later this year.
As my colleagues know, this is an issue I have a long involvement with
and I would like to begin with a few observations.
I believe that we have made great strides in providing parity for the coverage of mental illness. However, mental illness continues to exact a heavy toll on many, many lives.
Even though we know so much more about mental illness, it can still bring devastating consequences to those it touches; their families, their friends, and their loved ones. These individuals and families not only deal with the societal prejudices and suspicions hanging on from the past, but they also must contend with unequal insurance coverage.
I would submit the Mental Health Parity Act of 1996 is a good first start, but the Act is also not working. While there may adherence to the letter of the law, there are certainly violations of the spirit of the law. For instance, ways are being found around the law by placing limits on the number of covered hospital days and outpatient visits.
That is why I believe it is time for a change.
Some will immediately say we cannot afford it or that inclusion of this treatment will cost too much. But, the facts simply do not support that conclusion. First, I would direct them to the Congressional Budget Office's, CBO, score of the bill. CBO scored the cost of the bill as 0.9 percent or less than one percent. Second, I would point out the Mental Health Parity Act of 1996 contains a provision allowing companies to no longer comply with the law if their costs increase by more than one percent. And do you know how many companies have opted out because their costs have increased by more than one percent? Less than ten companies throughout our entire country.
With that in mind I would like to share a couple of facts about mental illness with my colleagues: within the developed world, including the United States, 4 of the 10 leading causes of disability for individuals over the age of five are mental disorders; in the order of prevalence the disorders are major depression, schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and obsessive compulsive disorder; one in every five people--more than 40 million adults--in this Nation will be afflicted by some type of mental illness; and schizophrenia alone is 50 times more common than cystic fibrosis, 60 times more common than muscular dystrophy and will strike between 2 and 3 million Americans.
Let us also look at the efficacy of treatment for individuals suffering from certain mental illnesses, especially when compared with the success rates of treatments for other physical ailments. For a long time, many who are in this field--especially on the insurance side-- have behaved as if you get far better results for angioplasty than you do for treatments for bipolar illness.
Treatment for bipolar disorders--that is, those disorders characterized by extreme lows and extreme highs--have an 80 percent success rate if you get treatment, both medicine and care. Schizophrenia, the most dreaded of mental illnesses, has a 60-percent success rate in the United States today if treated properly. Major depression has a 65 percent success rate.
Let's compare those success rates to several important surgical procedures that everybody thinks we ought to be doing: Angioplasty has a 41-percent success rate and Atherectomy has a 52-percent success rate.
I would now like to take a minute to discuss the Senator Paul Wellstone Mental Health Equitable Treatment Act of 2003. The Bill seeks a very simple goal: provide the same mental health benefits already enjoyed by Federal employees.
The Bill is modeled after the mental health benefits provided through the Federal Employees Health Benefits Program, FEHBP, and expands the Mental Health Parity Act of 1996 to prohibit a group health plan from imposing treatment limitations or financial requirements on the coverage of mental health benefits unless comparable limitations are imposed on medical and surgical benefits.
Our Bill provides full parity for all categories of mental health conditions listed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition, DSM IV, with coverage being contingent on the mental health condition being included in an authorized treatment plan, the treatment plan is in accordance with standard protocols, and the treatment plan meets medical necessity determination criteria.
Like the Mental Health Parity Act of 1996, the Bill does not require a health plan to provide coverage for alcohol and substance abuse benefits. Moreover, the Bill does not mandate the coverage of mental health benefits, but rather the Bill only applies if the plan already provides coverage for mental health benefits.
In conclusion, the Bill provides mental heath benefits on par with those already enjoyed by Federal employees and members of Congress and I would urge my colleagues to support this important piece of legislation.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the Bill be printed in the Record.
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Mr. President, I have been watching. Everybody is pretty much congratulating everybody else. Let me add my congratulations. This is an important issue. There are some serious people who have done…
Mr. President, I have been watching. Everybody is pretty much congratulating everybody else. Let me add my congratulations. This is an important issue. There are some serious people who have done serious work on this matter.
I don't know where the word spam came from. I suspect someone has described that today. It is a luncheon meat in northern Minnesota in our region of the country. But spam is a term used to describe those unsolicited messages that are sent into your computer. It has become much more than just a nuisance. It was not too long ago, perhaps even a year or two, these unsolicited notices you receive through e-mail and other devices were a nuisance. Now it is a very serious problem. Log on to your computer and see what happens. You have intruders in that computer, and they are flagging for you gambling sites and dating sites and pornography, virtually everything. Go to your e-mail and find out how many unsolicited e-mails you have had. You have more friends than you thought you had. Dozens and dozens of people and groups are writing to you. Most of them, of course, are pornographic, and they are unsolicited kinds of messages you wouldn't want to explore, nor would you want your family to explore.
If this afternoon someone drove up in front of your house with a truck and knocked on the front door and said: I have some actors in the back of this truck of mine, and we want to come into your home because we know you have a 10-year-old and a 12-year-old child, we would like to put on a show for you, it is going to be a pornographic sex show, you would go to the phone and call the police. The police would come and arrest them, and they would be prosecuted. Yet there are people who come into our homes and put on these pornographic sex shows through the computer--yes, to
unsuspecting children. Yes, it happens all the time. We know it. That is why we are trying to determine what can we do to stop it.
There is a right of free speech, but no stranger has a right to entertain 10-year-old kids in your home or our home with pornography. No stranger has that right. That does not exist as a right of free speech.
The question is, what kind of legislation can we craft that addresses this in a serious way. There is so much spam on the Internet. I am describing pornography, but there are so many commercial and other devices with unsolicited messages that it almost completely overwhelms the use of e-mail. It clogs the arteries of commerce for which the Internet and e-mail have been very valuable.
In the last couple of years, we have a circumstance where 46 percent of all e-mail traffic in the month of April this year was spam. It was only 18 percent in April of 2002, more than double in just a year. It does clog the arteries of commerce. It exposes children to things that are harmful and inappropriate. The question is, what can we do about it.
This legislation is an attempt to try to address it. We will best congratulate ourselves if and after the legislation is passed, in force, and we determine it works. If and when that is the case, then we all should say congratulations for having done something useful. We have, of course, tried this before. The Supreme Court struck down legislation that came from the Commerce Committee dealing with this issue. I think this is a better way to approach it. It is more serious, more thoughtful, and more likely to be able to meet the test of being constitutional.
We in the Commerce Committee have worked on other issues similar to this, not so much dealing with spam but especially protecting children.
Senator Ensign and I coauthored legislation dealing with a new domain name. We are creating a new domain in this country called dot U.S., just like there is a domain dot U.K. We will have a new one called dot U.S. We decided by legislation we would attach to that domain a condition that they must also create a domain within dot U.S. called dot kids dot U.S. That will be a domain in which parents know that when their children are in dot kids dot U.S., any site in dot kids dot U.S., they are going to be seeing things that are only appropriate for children. That is going to be a big help to parents.
If you restrict the child to dot kids dot U.S. and you know that child is not going to be exposed to things children should not be exposed to, that is legislation that is going to be very helpful.
Let me also say this piece of legislation dealing with spam is similarly helpful. We have a circumstance where what shows up on the computers of virtually every American is not only unsolicited messages but messages that come from anonymous sources all over the world, messages that contain things you don't have any interest in, that are grotesque, unwanted, and pornographic. You can't determine where they come from.
This legislation, along with the amendments being offered, moves exactly in the right direction to prohibit false and misleading transmission of information. It prohibits the knowing use of deceptive subject headings, requires a return address or comparable reply message so you can figure out who sent it, requires the UCE be self-identified as an advertisement or a solicitation. All of these things are very important. At the end of time, when we have passed this legislation, it is in force, and we determine it is workable, then we will know we have done something very significant.
Let me make one additional point. I think computers and the Internet are quite remarkable. It is difficult to find words to describe how wonderful it can be. To be in a town like my hometown of nearly 300 people and have access through the Internet to the biggest library in the world, have access on the Internet to the great museums of the world. I grew up in a small town, with a high school senior class of nine. We had a library the size of a coat closet. With the Internet, that school now has a library the size of the largest library in the world, the largest repository of human knowledge existing anywhere on Earth--the Library of Congress. Yes, that exists in my hometown by virtue of the Internet.
The Internet is remarkable, wonderful, and breathtaking. It opens vistas of new opportunities for all Americans. We are dealing with the other side of the Internet because there are two sides to this issue. The other side contains some very serious issues and problems. We can continue to ignore them at our peril, at the peril of our children, and at the peril of business and commerce, which relies on the Internet as an artery of commerce. We can ignore them or we can address them, as my colleagues, Senators Wyden and Burns, chose to do with their leadership in the Commerce Committee. I thank them and I also thank the Senator from Arizona, Mr. McCain, and Senator Hollings.
We have a great committee, one on which I am proud to serve. We do a lot of work and address a lot of issues. This is but one, but it is a very important one and it is a timely piece of legislation to bring to the floor. It appears that, based on the unanimous consent request, this will now move and, with some amendments being offered, I think we will get to final passage. I expect to have a very strong vote by the entire Senate because it is a good piece of legislation. The time to do this is now and this is the right thing to do.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I am pleased to join today with Senators Warner, Lugar, Mikulski and Durbin in introducing legislation that would extend the legislative authority for the Martin Luther King, Jr.…
Mr. President, I am pleased to join today with Senators Warner, Lugar, Mikulski and Durbin in introducing legislation that would extend the legislative authority for the Martin Luther King, Jr. Memorial for an additional three years. The monument to Martin Luther King, Jr., which will be built on the Mall, will honor one of this Nation's most treasured citizens. Dr. King challenged us to live by the principles set forth at this Nation's inception, and forever changed the fabric of this country.
Despite the enormous dedication of the Martin Luther King, Jr. National Memorial Project Foundation, Inc., additional time is necessary for the Foundation to erect a fitting tribute to Dr. King. The Commemorative Works Act currently requires that construction of the Memorial begin by November 2003. However, meeting the administrative procedures and fundraising requirements of the Act has been a very slow process.
On November 12, 1996, legislation was enacted authorizing construction of the Memorial within a seven-year period. It then took Congress another two years to pass legislation authorizing placement of the Memorial in Area I of the Capital. Then the Foundation worked with the National Capital Planning Commission and the Commission for Fine Arts for over a year to locate an appropriate site for the Memorial within Area I. As a result, the Foundation was unable to select a design for the Memorial until September 2000.
This consultative process has been challenging, but it has resulted in a design for a Memorial on the Tidal Basin that will fittingly reflect the legacy of the greatest civil rights leader of our time. Initial estimates indicate that the construction costs of the Memorial alone could be as much as $60 million, and the Foundation is actively engaged in fundraising for the Memorial. However, it does not expect to have the necessary funds to receive the construction permit by the deadline of November 2003 as dictated by the Commemorative Works Act. One hundred percent of the funding must be privately financed, and the total cost of the project could near $100 million. Our legislation would give the Foundation an additional three years to raise the necessary funds to obtain the construction permit, and would ensure that work on the Memorial is completed. This extension of legislative authority has been done before for other memorials, given the length of time it usually takes to embark on a project of this magnitude, and it should be done for the Martin Luther King, Jr. Memorial.
Dr. King serves as a reminder that change is brought about most powerfully when it is done by non-violent means. This country owes much to Dr. King, most notably his legacy of non-violent protest that has informed and influenced subsequent rights campaigns in our nation. Visitors will come to the Memorial from every part of this country and indeed the world, to be inspired anew by Dr. King's words and deeds, and the extraordinary story of his life. Mr. President, I ask my colleagues to support this important legislation and grant the Foundation the additional time it needs to complete this significant monument.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the legislation be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am once again introducing legislation together with Senators Warner, Campbell, Murray, Clinton, Sessions, Hutchison and Miller which would grant a Federal Charter to the Korean War Veterans Association, Incorporated. This legislation, which has passed the Senate in the past two Congresses, recognizes and honors the 5.7 million Americans who fought and served during the Korean War for their struggles and sacrifices on behalf of freedom and the principles and ideals of our nation.
For the past three years, under the direction of Public Law 105-85, we have been marking the 50th Anniversary of the events of the Korean War--beginning with the events of June 1950 when the North Korea People's Army swept across the 38th Parallel to occupy Seoul, South Korea. Members of our Armed Forces--including many from the State of Maryland--immediately answered the call of the U.N. to repel this forceful invasion. Without hesitation, these soldiers traveled to an unfamiliar corner of the world to join an unprecedented multi-national force comprised of 22 countries and risked their lives to protect freedom. The Americans who led this international effort were true patriots who fought with remarkable courage.
In battles such as Pork Chop Hill, the Inchon Landing and the frozen Chosin Reservoir, which was fought in temperatures as low as fifty- seven degrees below zero, they faced some of the most brutal combat in history. This year, on July 27, we will commemorate the 50th Anniversary of the signing of the Military Armistice Agreement which officially ended armed hostilities. By the time the fighting had ended, 8,177 Americans were listed as missing or prisoners of war--some of whom are still missing--and over 36,000 Americans had died. One hundred and thirty-one Korean War Veterans were awarded the nation's highest commendation for combat bravery, the Medal of Honor. Ninety-four of these soldiers gave their lives in the process.
There is an engraving on the Korean War Veterans Memorial which reflects these losses and how brutal a war this was. It reads, ``Freedom is not Free.'' Yet, as a Nation, we have done little more than establish this memorial to publicly acknowledge the bravery of those who fought in the Korean War. The Korean War has been termed by many as the ``Forgotten War.'' Freedom is not free. We owe our Korean War Veterans a debt of gratitude. Granting this Federal charter--at no cost to the government--is a small expression of appreciation that we as a Nation can offer to these men and women, one which will enable them to work as a unified front to ensure that the ``Forgotten War'' is forgotten no more.
The Korean War Veterans Association was originally incorporated on June 25, 1985. Since its first annual reunion and memorial service in Arlington, Virginia, where its members decided to develop a national focus and strong commitment to service, the association has grown substantially to a membership of approximately 19,000. A Federal charter would allow the Association to continue and grow its mission and further its charitable and benevolent causes. Specifically, it will afford the Korean War Veterans' Association the same status as other major veterans organizations and allow it to participate as part of select committees with other congressionally chartered veterans and military groups. A Federal charter will also accelerate the Association's ``accreditation'' with the Department of Veterans Affairs which will enable its members to assist in processing veterans' claims.
The Korean War Veterans have asked for very little in return for their service and sacrifice. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this legislation and ask that the text of the measure be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, faced with uncertainties in electricity energy markets, turmoil in the Mideast, the need to cut back on the fossil fuel emissions linked to global warming, air pollution that…
Mr. President, faced with uncertainties in electricity energy markets, turmoil in the Mideast, the need to cut back on the fossil fuel emissions linked to global warming, air pollution that contributes to high rates of asthma and fills even our national parks with smog, the United States must diversify its energy supply by promoting the growth of renewable energy.
Since 1999, Las Vegas electricity rates have increased by 60 percent. In the same period, natural gas prices across Nevada have doubled. We need to change the energy equation. We need to diversify the Nation's energy supply to reduce volatility and ensure a stable supply of electricity. We must harness the brilliance of the sun, the strength of the wind, and the heat of the Earth to provide clean, renewable energy for our nation.
I rise today to introduce a bill with Senators Smith, Snowe, Cantwell, Harkin, Liberman, Feinstein, Jeffords, and Wyden expands the existing Section 45 production tax credit for renewable energy resources to cover all renewable energy resources. Our legislation accomplishes this by adding geothermal, incremental geothermal, solar, open-loop biomass, incremental hydropower, landfill gas, and animal waste to the list of renewable energy resources that would quality for a production tax credit.
Our legislation also makes the production tax credit permanent to signal America's long-term commitment to renewable energy resources. The existing production tax credit that covers wind energy, poultry waste, and closed-look biomass will expire at the end of 2003! Since it inception in 1992, the production tax credit has expired and been renewed twice; in 1999 and 2001. Development of wind energy has closely mirrored these renewal cycles. Clearly, the private investment necessary to develop renewable energy resources requires the business certainly afforded a long-term extension of the production tax credit.
Our bill allows for co-production credits to encourage blending of renewable energy with traditional fuels and provides a credit for renewable facilities on native American and native Alaskan lands. In northern Nevada, the Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe is working with Advanced Thermal Systems to develop geothermal resources on Indian lands that will spur economic development by creating business opportunities and jobs for tribal members.
This legislation also provides production incentives to not-for- profit public power utilities and rural electric cooperatives, which serve 25 percent of the Nation's power customers, by allowing them to transfer of their credits to taxable entities.
The good news is that the production tax credit for renewable energy resources really works to promote the growth of renewable energy. In 1990, the cost of wind energy was 22.5 cents per kilowatt hour and, today, with new technology and the help of a modest
production tax credit, wind is a competitive energy source at 3 to 4 cents per kilowatt hour. In the last 5 years, wind energy has experience a 30 percent growth rate. This year, Nevada utilities have signed contracts for more then 130 MW of wind energy.
The production tax credit provides 1.8 cents for every kilowatt-hour of electricity produced. Similar to wind energy, this credit will allow geothermal energy, incremental hydropower, and landfill gas to immediately compete with fossil fuels, while biomass will follow closely behind. The Department of Energy estimates that we would increase our geothermal energy production almost ten fold, supplying ten percent of the energy needs of the West. As fantastic as it sounds, enough sunlight falls on a 100 mile by 100 miles of southern Nevada that--if covered with solar panels--could power the entire Nation.
Let's never lose sight of the fact that renewable energy resources are domestic sources of energy, and using them instead of foreign sources contributes to our energy security. Renewables provide fuel diversify and price stability. After all, the fuel--the wind, the sun, heat from the core of the earth--costs nothing. And they provide jobs, especially in rural areas that have been largely left out of American recent economic growth.
The production tax credit for renewable energy resources is a powerful, fast acting stimulus to the economy. According to the Western Government Association, the Department of Energy's Initiative to deploy 1,000 MWs of concentrated solar power in the Southwestern area of the United States by the year 2006 would create approximately 10,0000 jobs and estimated expenditures of more than 3.7 billion over 14 years. Nevada has already developed 200 Megawatts of geothermal power, with a longer-term potential of more than 2,500 Megawatts. This development will provide billions of private investment and create thousands of jobs. Our production tax credit means immediate economic development and jobs!
In the U.S. today, we get less than 3 percent of our electricity from renewable energy sources like wind, solar, geothermal, and biomass. But the potential for much greater supply is here. For example, Nevada is considered the Saudi Arabia of geothermal. My state could use geothermal energy to meet one-third of its electricity needs, but today this source of energy only supplies 2.3 percent. I'm proud to say that Nevada has adopted one of the most aggressive Renewable Portfolio Standard in the Nation, requiring that 5 percent of the State's electricity needs be met by renewable energy resources in 2003, which then grows to 15 percent by 2013.
After pouring billions of dollars into oil and gas, we need to invest in a clean energy future. Fossil fuel plants pump over 11 million tons of pollutants into our air each year. Federal energy policy must promote reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. By including landfill gas in this legislation, we systematically reduce the largest single human source of methane emissions in the United States, effectively eliminating the greenhouse gas equivalent of 223 million tons of carbon dioxide.
An article in The Journal of the American Medical Association revealed an alarming link between soot particles from power plants and motor vehicles and lung cancer and heart disease. The adverse health effects of power plant and vehicle emissions cost Americans billions of dollars in medical care, and our cost in human suffering is immeasurable. Simply put, the human cost of dirty air is staggering. If we factor in environmental and health effects, the real cost of energy becomes apparent, and renewable energy become the fuel of choice.
America's abundant and untapped renewable resources can fuel our journey into a more prosperous and safer tomorrow without compromising air and water quality.
Renewable energy is the cornerstone of a successful, forward looking, and secure energy policy for the 21st Century.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Madam President, I send an amendment to the desk. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of…
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Madam President, I send an amendment to the desk.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Madam President, I rise today with Senator Leahy, Senator Nelson of Florida, and Senator Schumer to offer an amendment to the CAN SPAM Act of 2003. This amendment strengthens the act's criminal provisions by incorporating key provisions of the Criminal Spam Act of 2003, which I worked closely with Senators Leahy, Grassley, Schumer, Nelson of Florida and others to draft earlier this year and which was favorably reported out of the Judiciary Committee. To send an effective and adequate message of deterrence to the most egregious spammers, stiff criminal penalties must be an element of any comprehensive anti- spam legislative package.
Over the course of the past several Congresses we have become more and more aware of the problems associated with unsolicited commercial e-mail, or spam. Rarely a minute passes that American consumers and their children are not bombarded with e-mail messages that promote pornographic web sites, illegally pirated software, bogus charities, pyramid schemes and other ``get rich quick'' or ``make money fast'' scams.
The rapid increase in the volume of spam has imposed enormous costs on our economy--potentially $10 billion in 2003 alone--as well as unprecedented risks on our children and other vulnerable components of our society. Spam has become the tool of choice for those who distribute pornography and indulge in fraud schemes. We all know of children who have opened unsolicited e-mail messages with benign subject lines only to be exposed to sexually explicit images. We have heard of seniors using their hard earned savings to buy fraudulent health care products advertised on-line or of being duped into sharing sensitive personal information to later find themselves victims of identity and credit card theft.
We cannot afford to stand idle and continue to allow sophisticated spammers to use abusive tactics to send millions of e-mail messages quickly, at an extremely low cost, with no repercussions. The sheer volume of spam, which is growing at an exponential rate, is overwhelming entire network systems, as well as consumers' in-boxes. By year end, it is estimated that 50 percent of all e-mail traffic will be spam. It is no exaggeration to say that spam is threatening the future viability of all e-commerce. The time has come to curb the growth of spam on all fronts--through aggressive civil and criminal enforcement actions, as well as innovative technological solutions.
The criminal provisions that make up this amendment are intended to target those who use fraudulent and deceptive means to send unwanted e- mail messages. A recent study conducted by the Federal Trade Commission demonstrates that this is no small number. According to the FTC, 66 percent of
spam contains some kind of false, fraudulent, or misleading information, and one-third of all spam contains a fraudulent return e- mail address that is included in the routing information, or header, of the e-mail message. By concealing their identities, spammers succeed in evading Internet filters, luring consumers into opening messages, and preventing consumers, ISPs and investigators from tracking them down to stop their unwelcomed messages.
This amendment significantly strengthens the criminal penalties contained in the CAN SPAM Act by striking its misdemeanor false header offense and replacing it with five new felony offenses. The amendment makes it a crime to hack into a computer, or to use a computer system that the owner has made available for other purposes, as a conduit for bulk commercial e-mail. It prohibits sending bulk commercial e-mail that conceals the true source, destination, routing or authentication information of the e-mail, or is generated from multiple e-mail accounts or domain names that falsify the identity of the actual registrant. It also prohibits sending bulk commercial e-mail that is generated from multiple e-mail accounts or domain names that falsify the identity of the actual registrant, or from Internet Protocol, IP, addresses that have been hijacked from their true assignees.
The amendment includes stiff penalties intended to deter the most abusive spammers. Recidivists and those who send spam to commit another felony face a sentence of up to 5 years' imprisonment. Those who hack into another's computer system to send spam, those who send large numbers of spam, and spam kingpins who direct others in their spam operations, face up to 3 years' imprisonment. Other illegal spammers face up to a year in prison. The amendment provides additional deterrence with criminal forfeiture provisions and the potential for sentencing enhancements for those who generate e-mail addresses through harvesting and dictionary attacks.
I commend Senators Burns, Wyden, McCain, and Hollings for their hard work over the course of the past several Congresses on the CAN SPAM Act. They have worked diligently to enhance the privacy of consumers without unnecessarily burdening legitimate electronic commerce. The balance is a difficult one to strike. I compliment these fine Senators for being able to strike that balance and get it done.
I believe enactment of the CAN SPAM Act is an important first step toward curbing predatory and abusive commercial e-mail, but it is certainly not the end. We all recognize that there is no single solution to the spam problem. While we must critically and continually monitor the effectiveness of any legislative solution we enact, we must pursue other avenues as well. Technological fixes, education and international enforcement are integral components to any effective solution. To this end, we will need the assistance of private industry and our international partners.
I look forward to working with my colleagues in both Houses as we attempt to confront the spam problem on all fronts. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment which will strengthen the comprehensive legislative package that is before us today.
I am happy to do that.
I thank my colleague for those kind remarks and thank him and Senator McCain for their leadership in the Senate.
I ask unanimous consent to add Senator Grassley as a cosponsor of this amendment, No. 1893. Senator Grassley has worked with me and Senator Leahy every step of the way and deserves a lot of credit.
Madam President, I thank Senator McCain, the chairman of the full Committee on Commerce, for his diligence and insight on this, and the ranking member, Senator Hollings. He laid out the facts. I will…
Madam President, I thank Senator McCain, the chairman of the full Committee on Commerce, for his diligence and insight on this, and the ranking member, Senator Hollings. He laid out the facts. I will not rehash everything he said because his numbers are right.
Also I thank my good friend from Oregon, Senator Wyden. We have worked on this bill for 4 years. It is not an easy piece of legislation to put together.
The simplest piece of legislation we ever put together, I say to Senator Wyden, was the E 9-1-1 which is probably the best public safety piece of legislation we have ever passed. It sounded like a no-brainer, and it only took 2 years, so this must have been really complicated. I thank you for your efforts. It was a pleasure working with you.
Also, two Senators not on the floor who have not been mentioned are Senator Hatch and Senator Leahy. We appreciate their cooperation incorporating a significantly expanded criminal package in this law.
The extent of bipartisan cooperation on this issue is no surprise, of course, given the deluge of spam to the consumers and what they face in their inbox each day. The cost of business, the cost to individuals, is escalating and wide ranging.
The chairman asked a valid question: Does this piece of legislation protect us from spam? It can have an effect on people thinking twice before they send it. That is the answer. I have contended all along, as my colleagues on the Commerce Committee have contended, that industry is going to have to come along and get together, talk about the technologies it takes to keep out unwanted mail or some organization or technology that ferrets out the bad people but allows some in the industry to be able to send some messages of what would be considered spam today.
This especially affects people in rural areas. In Montana we have people using the Internet who have to incur long-distance charges to their ISPs. Servers all over the country have difficulty in blocking spam. They are saying the systems are jammed up. The CAN-SPAM bill empowers consumers and grants additional enforcement authority to the Federal Trade Commission to take action against spammers and allows State attorneys general to take action if they see fit.
The bill also provides additional tools to end this online harassment, allowing users to remove themselves from mass email lists and imposing steep fines up to $3 million on spammers. In cases where outright deception is involved, penalties will be unlimited. That is a big point.
The chairman also brings up another point: unwanted and pornographic mail. In my State of Montana, something else is emerging regarding protection of our children: sexual predators. This has to do with how they work in our homes with our children. There are a couple of amendments we will deal with as they come up.
I have a constituent in Montana. If you do not think it does not cost companies money, Jeff Smith, who built a cutting-edge fiber hotel in Missoula, MT, says unwanted spam costs his business about $300,000 a year. His company is worth $2.5 million, so his costs are real.
Not only do we pass legislation, but I will participate in an I-SAFE conference in Billings on Friday at Castle Rock School on how to deal with this unwanted and pornographic mail that comes into our homes on the Internet.
I thank my chairman, Senator McCain, for his patience. I have worn him out a couple of times. He yells back, though, pretty well.
I thank my friend from Oregon, too, who has worked very hard on this issue.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I might add, Senator Leahy and I serve as cochairs on the Internet caucus. We understand the ramifications of this new medium that has come upon us, its importance, and all it has to offer. Of course, getting rid of spam is one of those things that if we don't do it, then I am afraid it will be the one that chokes this very new way of communicating and brings us not only information but new services.
I appreciate the work of the Senator from Vermont and thank him for it.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I thank my friend from North Dakota for his kind words. I tell all Senators, both here and watching, that the Boxer amendment has been withdrawn. That gets us down to where we could get this bill passed tonight.
I believe the pending business is the Hatch-Leahy amendment No. 1893. I call for its adoption.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Madam President, I associate myself with the words of the chairman of the committee. Four years ago we started on this, and it has blossomed. I think it was pretty obvious to a lot of us what the impact of the Internet would be on our everyday communications and the technologies and services and information it provides. But also starting then was this unwanted mail that would show up in your mailbox. It didn't mean much at first, but it was obvious to a lot of us, who have been working on this legislation for 4 years, that this was something that was going to be picked up by a lot of people--the good, the bad, and the ugly, so to speak.
So we went to work on it then and we have been working on it ever since. We thought we had a chance last year to pass it. I would say we had not really done all of our homework, and we didn't get it passed.
I appreciate the leadership of both the chairman and ranking member of the Commerce Committee and also my good friend from Oregon. We have worked hard on this legislation.
I really believe, with the debate going on in the House now, that the time has come. I don't go to a townhall meeting or meet a friend who doesn't say: Take care of that spam. I tell my friends also that this will not do it totally. The industry is going to have to come together using new technologies in order to get it done, and I think the industry will now because they know we are serious about criminal charges, fines, the result of violations of this law.
So I think we send a very strong message to those people who would use the Internet to do what is not acceptable to the American public.
I thank my friends and I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
Madam President, I send an amendment to the desk. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with. Madam President, today I am offering an amendment,…
Madam President, I send an amendment to the desk.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Madam President, today I am offering an amendment, a bill I introduced earlier this year, S. 480, the Training for Realtime Writers Act of 2003, on behalf of myself and Senator Grassley. The 1996 Telecom Act requires that all television broadcasts were to be captioned by 2006. This was a much-needed reform that has helped millions of deaf and hard-of-hearing Americans to be able to take full advantage of television programming. As of today, it is estimated that
3,000 captioners will be needed to fulfill this requirement, and that number continues to increase as more and more broadband stations come online. Unfortunately, the United States only has 300 captioners. If our country expects to have media fully captioned by 2006, something must be done.
This is an issue that I feel very strongly about because my late brother Frank was deaf. I know personally that access to culture, news, and other media was important to him and to others in achieving a better quality of life. More than 28 million Americans, or 8 percent of the population, are considered deaf or hard of hearing and many require captioning services to participate in mainstream activities. In 1990, I authored legislation that required all television sets to be equipped with a computer chip to decode closed captioning. This bill completes the promise of that technology, affording deaf and hard of hearing Americans the same equality and access that captioning provides.
Though we do not necessarily think about it, the morning of September 11 was a perfect example of the need for captioners. Holli Miller of Ankeny, IA, was captioning for Fox News. She was supposed to do her three and a half hour shift ending at 8 a.m. but, as we all know, disaster struck. Despite the fact that she had already worked most of her shift and had two small children to care for, Holli Miller stayed right where she was and for nearly 5 more hours continued to caption. Without even the ability to take bathroom breaks, Holli Miller made sure that deaf and hard of hearing people got the same news the rest of us got on September 11. I want to personally say thank you to Holli Miller and all the many captioners and other people across the country that made sure all Americans were alert and informed on that tragic day.
But let me emphasize that the deaf and hard of hearing population is only one of a number of groups that will benefit from this legislation. The audience for captioning also includes individuals seeking to acquire or improve literacy skills, including approximately 27 million functionally illiterate adults, 3 to 4 million immigrants learning English as a second language, and 18 million children learning to read in grades kindergarten through 3. In addition, I see people using closed captioning to stay informed everywhere--from the gym to the airport. Captioning helps people educate themselves and helps all of us stay informed and entertained when audio isn't the most appropriate medium.
Madam President, although we have two years to go until the deadline given by the 1996 Telecom Act, our Nation is facing a serious shortage of captioners. Over the past five years, student enrollment in programs that train court reporters to become realtime writers has decreased significantly, causing such programs to close on many campuses. Yet, the need for these skills continues to rise. That is why I thank the chairman and ranking member for giving me this opportunity to present this vital amendment, and, hopefully, it can be accepted.
To reiterate, in 1990 I authored a bill, that became legislation, that required that all television sets that have a size 13-inch screen or larger have incorporated into that set a chip that would automatically decode for closed captioning. That went into effect in 1996, and all television sets now have a chip in them. If you have a remote, you can punch it and closed captions will come up.
Then in 1996, Congress passed legislation that said that, by the year 2006, we would have a policy that all television programming would be real-time captioned. Right now if you watch the Senate in debate, you will see real-time captioning coming across the screen. You see that on news programs and sports programs. So it is engaging.
But we wanted real-time captioners so that deaf and hard-of-hearing people around the country could watch television in a real-time setting and have real-time captioning. So again, we said that by 2006 we wanted to have this done. Real-time captioning is a highly trained skill that people have to have, and it is estimated that it is going to take about 3,000 captioners nationwide to do this.
Madam President, right now there are only about 300 captioners nationally. We only have 2 years to go before the congressionally mandated deadline of meeting this requirement. So, earlier this year, I introduced a bill, S. 480, along with 40 cosponsors on both sides of the aisle, providing for competitive grants. These grants would go to authorize entities, accredited by their State education agencies, that could then use these grants to fund programs to get scholarships for recruitment, training, and job placement to get this pipeline filled as soon as possible with these real-time captioners over the next couple of years.
That is the amendment I have sent to the desk. As I said, it has broad support. It is basically in the Commerce Committee jurisdiction. I know with the press of time, it wasn't acted on this year. I thought this might be an appropriate place to put it. I think it will be widely supported by everybody.
I thank the ranking member and others for their positive reception of this amendment on this bill.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to print in the Record the cosponsors of the amendment.
Mr. President, today, I am joined by Senators Breaux, Durbin, Leahy, Harkin and Johnson in introducing legislation to extend the current federal wind energy production tax credit, PTC, for an…
Mr. President, today, I am joined by Senators Breaux, Durbin, Leahy, Harkin and Johnson in introducing legislation to extend the current federal wind energy production tax credit, PTC, for an additional five years. This tax credit is scheduled to expire at the end of the year. A long-term extension of the credit will give wind energy developers the certainty they need to grow this important domestic industry with its seemingly limitless energy potential.
One of the most promising alternative energy sources on this country's horizon comes from one of nature's most abundant assets: the wind. Over 2,000 megawatts of new wind energy capacity has been added to the nation's electricity grid in just the last 2 years. This new wind generation has pumped over $2 billion into the struggling economy.
Congress has helped promote wind energy by making significant financial investments in Federal research and private-sector development over the last decade. Among other things, Congress has provided a Federal income tax credit for facilities that produce electricity from wind, which allows them to bring state-of-the-art wind turbines to the marketplace at a competitive rate.
More and more utilities that have produced electricity from traditional fossil fuels are now looking to wind energy and other alternative energy sources to meet a larger share of this country's future energy demands. Soaring oil and natural gas prices also remind us of the importance of reducing our reliance on foreign energy sources and keeping a diverse energy supply here at home.
However, despite broad bipartisan congressional support for the wind energy production tax credit, its fate remains cloudy. As I mentioned, the wind energy tax credit is scheduled to expire at the end of the year. Congress will surely extend the credit. But we can't wait until the last day of the session--or even later--to do so.
Unfortunately, this is not merely polemics. Congress has twice allowed the PTC to expire. First, Congress allowed it to expire in July 1999 and failed to reinstate it until December 1999. As a result, wind energy investments plummeted from 661 megawatts installed in 1999 to only 53 megawatts in 2000. Inexplicably, the Congress let the PTC expire a second time--at the end of 2001--and did not reinstate the credit until March of the following year. This failure contributed to another major drop in wind investments dropping from 1696 megawatts installed in 2001 to just 410 megawatts in 2002.
Today, wind energy industry officials tell me that if we do not extend the production tax credit by mid-year, thousands of jobs and billions of dollars in economic activity would be lost. And this shouldn't come as a surprise to my Senate colleagues. For many years, wind energy developers have told us that one of the major stumbling blocks to greater deployment of new wind technologies is the continued uncertainty surrounding the availability of the wind energy production tax credit. Even so, we still provided for just another short-term extension of the tax credit last March. A few short months from now, financial lenders will stop providing needed capital to new wind initiatives. As a result, projects already underway will quickly come to a halt, while new projects will be shelved. Many developers will simply be unable to build and purchase equipment and secure the financing that is needed to bring wind turbine generators on-line by year's end.
When the tax credit last expired, I heard from manufacturers in my state and across the nation about impending layoffs, because of the lack of certainty at that time. A tower developer in my state of North Dakota has again laid off 17 workers, because of the uncertainty this industry still faces, due to the soon-to-expire tax credit. We can help eliminate this uncertainty by extending the production tax credit for a longer term.
If we fail to act promptly to extend the tax credit this time around, North Dakota's wind energy industry would suffer another serious economic blow. I am told that DMI Industries, a major producer of wind turbine towers in North Dakota, would experience a 40-percent drop in business activity, resulting in some $15 million in lost revenue. The company's plan to expand its operation by 75 employees in 2004 would also be derailed. Delay in extending the production tax credit would mean that 100-125 new jobs would not be created in the coming year by LM Glasfiber, which is a major blade manufacturer in Grand Forks.
There is a great deal of discussion in Washington, D.C. about passing a stimulus package to provide a needed boost to our ailing economy. This very effort would be needlessly undermined if we fail to extend the wind energy production tax credit in a timely manner and make it available over the long term.
In North Dakota, we put up several wind turbines last year and launched an 80-megawatt project for North Dakota and South Dakota. At a time when this industry is just beginning to ramp up in the Great Plains, it would be foolish to thwart these efforts by failing to extend this wind energy production tax credit for sufficient time to get substantial new projects off the design boards and up and running.
Again, the bill I'm introducing today would extend the current production tax credit for qualifying wind facilities that are placed in service on or before December 31, 2008. The wind energy production tax credit has enjoyed strong bipartisan support in both the Senate and the House of Representatives in previous years, so we should be able to pass this legislation quickly this year.
I urge my Senate colleagues to cosponsor this legislation and work with me to get it enacted into law as soon as
possible. If we fail to act promptly, many new wind energy initiatives will come to a halt at a time when this country can least afford it.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. I ask unanimous consent that I be allowed to speak as in morning business for 10 minutes. Mr. President, in our…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
I ask unanimous consent that I be allowed to speak as in morning business for 10 minutes.
Mr. President, in our political speeches, Senators, especially we Republicans, have a lot to say in defense of the Tenth Amendment, that all powers not expressly given to the central government are reserved to the States. We are big talkers about local control, about State responsibilities, and about State rights.
Somehow, when we get to Washington and away from home, a lot of that goes up in smoke. We start thinking of grand ideas and sending State and local governments the bill to pay for our grand ideas. Special education for children with disabilities, but we say to the State and local governments, you pay the bill. New construction to stop storm water runoff, but we
say to the cities, you pay the bill. Higher standards for roads, we say to the States, you pay the bill. New standards for highly qualified teachers, you pay the bill. We call these unfunded mandates.
What I want to talk about today is the worst kind of unfunded mandate. Not only do we have grand ideas and are telling State and local governments that they have to pay for them, we now want to tell them how to pay for them. The latest such example is to tell State and local governments that a tax on Internet access or telephones is somehow a worse tax, a bad tax they should not be allowed to pursue, than a tax on medicine, food, or an income tax.
I supported a moratorium for 7 years on State and local access to the Internet so the Internet could get up and get going, but now it is up and going. It ought to be absolutely on its own with other commercial activity. Yet our friends in the House of Representatives and some in the Senate would not only extend the moratorium on State and local taxes on Internet access, they would broaden it.
This is none of the Congress's business. It is a State and local responsibility to decide how to pay the bill to fund State parks, local schools, roads, prisons, colleges, and universities. That is what Governors do. That is what legislators do. That is what mayors do. That is what county commissioners and city council men and women do.
The inevitable result of such unfunded mandates from Washington, DC, telling States what taxes they can and cannot use, is to transfer more government to Washington, DC, because here we can print money to pay for it. It sounds awfully good to say we are banning a tax, but what we are actually doing is favoring one tax over another tax with the decision made in Washington, DC.
For example, if Tennessee's ability to have a broad-based sales tax is limited, then the chances that Tennessee will have an income tax are higher, or a higher tax on medicine or food, or higher college tuition for families to pay. The same goes for Florida, Texas, Washington State, or any other State.
Some say this interference in State prerogatives and local prerogatives is justified by the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution, and that the Internet is too important to carry its fair share of the taxes. I ask: Is access to the Internet more important than food? If not, then why not limit the State sales tax on food, medicine, electricity, natural gas, water, corporations generally, car tags, telephones, cable TV? They are all in interstate commerce. Let us limit the tax on all of them from Washington, DC.
Unless we want to get rid of State and local governments and transfer all responsibilities for local schools, colleges, prisons, State parks, and roads to Washington, DC, and claim all wisdom resides here, then we have no business telling State and local governments how they pay the bill for legitimate services.
We should read the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution and get back to our basic job of funding war, welfare, Social Security, Medicare, and debt. And leave decisions about what services to provide and what taxes to impose to State and local governments and to State and locally elected officials.
Under the rules of the Senate, because this bill imposes costs on States without paying for them, it is an unfunded mandate and subject to a point of order to pass this bill that would extend the moratorium on State and local ability to tax access to the Internet.
In its cost estimate of September 9, 2003, the Congressional Budget Office determined that S. 150, as reported by the Commerce Committee, would impose direct costs on State and local governments of lost revenues of $80 million to $120 million per year beginning in 2007. Because the estimate exceeds the threshold of $64 million for 2007, this is an intergovernmental mandate, subject to a point of order. According to the Multi-state Tax Commission, the bill has the potential to exempt telephone and cable companies from a broad array of State and local taxes that could amount to an unfunded mandate on State and local governments of up to $9 billion a year. Every Senator who votes to overturn the point of order to this bill would be voting for an unfunded mandate, which most of us have promised not to do. Let the moratorium on access to the Internet die a well-deserved and natural death when it expires on November 1 and let us remember the Republican Congress 10 years ago promised to end unfunded mandates.
I ask unanimous consent that certain information from the Congressional Budget Act describing unfunded mandates and the point of order that is possible to be raised in opposition to such mandates be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I rise today as the lead cosponsor of Senator Leahy's Omnibus Mercury Reduction Act of 2003 to ask support for our continued efforts to dramatically reduce mercury pollution that has…
Mr. President, I rise today as the lead cosponsor of Senator Leahy's Omnibus Mercury Reduction Act of 2003 to ask support for our continued efforts to dramatically reduce mercury pollution that has been shown to pose serious health risks, especially for pregnant women, and can cause irreversible nerve damage in young children.
This legislation responds to the Environmental Protection Agency's just released report on ``America's Children and the Environment: Measures of Contaminants, Body Burdens, and Illnesses'', which states that EPA remains concerned about children potentially exposed to mercury in the womb.
Mercury is among the least-controlled and most dangerous toxins threatening pregnant women and children from mercury exposure through the air and water in America today, and we need to continue the fight to pass a national approach to better control its use. Because mercury pollution knows no State borders, a national initiative is necessary to control it and better understand its health effects.
The Omnibus Mercury Emissions Reduction Act of 2003 would require the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, EPA, to impose new restrictions on mercury emissions by utility power plants, coal and oil-fired commercial boilers, solid waste incinerators, and other sources of emissions. According to the EPA, an estimated 30 tons of mercury emissions per year come from municipal waste combustors because of the presence of mercury-containing items such as fluorescent lamps, fever thermometers, thermostats, and switches.
Our bill requires utility power plants and commercial boilers to reduce mercury emissions by 95 percent in five years, and requires the EPA to publish a list of mercury-containing items that need to be separated and removed from the waste streams that feed solid waste management facilities. The most effective way to reduce mercury emissions from incinerators is to reduce the volume of mercury- containing items before they reach the incinerator.
The bill would also expand research on the effects of mercury on sensitive subpopulations such as pregnant women and children, and it directs the EPA to work with the States to improve the quality and dissemination of State fish consumption advisories.
Even in Maine, where great efforts have been made to preserve clean air and water, mercury arrives as an unseen threat, carried in the air from hundreds of miles away and deposited in our lakes, rivers and coastal regions through rain and snowfall. This bill complements the steps Maine has taken to reduce mercury emissions, and by addressing what happens outside our borders, it also can ensure that Maine's actions will not be in vain.
Mercury is a dangerous toxin present in coal, which is burned to produce 65 percent of the nation's electricity, other fossil fuels, and various household and industrial products. When mercury is burned, fine particles are released and carried by precipitation back to earth, contaminating water bodies, fish, and wildlife, and ultimately posing a threat to humans. Nationwide, 39 States have issued warnings about eating certain fish in more than 50,000 bodies of water, up from 27 States in 1993.
While Maine ranks 49th among the least-polluting States in terms of mercury emissions, nearly all of its lakes are under health advisories due to airborne mercury pollution transported in air currents from other States. Because mercury is an element and cannot be destroyed, it cycles endlessly through the environment, necessitating control of the toxin at the source.
With the technology and resources available, we can and must find creative ways to substantially reduce mercury pollution, and this bill kicks that process into gear and will go a very long way toward removing this harmful toxin as a threat to human health and the environment.
In partnership with the Omnibus mercury bill, I am also a cosponsor of Senator Jeffords' Clean Power Act that calls for a 90 percent reduction of mercury from coal burning power plants by 2008. By 2009, the Jeffords bill also dramatically cuts aggregate power plant emissions of the three other major power plant pollutants: nitrogen oxides, NOx, the primary cause of smog, by 71 percent from 2000 levels; sulfur dioxide, SO2, that causes acid rain and respiratory disease, by 81 percent from 2000 levels; and carbon dioxide, CO2, the greenhouse gas most directly linked to global climate variabilities, by 21 percent from 2000 levels. Of note, the NOx, SO2, and mercury reductions are set at levels that are known to be cost effective with available technology.
I hope to work with my colleagues in the 108th Congress to see that provisions in these two bills are fully debated and policy is passed to protect our environment and our population from the ravages of these major air pollutants. We must move forward for the health of the unborn, the American public and the entire planet.
Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation, the Training for Realtime Writers Act of 2003, on behalf of myself and my colleagues, Senators Grassley, Kennedy, Cochran, Lincoln, Kerry, Bingaman,…
Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation, the Training for Realtime Writers Act of 2003, on behalf of myself and my colleagues, Senators Grassley, Kennedy, Cochran, Lincoln, Kerry, Bingaman, Dodd, and Baucus. The 1996 Telecom Act required that all television broadcasts were to be captioned by 2006. This was a much needed reform that has helped millions of deaf and hard-of-hearing Americans to be able to take full advantage of television programing. As of today, it is estimated that 3,000 captioners will be needed to fulfill this requirement, and that number continues to increase as more and more broadband stations come online. Unfortunately, the United States only has 300 captioners. If our country expects to have media fully captioned by 2006, something must be done.
This is an issue that I feel very strongly about because my late brother, Frank, was deaf. I know personally that access to culture, news, and other media was important to him and to others in achieving a better quality of life. More than 28 million Americans, or 8 percent of the population, are considered deaf or hard of hearing and many requires captioning services to participate in mainstream activities. In 1990, I authored legislation that required all television sets to be equipped with a computer chip to decode closed captioning. This bill completes the promise of that technology, affording deaf and hard of hearing Americans the same equality and access that captioning provides.
Though we don't necessarily think about it, on the morning of September 11 was a perfect example of the need for captioners. Holli Miller of Ankeny, IA, was captioning for Fox News. She was supposed to do her three and a half hour shift ending at 8:00 a.m. but as we all know, disaster struck. Despite the fact that she had already worked most of her shift and had two small children to care for, Holli Miller stayed right where she was and for nearly five more hours and continued to caption. Without even the ability to take bathroom breaks, Holli Miller made sure that deaf and hard of hearing people got the same news the rest of us got on September 11. I want to personnally say thank you to Holli Miller and all the many captioners and other people across the country that made sure all Americans were alert and informed on that tragic day.
But let me emphasize that the deaf and hard of hearing population is only one of a number of groups that will benefit from the legislation. The audience for captioning also includes individuals seeking to acquire or improve literacy skills, including approximately 27 million functionally illiterate adults, 3 to 4 million immigrants learning English as a second language, and 18 million children learning to read in grades kindergarten through 3. In addition, I see people using closed captioning to stay informed everywhere--from the gym to the airport. Captioning helps people educate themselves and helps all of us stay informed and entertained when audio isn't the most appropriate medium.
Although we have a few years to go until the deadline given by the 1996 Telecom Act, our nation is facing a serious shortage of captioners. Over the past five years, student enrollment in programs that train court reporters to become realtime writers has decreased significantly, causing such programs to close on many campuses. Yet the need for these skills continues to rise. That is why my colleagues and I are introducing this vital piece of legislation. The Training for Realtime Writers Act of 2003 would establish competitive grants to be used toward training real time captioners. This is necessary to ensure that we meet our goal set by the 1996 Telecom Act.
I urge my colleagues to review this legislation and I hope they will join us in support and join us in our effort to win its passage. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation, the Training for Realtime Writers Act of 2003, on behalf of myself and my colleagues, Senators Grassley, Kennedy, Cochran, Lincoln, Kerry, Bingaman,…
Mr. President, today I am introducing legislation, the Training for Realtime Writers Act of 2003, on behalf of myself and my colleagues, Senators Grassley, Kennedy, Cochran, Lincoln, Kerry, Bingaman, Dodd, and Baucus. The 1996 Telecom Act required that all television broadcasts were to be captioned by 2006. This was a much needed reform that has helped millions of deaf and hard-of-hearing Americans to be able to take full advantage of television programing. As of today, it is estimated that 3,000 captioners will be needed to fulfill this requirement, and that number continues to increase as more and more broadband stations come online. Unfortunately, the United States only has 300 captioners. If our country expects to have media fully captioned by 2006, something must be done.
This is an issue that I feel very strongly about because my late brother, Frank, was deaf. I know personally that access to culture, news, and other media was important to him and to others in achieving a better quality of life. More than 28 million Americans, or 8 percent of the population, are considered deaf or hard of hearing and many requires captioning services to participate in mainstream activities. In 1990, I authored legislation that required all television sets to be equipped with a computer chip to decode closed captioning. This bill completes the promise of that technology, affording deaf and hard of hearing Americans the same equality and access that captioning provides.
Though we don't necessarily think about it, on the morning of September 11 was a perfect example of the need for captioners. Holli Miller of Ankeny, IA, was captioning for Fox News. She was supposed to do her three and a half hour shift ending at 8:00 a.m. but as we all know, disaster struck. Despite the fact that she had already worked most of her shift and had two small children to care for, Holli Miller stayed right where she was and for nearly five more hours and continued to caption. Without even the ability to take bathroom breaks, Holli Miller made sure that deaf and hard of hearing people got the same news the rest of us got on September 11. I want to personnally say thank you to Holli Miller and all the many captioners and other people across the country that made sure all Americans were alert and informed on that tragic day.
But let me emphasize that the deaf and hard of hearing population is only one of a number of groups that will benefit from the legislation. The audience for captioning also includes individuals seeking to acquire or improve literacy skills, including approximately 27 million functionally illiterate adults, 3 to 4 million immigrants learning English as a second language, and 18 million children learning to read in grades kindergarten through 3. In addition, I see people using closed captioning to stay informed everywhere--from the gym to the airport. Captioning helps people educate themselves and helps all of us stay informed and entertained when audio isn't the most appropriate medium.
Although we have a few years to go until the deadline given by the 1996 Telecom Act, our nation is facing a serious shortage of captioners. Over the past five years, student enrollment in programs that train court reporters to become realtime writers has decreased significantly, causing such programs to close on many campuses. Yet the need for these skills continues to rise. That is why my colleagues and I are introducing this vital piece of legislation. The Training for Realtime Writers Act of 2003 would establish competitive grants to be used toward training real time captioners. This is necessary to ensure that we meet our goal set by the 1996 Telecom Act.
I urge my colleagues to review this legislation and I hope they will join us in support and join us in our effort to win its passage. I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
Bill Text
3 versions available
[Congressional Bills 108th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[S. 480 Engrossed in Senate (ES)]
108th CONGRESS
2d Session
S. 480
_______________________________________________________________________
AN ACT
To provide competitive grants for training court reporters and closed
captioners to meet requirements for realtime writers under the
Telecommunications Act of 1996, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Training for Realtime Writers Act of
2004''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
Congress makes the following findings:
(1) As directed by Congress in section 723 of the
Communications Act of 1934 (47 U.S.C. 613), as added by section
305 of the Telecommunications Act of 1996 (Public Law 104-104;
110 Stat. 126), the Federal Communications Commission adopted
rules requiring closed captioning of most television
programming, which gradually require new video programming to
be fully captioned beginning in 2006.
(2) More than 28,000,000 Americans, or 8 percent of the
population, are considered deaf or hard of hearing, and many
require captioning services to participate in mainstream
activities.
(3) More than 24,000 children are born in the United States
each year with some form of hearing loss.
(4) According to the Department of Health and Human
Services and a study done by the National Council on Aging--
(A) 25 percent of Americans over 65 years old are
hearing impaired;
(B) 33 percent of Americans over 70 years old are
hearing impaired; and
(C) 41 percent of Americans over 75 years old are
hearing impaired.
(5) The National Council on Aging study also found that
depression in older adults may be directly related to hearing
loss and disconnection with the spoken word.
(6) Empirical research demonstrates that captions improve
the performance of individuals learning to read English and,
according to numerous Federal agency statistics, could
benefit--
(A) 3,700,000 remedial readers;
(B) 12,000,000 young children learning to read;
(C) 27,000,000 illiterate adults; and
(D) 30,000,000 people for whom English is a second
language.
(7) Over the past 5 years, student enrollment in programs
that train court reporters to become realtime writers has
decreased significantly, causing such programs to close on many
campuses.
SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATION OF GRANT PROGRAM TO PROMOTE TRAINING AND JOB
PLACEMENT OF REALTIME WRITERS.
(a) In General.--The National Telecommunications and Information
Administration shall make competitive grants to eligible entities under
subsection (b) to promote training and placement of individuals,
including individuals who have completed a court reporting training
program, as realtime writers in order to meet the requirements for
closed captioning of video programming set forth in section 723 of the
Communications Act of 1934 (47 U.S.C. 613) and the rules prescribed
thereunder.
(b) Eligible Entities.--For purposes of this Act, an eligible
entity is a court reporting program that--
(1) can document and demonstrate to the Secretary of
Commerce that it meets minimum standards of educational and
financial accountability, with a curriculum capable of training
realtime writers qualified to provide captioning services;
(2) is accredited by an accrediting agency recognized by
the Department of Education; and
(3) is participating in student aid programs under title IV
of the Higher Education Act of 1965.
(c) Priority in Grants.--In determining whether to make grants
under this section, the Secretary of Commerce shall give a priority to
eligible entities that, as determined by the Secretary of Commerce--
(1) possess the most substantial capability to increase
their capacity to train realtime writers;
(2) demonstrate the most promising collaboration with local
educational institutions, businesses, labor organizations, or
other community groups having the potential to train or provide
job placement assistance to realtime writers; or
(3) propose the most promising and innovative approaches
for initiating or expanding training and job placement
assistance efforts with respect to realtime writers.
(d) Duration of Grant.--A grant under this section shall be for a
period of two years.
(e) Maximum Amount of Grant.--The amount of a grant provided under
subsection (a) to an entity eligible may not exceed $1,500,000 for the
two-year period of the grant under subsection (d).
SEC. 4. APPLICATION.
(a) In General.--To receive a grant under section 3, an eligible
entity shall submit an application to the National Telecommunications
and Information Administration at such time and in such manner as the
Administration may require. The application shall contain the
information set forth under subsection (b).
(b) Information.--Information in the application of an eligible
entity under subsection (a) for a grant under section 3 shall include
the following:
(1) A description of the training and assistance to be
funded using the grant amount, including how such training and
assistance will increase the number of realtime writers.
(2) A description of performance measures to be utilized to
evaluate the progress of individuals receiving such training
and assistance in matters relating to enrollment, completion of
training, and job placement and retention.
(3) A description of the manner in which the eligible
entity will ensure that recipients of scholarships, if any,
funded by the grant will be employed and retained as realtime
writers.
(4) A description of the manner in which the eligible
entity intends to continue providing the training and
assistance to be funded by the grant after the end of the grant
period, including any partnerships or arrangements established
for that purpose.
(5) A description of how the eligible entity will work with
local workforce investment boards to ensure that training and
assistance to be funded with the grant will further local
workforce goals, including the creation of educational
opportunities for individuals who are from economically
disadvantaged backgrounds or are displaced workers.
(6) Additional information, if any, of the eligibility of
the eligible entity for priority in the making of grants under
section 3(c).
(7) Such other information as the Administration may
require.
SEC. 5. USE OF FUNDS.
(a) In General.--An eligible entity receiving a grant under section
3 shall use the grant amount for purposes relating to the recruitment,
training and assistance, and job placement of individuals, including
individuals who have completed a court reporting training program, as
realtime writers, including--
(1) recruitment;
(2) subject to subsection (b), the provision of
scholarships;
(3) distance learning;
(4) development of curriculum to more effectively train
realtime writing skills, and education in the knowledge
necessary for the delivery of high-quality closed captioning
services;
(5) assistance in job placement for upcoming and recent
graduates with all types of captioning employers;
(6) encouragement of individuals with disabilities to
pursue a career in realtime writing; and
(7) the employment and payment of personnel for such
purposes.
(b) Scholarships.--
(1) Amount.--The amount of a scholarship under subsection
(a)(2) shall be based on the amount of need of the recipient of
the scholarship for financial assistance, as determined in
accordance with part F of title IV of the Higher Education Act
of 1965 (20 U.S.C. 1087kk).
(2) Agreement.--Each recipient of a scholarship under
subsection (a)(2) shall enter into an agreement with the
National Telecommunications and Information Administration to
provide realtime writing services for a period of time (as
determined by the Administration) that is appropriate (as so
determined) for the amount of the scholarship received.
(3) Coursework and employment.--The Administration shall
establish requirements for coursework and employment for
recipients of scholarships under subsection (a)(2), including
requirements for repayment of scholarship amounts in the event
of failure to meet such requirements for coursework and
employment. Requirements for repayment of scholarship amounts
shall take into account the effect of economic conditions on
the capacity of scholarship recipients to find work as realtime
writers.
(c) Administrative Costs.--The recipient of a grant under section 3
may not use more than 5 percent of the grant amount to pay
administrative costs associated with activities funded by the grant.
(d) Supplement Not Supplant.--Grants amounts under this Act shall
supplement and not supplant other Federal or non-Federal funds of the
grant recipient for purposes of promoting the training and placement of
individuals as realtime writers
SEC. 6. REPORTS.
(a) Annual Reports.--Each eligible entity receiving a grant under
section 3 shall submit to the National Telecommunications and
Information Administration, at the end of each year of the grant
period, a report on the activities of such entity with respect to the
use of grant amounts during such year.
(b) Report Information.--
(1) In general.--Each report of an entity for a year under
subsection (a) shall include a description of the use of grant
amounts by the entity during such year, including an assessment
by the entity of the effectiveness of activities carried out
using such funds in increasing the number of realtime writers.
The assessment shall utilize the performance measures submitted
by the entity in the application for the grant under section
4(b).
(2) Final report.--The final report of an entity on a grant
under subsection (a) shall include a description of the best
practices identified by the entity as a result of the grant for
increasing the number of individuals who are trained, employed,
and retained in employment as realtime writers.
SEC. 7. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.
There is authorized to be appropriated to carry out this Act,
amounts as follows:
(1) $20,000,000 for each of fiscal years 2004, 2005, and
2006.
(2) Such sums as may be necessary for fiscal year 2007.
Passed the Senate November 19, 2004.
Attest:
Secretary.
108th CONGRESS
2d Session
S. 480
_______________________________________________________________________
AN ACT
To provide competitive grants for training court reporters and closed
captioners to meet requirements for realtime writers under the
Telecommunications Act of 1996, and for other purposes.