A concurrent resolution expressing the sense of Congress regarding the education curriculum in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce a resolution condemning the recent selection of Libya to chair the 59th session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. If it was not so tragic, this selection would be a joke. That session begins in just a few days, on March 17.

Joining me as cosponsors are Senators Smith, Kennedy, Feinstein, and Corzine.

The reason I say it would almost be a joke is that it is unconscionable that a human rights abuser such as Libya, and a country that has been the subject of United Nations sanctions because of its links to terrorist activities, would be selected to lead an international human rights organization. Talk about the fox in the chicken coop, this is an exact replication of what that old saw is. Libya has not even complied with the Commission's own recommendations on how to improve its own dismal human rights record.

We are talking about a country that was responsible for downing a passenger airliner and the bombing of a discotheque in Europe.

Libya's selection to the chairmanship undermines the credibility of this Commission and threatens the international community's responsibility to protect human rights. How can the Commission retain any credibility with Libya at the helm?

I want to review Libya's human rights record over the past three decades, which Human Rights Watch characterizes as ``appalling.'' This record includes the abduction, forced disappearance, and assassination of political opponents. In Libya today, hundreds of people remain arbitrarily detained, and some have been so for over a decade. Human rights monitors have registered concern about the use of physical and psychological torture in detainment, leading to the deaths of some detainees.

Additionally, the Libyan Government restricts freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion.

Does a government with such a record merit the chair of a Commission that was established in 1946, in the wake of the atrocities of World War II, specifically to protect the Universal Declaration of Human Rights? Libya should not chair this Commission. If anything, it should be under investigation by it.

In 2000, after years of investigations and appeals, two Libyan intelligence officers were found guilty by Scottish judges in the attack on Pan Am flight 103, which killed 270 people, including 38 from New Jersey and citizens from over 20 other countries.

Just as the international community was finally sentencing the Libyans responsible for this 1988 tragedy, and beginning to bring them to justice, General Qadhafi was planning Libya's ascent to lead the Commission on Human Rights. He gained the African nomination for chair against the wishes of many fellow African leaders, some of whom are making genuine strides toward improving their countries' human rights records.

At the time, a spokeswoman from South Africa's opposition group, the Democratic Alliance, said:

African countries should have supported a candidate of whom

all Africans could be proud.

For the first time in the history of the Commission on Human Rights, the United States--appalled by the African Union's nomination of Libya--called for a vote. On January 20 of this year, only Canada and one other country joined the United States in voting against Libya's chairmanship. Many of the 33 countries that voted in favor of Libya are recipients of United States direct foreign assistance. Imagine, we are giving them aid, and these countries are supporting the chairmanship

of a country that is an abuser of human rights of the first order. Many of our European allies abstained from the vote.

The resolution I am introducing with my colleagues, Senators Smith, Kennedy, Feinstein, and Corzine, condemns Libya's selection as chair. It asserts that the manipulation of the Commission by a gross human rights violator undermines the credibility of the body while legitimizing regimes that continue their oppressive activities.

This resolution calls on countries throughout the world to renew their commitment to human rights. The resolution also calls on the President and the Secretary of State to object strongly to the United Nations' current suspension of its sanctions against Libya. These sanctions should remain in place until Libya complies with the requirements of multiple U.N. resolutions, one of which calls on Libyan leader Muammar Qadhafi to acknowledge responsibility for the 1988 Pan Am terrorism attack--something he has refused to do so far, despite the incontrovertible evidence.

Finally, in this resolution, I call on the Secretary of State to work with other members of the United Nations to reform that Commission and to ensure that governments that violate human rights, sponsor terrorist activities, and are subject to U.N. sanctions cannot be elected to leadership positions in the Commission and other U.N. bodies in the future.

Mr. President, I rise today to join my colleague, Senator Feinstein in introducing a resolution to prohibit employment discrimination in the Senate based on sexual orientation.

Senate rules currently prohibit employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, national origin, age, or state of physical handicap. I believe that it is time for us to add sexual orientation to that list.

As a cosponsor of the Employment Nondiscrimination Act, I have stood behind the principle that employment discrimination against any person is hurtful to society as a whole, and if I am going to hold the private sector accountable for its actions, I should certainly promote the same principles in the U.S. Senate.

It is important to note that the Senate is lagging behind the rest of the Federal Government in prohibiting employment discrimination based on sexual orientation. Since 1996, 13 Cabinet level agencies and the White House have had anti-discrimination policies, and in 1998, President Clinton issued an executive order prohibiting sexual orientation discrimination in the Federal Executive Branch, including civilians in the military. That executive order now covers 2 million Federal employees, but people who work in the Senate do not enjoy those same protections.

Many of my colleagues already have written policies indicating that sexual orientation is not a factor in their employment decisions, and it is past time that we make this non-discrimination policy a part of the Standing Rules of the Senate. I want to thank my friend and colleague, Senator Feinstein, for her leadership in this issue, and urge my colleagues to support this important resolution.

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce an important resolution on behalf of myself and Mr. Schumer that brings to light pervasive messages of intolerance in Saudi Arabia's education curriculum and the need for reform of that curriculum. We are joined in this effort by Mr. Corzine, Mr. Ensign, Mr. Feingold, Mrs. Murray, Mr. Santorum, Mr. Voinovich, and Mr. Wyden.

There have been recent studies that reveal that school textbooks in Saudi Arabia often foster anti-Semitic, anti-American, and anti-Western views. We might all recall that 15 of the 19 hijackers responsible for the September 11 terrorist attacks were Saudi Arabian nationals. It is absolutely critical that we and others in the United States work to ensure that radical doctrines and messages of hate are not present in any child's education, and that the values taught in Saudi Arabia's schools in particular do not turn innocent children into prime candidates to commit terrorist acts as adults.

There is no question of who is responsible for any messages of hate that might appear in Saudi textbooks. The Saudi Arabian Government controls and regulates all forms of education in

public as well as in private schools. The religious curriculum is written, monitored, and taught by followers of the Wahhabi interpretation of Islam--the only religious doctrine the Government of Saudi Arabia allows to be taught.

Our important resolution calls for Saudi Arabia to thoroughly review its education curriculum and to reform it in a manner that promotes tolerance, develops civil society, and encourages functionality in the global economy. It is in the interest of security and peace that we end any educational malpractice in Saudi Arabia that might lead to more tragedy and terror.

Finally, the resolution also calls upon the United States Representative to UNESCO to urge that the U.N. body take up the textbook issue and monitor reform of the education curriculum in Saudi Arabia.

Mr. President, I also urge my respected colleagues to join us in supporting this important legislation.

Mr. President, today I am joined by the chairman and ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Senators Hatch and Leahy, along with 16 other Senators, in introducing this resolution to keep alive in the memory of all Americans the sacrifice and commitment of those law enforcement officers who lost their lives serving their communities. Specifically, this resolution would designate May 15, 2003, as National Peace Officers Memorial Day.

As a former deputy sheriff, I know first-hand the risks which law enforcement officers face every day on the frontlines protecting our communities. Currently, more than 850,000 men and women who serve this Nation as our guardians of law and order do so at a great risk. Every year, about 1 in 15 officers is assaulted, 1 in 46 officers is injured, and 1 in 5,255 officers is killed in the line of duty somewhere in America every other day. There are few communities in this country that have not been impacted by the words: ``officer down.''

On September 11, 2001, 72 peace officers died at the World Trade Center in New York City as a result of a cowardly act of terrorism. This single act of terrorism resulted in the highest number of peace officers ever killed in a single incident in the history of this country. Before this event, the greatest loss of law enforcement in a single incident occurred in 1917, when nine Milwaukee police officers were killed in a bomb blast at their police station.

In 2002, more than 145 Federal, State, and local law enforcement officers gave their lives in the line of duty, well below the decade- long average of 165 deaths annually, and a major drop from 2001 when a total of 230 officers were killed. A number of factors contributed to this reduction including better equipment and the increased use of bullet-resistant vests, improved training, longer prison terms for violent offenders, and advanced emergency medical care. And, in total, more than 15,000 men and women have made the supreme sacrifice.

The chairman of the National Law Enforcement Officers Memorial Fund, Craig W. Floyd, reminds us that ``a police officer is killed in the line of duty somewhere in America nearly every other day. More than 800,000 officers put their lives at risk each and every day for our safety and protection. National Police Week and Peace Officers Memorial Day provide our Nation with an important opportunity to recognize and honor that extraordinary service and sacrifice.''

On May 15, 2003, more than 15,000 peace officers are expected to gather in our Nation's Capital to join with the families of their fallen comrades who by their faithful and loyal devotion to their responsibilities have rendered a dedicated service to their communities. In doing so, these heroes have established for themselves an enviable and enduring reputation for preserving the rights and security of all citizens. This resolution is a fitting tribute for this special and solemn occasion.

I urge my colleagues to join us in supporting passage of this important resolution.

Mr. President, it is a privilege to join with my colleague from New Jersey, Senator Lautenberg in expressing our deepest concern that Libya will chair the next session of the United Nations Human Rights Commission.

We know that Libya has supported, trained, and harbored some of the most notorious terrorists in the world. Libya is on the Department of State's list of nations that sponsor terrorism. To allow Libya to chair the UN Human Rights Commission is a serious and shameful mistake.

At this difficult time, the United Nations needs the highest possible credibility as it struggles to deal effectively with so many vital issues affecting nations throughout the world.

In fact, Libya continues to be in violation of multiple United Nations resolutions. It still has not complied with Security Council Resolution 748 to `'accept complete responsibility for the actions of Libyan officials.''

Libya still has not complied with the resolution to ``commit itself definitively to cease all forms of terrorist action and all assistance to terrorist groups and promptly, by concrete actions, demonstrate its renunciation of terrorism.'' We have received nothing concrete renouncing terrorism.

The international community is still waiting for Libya to accept responsibility for the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, a bombing that murdered 270 innocent persons, including 89 Americans and 13 from Massachusetts. Until September 11th, the Pan Am bombing had killed more Americans than any other terrorist atrocity in our history.

Clearly, Libya should not have been appointed to chair an international human rights commission. Yet, in a secret ballot, 33 countries voted in favor of Libya, 17 abstained, and only the United States and Canada voted against Libya.

Fourteen years later, the families and the world community are still trying to find justice. We are still trying to hold Libya accountable for this atrocity, and we are still asking Libya to renounce terrorism and pay appropriate compensation to the victims' families.

Colonel Qadhafi still has not acknowledged that he ordered the attack. The victims still have not been compensated. The Libyans are still demanding that international economic sanctions be lifted, and that the Libyan government receive a clean bill of health on terrorism before it provides compensation to the families.

This choice of Libya should be a wakeup call for this administration. It shows the need for our own genuine participation in the UN--not the arrogant attitude the administration so often uses in its relations with other nations. We cannot expect to have good ties, even with our allies, if we do not treat them with respect.

I urge the Senate to support this proposal that requests President Bush and Secretary of State Powell to object strongly to the UN's current suspension of sanctions against Libya and to work with other members of the UN to reform the Human Rights Commission. Terrorism deserves no support from any nation.

Mr. President, I rise today to submit a resolution to prohibit employment discrimination in the Senate based on sexual orientation.

I would like to thank the Senator from Oregon, Mr. Smith, as well as my other colleagues who join me in introducing this resolution.

The resolution would amend the Standing Rules of the Senate by adding ``sexual orientation'' to ``race, color, religion, sex, national origin, age, or state of physical handicap'' in the antidiscrimination provision of rule 42, which governs the Senate's employment practices.

By amending the current rule, it would forbid any Senate Member, officer, or employee from terminating, refusing to hire, or otherwise discriminating against an individual with respect to promotion, compensation, or any other privilege of employment, on the basis of that individual's sexual orientation.

Senate employees currently have no recourse available to them should they become a victim of this type of employment discrimination.

If the rules are amended, any Senate employee that encountered discrimination based on their sexual orientation would have the option of reporting it to the Senate Ethics Committee. The Ethics Committee could then investigate the claim and recommend discipline for any Senate Member, officer, or employee found to have violated the rule.

Unfortunately, the Senate is already well behind other establishments of the U.S. Government in this area of antidiscrimination.

By 1996, at least 13 Cabinet level agencies, including the Departments of Justice, Agriculture, Transportation, Health and Human Services, Interior, Housing and Urban Development, Labor, and Energy, in addition to the General Accounting Office, General Services Administration, Internal Revenue Service, the Federal Reserve System, Office of Personnel Management, and the White House had already issued policy statements forbidding sexual orientation discrimination.

In 1998, Executive Order 13087 was issued to prohibit sexual orientation discrimination in the Federal executive branch, including civilian employees of the military departments and sundry other governmental entities.

That Executive order now covers approximately 2 million Federal civilian

workers. Yet more than 4 years later, there are still employees of the Senate that are unprotected.

In taking this step toward addressing discrimination, the Senate would join not only the executive branch, but also 308 Fortune 500 companies, 23 State governments and 262 local governments that have already prohibited workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation.

Currently, 65 Senators have already adopted written policies for their congressional offices indicating that sexual orientation is not a factor in their employment decisions.

Now, I urge my colleagues to join me by making this policy universal for the Senate, rather than relying on a patchwork of protection that only covers some of the Senate's employees.