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Legislative Activity
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Received in the Senate and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
October 17, 2005
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Introduced in House
September 20, 2005
Referred to the House Committee on International Relations.
September 20, 2005
Mr. Smith (NJ) moved to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, as amended.
October 6, 2005 • 4:29 PM
Considered under suspension of the rules. (consideration: CR H8674-8678; text of measure as introduced: CR H8674)
October 6, 2005 • 4:29 PM
DEBATE - The House proceeded with forty minutes of debate on H. Con. Res. 248.
October 6, 2005 • 4:29 PM
At the conclusion of debate, the Yeas and Nays were demanded and ordered. Pursuant to the provisions of clause 8, rule XX, the Chair announced that further proceedings on the motion would be postponed.
October 6, 2005 • 4:52 PM
Considered as unfinished business. (consideration: CR H8793)
October 7, 2005 • 2:41 PM
Passed/agreed to in House: On motion to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, as amended Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: (2/3 required): 354 - 0 (Roll no. 520).(text: CR 10/6/2005 H8674)
October 7, 2005 • 2:51 PM
On motion to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution, as amended Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: (2/3 required): 354 - 0 (Roll no. 520). (text: CR 10/6/2005 H8674)
October 7, 2005 • 2:51 PM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
October 7, 2005 • 2:51 PM
Received in the Senate and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.
October 17, 2005
Voting History
1 vote recorded • Roll call available
Floor Debate
21 membersWhat members said about H.Con.Res. 248 on the floor
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Floor Debate
21 membersWhat members said about H.Con.Res. 248 on the floor
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much for yielding me this time. It is not so much what is in this bill; it is what is not in this bill. What we have here is a bill which does not, in fact,…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman very much for yielding me this time.
It is not so much what is in this bill; it is what is not in this bill. What we have here is a bill which does not, in fact, deal with all of the threats which are posed by al Qaeda.
Right now, across our country, it is harder to get into some night clubs in New York City than it is to get into chemical facilities across our country. There are 23 States that have over 100 facilities that could cause injuries or deaths to 1 million people. This bill still does not mandate armed guards at chemical facilities.
The nuclear power industry still does not have a permanent upgrade of the protections which are needed against an al Qaeda attack, even though we know that al Qaeda has nuclear power plants at the top of their terrorist target list.
Public transit. While $18 billion has been spent on airlines, only a small fraction of that has been spent on mass transit to protect against al Qaeda attacks, even though we have been warned in Madrid, warned in London, and even today, New York is in fear that there could be an attack on that city.
LNG: What the Republicans have done this year is they have told mayors they have no say over where LNG facilities would go. Governors have no say. And the Coast Guard has no say. Only the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, dealing with the wish lists of the oil and gas industry, can decide where they go, but in the City of Boston and in dozens of cities across our country, they are going to have a homeland security nightmare trying to protect if al Qaeda attacked an LNG facility.
When it comes to hazardous material shipments, this majority Republican Party still refuses to have a mandate that there is a rerouting of those dangerous chemicals, the chlorines and the others that, if they were attacked, would cause catastrophic injuries in our country.
And in aviation, still only a small fraction of all of the cargo that goes on passenger planes in our country is inspected. So the people in our country must take off their shoes, put their computer through, their bags go through, all of it is screened, and they are sitting in the passenger section of the plane, and then underneath their feet will come all of this cargo that has not been screened.
This bill has only a very slight increase in its budget, but the budget itself does not determine whether or not we have good homeland security. This Republican majority still refuses to tell the chemical, the nuclear, the LNG, the hazardous material industry, the aviation industry that there is a regulatory black hole through which al Qaeda can come to attack the very list of targets that they put at the top of their terrorist target list. Not enough money and no mandates on the industry.
Mr. Speaker, catastrophe is bred by complacency, and that is what this bill is.
Mr. Speaker, the conference report we are considering today on the House Floor fails to close dangerous homeland security loopholes that continue to put Americans at risk more than 4 years after the 9/11 attacks.
Despite the urgent need to increase protections against terrorists determined to strike our country, serious vulnerabilities persist in a range of major areas:
Chemical plant security: More than 100 facilities in 23 States could threaten 1 million or more people if terrorists attacked the facility. There are no federal security requirements for chemical plants--the industry secures itself if it decides, on its own, to do so. ``60 Minutes'' did a segment where they literally walked right through an open front gate into a chemical plant outside downtown Pittsburgh. At one facility, the reporter climbed up onto a tank containing toxic material and shouted ``hello, I'm on your tank.'' There were no guards and no one tried to stop him. There are nightclubs in New York City that are harder to get into than some of our chemical plants.
Leaks of toxic chemicals can be devastating. In India in 1984, a leak at a chemical plant in Bhopal killed at least 4,000 people and injured hundreds of thousands more.
Transportation of extremely hazardous materials: Shipments of extremely hazardous materials such as chlorine routinely travel through
densely populated areas of our country. These shipments are mobile chemical weapons that often share the same track as urban passenger rail systems and could kill or injure 100,000 people within half an hour.
In a report released by the Teamsters Rail Conference last week that surveyed rail employees, 63 percent of those surveyed indicated that their train or equipment was delayed or left unattended for an extended period of time that day, and of those, 55 percent indicated that there were hazardous materials aboard that train.
LNG Security: One of Millennium Bomb plotters planning to attack Los Angeles International Airport was smuggled into the country on an LNG tanker docking in Everett, MA in my Congressional District. Terrorists may target LNG tankers and terminals, resulting in catastrophic consequences for surrounding communities. In 1979, my bill to require such remote siting was signed into law. But the Bush Administration is trying to undermine it, opening up the possibility an LNG plant would be placed, like a sitting duck, in the middle of an urban area, where an attack or accident would cause incredible devastation. Energy Bill signed into law in August 2005 froze out local officials from site decision-making process, so now convenience for energy companies, rather than security safeguards for surrounding community, will determine where facilities are built. Last month, I offered an amendment to the Coast Guard reauthorization bill to require the involvement of the Coast Guard, which is part of the Homeland Security Department, in siting decisions. My amendment was defeated on the House Floor.
Republicans claim to support local control and the right of states to fend off federal encroachments. But when it comes to LNG siting, Republicans cut out mayors and governors and state homeland security officials from carrying out one of their most important responsibilities--protecting the public.
Aviation: Approximately 22 percent of all cargo transported by air in the United States is carried on passenger planes. This cargo consumes about half of the space in the cargo bay on a typical flight, and almost none of it is ever inspected! In the past, this cargo loophole has been exploited with deadly results, such as when Pan Am Flight 103 was blown up over Lockerbie, Scotland by a bomb hidden in unscreened baggage. I asked Secretary Chertoff if he would support a requirement that 100 percent of the cargo carried on passenger planes be inspected, just as all checked bags, carry-on bags and passengers are currently inspected before boarding? He said ``No.''
Why should the booties of babies be scrutinized for bombs, but no one checks the cargo bound for the belly of a Boeing? The Bush administration says we should trust the shipper. But we must apply the Reagan Doctrine to cargo security--Trust, but verify.
Public transit: The attacks in London and Madrid clearly demonstrated our vulnerability to similar strikes against our transit systems here in the United States. Despite these wake-up calls, this conference report provides only slightly more funding than what is being provided today. Ranking Members Obey and Sabo offered amendments during the conference to increase funding for public transit security, but these amendments were defeated by the unanimous opposition from Republicans on the conference committee.
The American Public Transportation Association has identified $6 billion in transit security needs for U.S. public transportation systems, approximately the same amount of money we're spending each month in Iraq. Since September 11, the Federal Government has spent $18 billion on passenger air security, but only $250 million on transit security. Yet, Americans take public transportation 32 million times a day--16 times more than they fly.
Biological Weapons: Four years after the unsolved anthrax attacks on the Capitol that killed innocent workers, DHS has only completed material threat assessments on four of the biological, chemical and radiological agents that it is required to assess under Project Bioshield. I asked Secretary Chertoff if he would commit to completing the rest of these threat assessments within 60 days. He said ``no.''
Today's conference report does not adequately address these issues. This bill does not:
Require chemical plants to be protected by armed guards trained to prevent attacks by sophisticated, suicidal terrorists or require chemical companies to substitute safer technologies and chemicals in their processes whenever possible, so if terrorists penetrate a plant, damage they could cause would be dramatically reduced.
Require re-routing of extremely hazardous materials whenever possible to reduce the threat of an attack on a chemical shipment in a densely populated area.
Mandate that LNG facilities should be built in remote locations far away from population centers or ensure that security officials, including State and local government representatives are involved in siting process.
Require that all the commercial cargo carried on passenger planes be inspected for bombs, just as all passengers and their luggage are.
Direct the Department of Homeland Security to complete all of the 60 material threat assessments and purchase all of the vaccine doses required under Project Bioshield.
Republicans continue to nickel and dime homeland security while writing a blank check for the war in Iraq. Specifically, the discretionary funding provided in this bill is $1.3 billion, only 4.5 percent more than last year, which is just slightly more than the rate of inflation. When Ranking Members Obey and Sabo attempted to add $1.7 billion for FEMA disaster mitigation programs, emergency management grants, chemical, transit and port security, and other critical security programs such as aviation security and Coast Guard operations, they were defeated by Republicans on a party-line vote.
Hurricane Katrina and Hurricane Rita washed away the illusion that the Federal Government is better prepared to respond to a natural disaster or terrorist attack than it was on 9/11. Not only are we not prepared for a natural or man-made disaster, we are not taking the preventive measures to reduce the risk of these devastating events. This conference report does not provide for qualified, experienced leadership at FEMA, nor does it return FEMA to the staffing levels of the 1990s.
Mr. Speaker, I cannot support this conference report, which fails to address pressing, well-known homeland security weaknesses. I urge a ``no'' vote.
Mr. Speaker, the conference report we are considering today on the House Floor fails to close dangerous homeland security loopholes that continue to put Americans at risk more than four years after the 9/11 attacks.
Despite the urgent need to increase protections against terrorists determined to strike our country, serious vulnerabilities persist in a range of major areas:
Nuclear terrorism: Non-proliferation expert Graham Allison has said that ``more likely than not'' there will be an act of nuclear terrorist attack in our country. Al Qaeda views obtaining nuclear weapons as a religious duty. There are tens of thousands of nuclear weapons-worth of highly enriched uranium in the former Soviet Union, but we do not have the technology that can reliably detect it at our ports of entry.
Chemical plant security: More than 100 facilities in 23 States could threaten 1 million or more people if terrorists attacked the facility. There are no federal security requirements for chemical plants--the industry secures itself if it decides, on its own, to do so. ``60 Minutes'' did a segment where they literally walked right through an open front gate into a chemical plant outside downtown Pittsburgh. At one facility, the reporter climbed up onto a tank containing toxic material and shouted ``hello, I'm on your tank.'' There were no guards and no one tried to stop him. There are nightclubs in New York City that are harder to get into than some of our chemical plants.
Leaks of toxic chemicals can be devastating. In India in 1984, a leak at a chemical plant in Bhopal killed at least 4,000 people and injured hundreds of thousands more.
Transportation of extremely hazardous materials: Shipments of extremely hazardous materials such as chlorine routinely travel through densely populated areas of our country. These shipments are mobile chemical weapons that often share the same track as urban passenger rail systems and could kill or injure 100,000 people within half an hour. In a report released by the Teamsters Rail Conference last week that surveyed rail employees, 63 percent of those surveyed indicated that their train or equipment was delayed or left unattended for an extended period of time that day, and of those, 55 percent indicated that there were hazardous materials aboard the train.
LNG Security: One of Millenium Bomb plotters planning to attack Los Angeles International Airport was smuggled into the country on an LNG tanker docking in Everett, MA in my Congressional District. Terrorists may target LNG tankers and terminals, resulting in catastrophic consequences for surrounding communities. In 1979, my bill to require such remote sitting was signed into law. But the Bush Administration is trying to undermine it, opening up the possibility an LNG plant would be placed, like a sitting duck, in the middle of an urban area, where an attack or accident would cause incredible devastation. Energy Bill signed into law in August 2005 froze out local officials from site decision-making process, so now convenience for energy companies, rather than security safeguards for surrounding community, will determine where facilities are built. Last month, I offered an amendment to the Coast Guard reauthorization bill to require the involvement of the Coast Guard, which is part of the Homeland Security Department, in siting decisions. My amendment was defeated on the House Floor.
Republicans claim to support local control and the right of states to fend off federal encroachments. But when it comes to LNG siting, Republicans cut out mayors and governors and state homeland security officials from carrying out one of their most important responsibilities--protecting the public.
Aviation: Approximately 22 percent of all cargo transported by air in the United States is carried on passenger planes. This cargo consumes about half of the space in the cargo bay on a typical flight, and almost none of it is ever inspected! In the past, this cargo loophole has been exploited with deadly results, such as when Pam Am Flight 103 was blown up over Lockerbie, Scotland by a bomb hidden in unscreened baggage. I asked Secretary Chertoff if he would support a requirement that 100 percent of the cargo carried on passenger planes be inspected, just as all checked bags, carry-on bags and passengers are currently inspected before boarding? He said ``No.''
Why should the booties of babies be scrutinized for bombs, but no one checks the cargo bound for the belly of a Boeing? The Bush Administration says we should trust the shipper. But we must apply the Reagan Doctrine to cargo security--Trust, but verify.
Public transit: The attacks in London and Madrid clearly demonstrated our vulnerability to similar strikes against our transit systems here in the United States. Despite these wake-up calls, this conference report provides only slightly more funding than what is being provided today. Ranking Members Obey and Sabo offered amendments during the conference to increase funding for public transit security, but these amendments were defeated by the unanimous opposition from Republicans on the conference committee.
The American Public Transportation Association has identified $6 billion in transit security needs for U.S. public transportation systems, approximately the same amount of money we're spending each month in Iraq. Since September 11, the federal government has spent $18 billion on passenger air security, but only $250 million on transit security. Yet, Americans take public transportation 32 million times a day--16 times more than they fly.
Biological Weapons: Four years after the unsolved anthrax attacks on the Capitol that killed innocent workers, DHS has only completed material threat assessments on FOUR of the biological, chemical and radiological agents that it is required to assess under Project Bioshield. I asked Secretary Chertoff if he would commit to completing the rest of these threat assessments within 60 days. He said ``No.''
Today's conference report does not adequately address these issues. This bill does not:
Require chemical plants to be protected by armed guards trained to prevent attacks by sophisticated, suicidal terrorists or require chemical companies to substitute safer technologies and chemicals in their processes whenever possible, so if terrorists penetrate a plant, damage they could cause would be dramatically reduced.
Requiring re-routing of extremely hazardous materials whenever possible to reduce the threat of an attack on a chemical shipment in a densely populated area.
Mandate that LNG facilities should be built in remote locations far away from population centers or ensure that security officials, including state and local government representatives are involved in siting process.
Require that all the commercial cargo carried on passenger planes be inspected for bombs, just as all passengers and their luggage are.
Direct the Department of Homeland Security to complete all of the 60 material threat assessments and purchase all of the vaccine doses required under Project Bioshield.
Republicans continue to nickel and dime homeland security while writing a blank check for the war in Iraq. Specifically, the discretionary funding provided in this bill is $1.3 billion, only 4.5 percent more than last year, which is just slightly more than the rate of inflation. When Ranking Members Obey and Sabo attempted to add $1.7 billion for FEMA disaster mitigation programs, emergency management grants, chemical, transit and port security, and other critical security programs such as aviation security and Coast Guard operations, they were defeated by Republicans on a party-line vote.
Hurricane Katrina and Hurricane Rita washed away the illusion that the Federal government is better prepared to respond to a natural disaster or terrorist attack than it was on 9/11. Not only are we not prepared for a natural or man-made disaster such as a dirty bomb, we are not taking the preventive measures to reduce the risk of these devastating events. This conference report does not provide for qualified, experienced leadership at FEMA, nor does it return FEMA to the staffing levels of the 1990s.
Mr. Speaker, I cannot support this conference report, which fails to address pressing, well-known homeland security weaknesses. I urge a ``no'' vote.
Mr. Speaker, I offer an amendment in the nature of a substitute. The Clerk will designate the amendment in the nature of a substitute. The text of the amendment in the nature of a substitute is as…
Mr. Speaker, I offer an amendment in the nature of a substitute.
The Clerk will designate the amendment in the nature of a substitute.
The text of the amendment in the nature of a substitute is as follows:
Amendment in the nature of a substitute offered by Mr.
Stupak:
Strike all after the enacting clause and insert the
following:
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I urge every member to support this amendment which provides meaningful relief for our Nation that is facing record gas prices. This amendment has support of the Minority Leader Pelosi as well as the ranking member of the Energy and Commerce Committee, Congressman Dingell. I would like to commend them for their support on this important initiative.
I would also like to thank the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) for his hard work on the refinery portions of this amendment. The results of our efforts have produced a quality product that will benefit all Americans.
I would also like to recognize Congressmen Bishop, Barrow and Etheridge and Congresswomen Herseth and Schwartz for their valued input on this legislation.
Even before the devastation caused by Hurricane Katrina, skyrocketing oil and gasoline prices were taxing American families and burdening our Nation's economy, with notable exceptions of the oil and gas industry which continued to rack up record profits.
Following Katrina, gas prices in some States reached $6 per gallon, deepening suspicion of the oil industry profiteering. Our amendment would ensure that the President has the tools needed to adequately respond to any energy emergency and prohibits price gouging on all petroleum products with a priority on refineries and big oil.
Whether it is gasoline or natural gas, the problem lies right here at the refinery level, with a 255 percent increase in the last 12 months alone. Here is a 1995 memo from the American Petroleum Industry, and I quote. ``A senior analyst, at the recent American petroleum energy convention, warned that if the U.S. petroleum industry does not refine or reduce its refining capacity, it will never see any substantial increase in refining margins.''
So since 1995, since this memo, they have closed 30 refineries. This conclusion is also backed up by the GAO, Government Accountability Office, which said in 2004 that by closing refineries, they were able to drive up to those exorbitant prices we are paying today at the pump.
Currently, there are only 28 states that have laws on the books that define price gouging and have enforcement mechanisms to go after those ripping off consumers. At the Federal level, there is no oversight to protect consumers from this predatory pricing, gouging or market manipulation. We need to pass this amendment today. No American should have to pay too much for gas because the oil companies are rigging prices.
Our amendment will give the President authority to take immediate action in the face of energy crisis by declaring a national energy emergency.
It will provide the Federal Trade Commission with new authority to investigate and prosecute those that engage in predatory pricing, from oil companies on down to gas stations, with the emphasis on those who profit the most. This includes price gouging of gasoline and natural gas, home heating oil, propane.
H.R. 3893 does nothing to address natural gas and propane gas prices, even though gas prices are expected to rise by more than 90 percent as shown in today's USA Today. Staying warm is to cost up to 90 percent more. That is natural gas. And this bill does not even address it.
Our amendment also empowers the Federal Government to impose tough civil penalties of up to triple damage on all excess profits on companies that have cheated consumers. The base bill provides no additional penalties for those who engage in price gouging.
Our amendment will also provide for relief to consumers paying skyrocketing energy and transportation costs and increase funding for the low-income home energy assistance program through fines from price- gouging companies.
It would also put in place new consumer protections to prevent market manipulation and ensure greater transparency in the cost of a gallon of gas. The base bill provides no transparency. Why is it, we in America, no one can tell us what does it cost for a gallon of gas? What does it cost for a cubic foot of natural gas? Why do they not want us to know how they are manipulating the market, gouging the American consumer?
In the wake of Hurricane Katrina, Americans are pulling together, donating to relief organizations and giving their time to help the people of the Gulf Coast recover. That is how American people react when they see their fellow citizens in need.
Unfortunately, some people have looked at Hurricane Katrina not as a chance to give but as an opportunity to profit. Some have decided to take advantage of this terrible tragedy and line their own pockets by gouging the American people at the gas pump.
As eight governors wrote to us in Congress urging passage of our legislation, they stated, and I quote, ``to price gouge consumers under normal circumstances is dishonest enough. But to take money off from the severe misfortune of others is downright immoral.''
Skyrocketing oil and gas prices are hurting the American consumer as well as our economy. Sadly, the majority bill does nothing to crack down on those who are manipulating the market and price gouging. The Stupak-Boucher amendment provides the kind of relief from high gas and energy prices that consumers deserve.
Our amendment will protect all consumers from unfair energy and gas prices and punish those who think that a time of a national tragedy is the right time to rob the American people of their hard-earned money.
I urge a ``yes'' vote on our amendment.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher), a member of the committee and my partner in drafting this amendment, the substitute amendment.
(Mr. BOUCHER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gene Green), a member of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Schwartz), one of the authors of this substitute, and we appreciate her.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Bishop), who helped us with the substitute and had invaluable input.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Barrow).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Farr).
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, when the oil refineries raise their rates 255 percent in the last 12 months, that is unconscionably excessive.
Well, Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will continue to yield, I guess we are going to have to look in the bill, because in the bill we also put in there factors to be considered excessively too much. If you go to the bottom of page 2, bottom of page 3, we put it in there. Our bill says that in 90 days the FTC has to define it for us.
I will give the gentleman examples. I think excessive is more than reasonable. When it is more than reasonable pricing.
A great example is Georgia. Why did it go up $6 a gallon after Hurricane Katrina? Was that reasonable, when the rest of the Nation was about $3? That is excessive. That is unconscionable.
Then the President, much like the manager's bill, and much like excessive, and the gentleman's bill has the same language basically because you copied our bill, so you can go outside the area. The President has the authority to go outside the area, just like he does in the underlying area.
And getting back to the FTC and what is excessive, again just like your bill, you used different words, but you allow the FTC to define it. We gave more than you gave. We actually gave concrete factors to consider.
In answer to the gentleman's last question, if you look at page 4, we have rulemaking in there, where the FTC shall promulgate the rules necessary and appropriate to enforce. Under the rulemaking process, you, myself, just about all of us have an opportunity to put in our two cents' worth on what we feel may be excessive, market manipulation, or price gouging. So, again, if you want to dwell on a word or two, I think all Americans know when they are being excessively gouged at the pump.
Go ahead. I will try to answer it.
It is just like the Strategic Petroleum Reserve; it is up to the Secretary to approve it. Would the Federal Government and Federal employees operate it? No. Much like we did in the energy bill for nuclear. Let us put it up and build it, but let someone else operate it and manage it.
They would operate around the clock. Mr. Chairman, if you look on page 18 on how it would be implemented, it is starting on line 9, we have the implementation plan, and it must be established within 2 years and how they are going to do it. But we would operate it year- round. The refined product would go to, without an energy declaration by the President, refined product would go to the military to meet their military needs. At times of emergency, then we would shift to give relief at home at the pump for the American people.
``Shall transmit the plan to Congress for establishment and operation of the strategic refinery reserve,'' lines 11 and 12.
Again, he will submit his plan, whoever the Secretary is. They may have a different idea, but they must submit it to the Congress so we can see. It is just like SPR, subject to appropriation, subject to congressional oversight.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished Democratic floor leader.
Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), our Democratic leader, who has been so supportive in our efforts to make sure that Americans get a fair shake at the gas pump and when they heat their homes this winter and go to work each and every day. She has been there fighting for the American people.
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 474, I call up the conference report to accompany the bill (H.R. 2360) making appropriations for the Department of Homeland Security for the fiscal year…
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 474, I call up the conference report to accompany the bill (H.R. 2360) making appropriations for the Department of Homeland Security for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2006, and for other purposes.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the conference report to accompany the bill, H.R. 2360, and that I may include tabular material on the same.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, we are pleased today to present for consideration the conference agreement on the funding for the Department of Homeland Security. Five weeks ago this Nation experienced perhaps the worst natural disaster in our history.
Ninety thousand square miles were declared a disaster area. Ninety thousand square miles, an area twice the size of my home State of Kentucky. I believe Hurricane Katrina was a wake-up call. It showed us we are not indestructible. Vulnerabilities clearly exist. We were reminded that there are many threats to the homeland security beyond terrorism.
There are obviously many lingering and important questions about Hurricane Katrina, all of which need to be and will be addressed in the upcoming months. We witnessed firsthand in Katrina the immediate response was inadequate. We also saw how responses varied across State lines and at different levels of government.
But while the response to Katrina was plagued by problems, the preparation response to Hurricane Rita was not. We observed a substantially more organized preparation and response, demonstrating how the Department of Homeland Security can and does work
as an effective organization. The fact is for many within the Department, the response to these disasters has been nothing short of remarkable.
For instance, in the week immediately following Katrina, the Coast Guard saved more than 33,000 lives, more than the Coast Guard saved over the past 5 years. Over 4,000 Coast Guard, 12,000 FEMA, 2,500 Federal law enforcement personnel have been sent to support Hurricane Katrina and Rita relief operations, and their work continues even as we speak.
The bill before us supports these efforts and more. It provides the funds the Department needs to prevent, prepare and respond to disasters, both natural and man-made. It provides a balance among Homeland Security programs and ensures the Department has the resources it needs to carry out its missions. This bill maintains a steady course towards keeping our communities safe and making our Nation more secure.
In total, the 2006 conference agreement provides $30.8 billion, $1.4 billion above the current year and $1.3 billion above what the President asked of us. This includes more than $19.1 billion for border protection and immigration enforcement; $3.3 billion for our Nation's first responders; $6.33 billion for transportation security; $1.5 billion for research, development and deployment of innovative technologies; and $625 million for protecting our national critical infrastructure and key assets.
In the interest of time, Mr. Speaker, I would like to highlight just a few of these items that I know are of interest to all the Members.
There is $3.3 billion for our first responders. This agreement strikes a balance between funding high-risk communities and providing support for States and localities to achieve and maintain minimum levels of preparedness. The bill includes $950 million for basic formula and law enforcement terrorism prevention grants and $1.2 billion for security in our urban and most populated areas, including $390 million for transportation and infrastructure security grants. Some people say the amount of money for first responders is below the current level, and it is true. It is. The reason for that is they have got $6.6 billion in the pipeline, not yet allocated; so why add to the reservoir when the river is running full?
The bill provides $19.1 billion for border protection, immigration enforcement and related activities, which is $1.2 billion over the current year and almost a half billion over what the President asked of us. That includes $1.8 billion for border security and control; $3.4 billion for Immigration and Customs Enforcement; $340 million for the US-VISIT program; $2.9 billion for Coast Guard operations; fully funding Deepwater at $933.1 million; and $40 million for the implementation of the REAL ID Act.
So I think the agreement, Mr. Speaker, will go a long way towards improving the integrity of our borders. When we combine what we have in this bill with the 2005 supplemental, we will have 1,500 new Border Patrol agents and 568 Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents across the land to be hired in fiscal year 2006. The bill also supports a total of 20,300 detention beds for housing people who are locked up, having come across the border.
The conference agreement supports security for all modes of transportation, including $6.3 billion for the Transportation Security Administration and the Federal Air Marshals and $150 million in rail security grants.
There is $85 million for air cargo security, which will support the hiring of 100 new air cargo inspectors, the development of new cargo screening technology and the expansion of canine enforcement teams. The bill also continues to provide strong oversight of TSA's progress towards inspecting all cargo that is transported on passenger aircraft.
There is $1.5 billion for science and technology, including $318 million for the Domestic Nuclear Detection Office that will coordinate our Nation's efforts against the smuggling of nuclear materials into our country. This is a brand new agency, and this is brand new funding. We also continue to fully fund research and development for antimissile devices that might be used against commercial aircraft.
Mr. Speaker, the important work of the Department of Homeland Security cannot be emphasized enough. As we continue to watch the recovery efforts in the Gulf States and our hearts go out with our money to those regions, it is clear that the assets we have given the Department over the past 3 years are being put to good use. I believe this conference agreement builds on the Department's progress and substantially furthers the protection of our homeland, and I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Lewis), chairman of the Committee on Appropriations, who has been enormously helpful in this bill all the way through.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Latham), one of the hard-working members of our subcommittee whose work helped make this bill happen.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Carter), another hard-working member of our subcommittee whom I rely upon very much.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Foley).
Mr. Speaker, before I yield back, I think it is important that the gentleman from Minnesota and I express our thanks to staff. They make us look good, because they are the ones who produce these products, the staff that is seated here with me and the staff on the minority side. These people have done yeoman's work day and night for the last year on this bill. I want to thank them for all of the great work that they have done.
I yield to the gentleman from Minnesota.
Mr. Speaker, I urge adoption of the conference report, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, let me first of all acknowledge the very hard work of the Chairman and the Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on Homeland Security, and I recognize that this is a difficult challenge. As…
Mr. Speaker, let me first of all acknowledge the very hard work of the Chairman and the Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on Homeland Security, and I recognize that this is a difficult challenge.
As a member of the Select Committee on Homeland Security and now the authorizing committee for two terms, I believe that those of us who have studied the details of the structure of homeland security can speak with a degree of information, if you will, of both the assets of this appropriation but also some elements that are obviously missing.
Spending a lot of time walking through the cots and amongst those who were survivors of Hurricane Katrina, having now in our community almost 125,000, I know the fear and the devastation of the lack of preparedness of this government. So it is to my dismay that the acceptance of Secretary Chertoff's reorganization plan was not put on hold so that we could truly find out what were the funding needs.
I join my colleagues in wanting more dollars for rail security. I have joined my colleagues in offering new legislation today that was articulated by the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Thompson). I join my colleagues in the concerns of the limited regulation of chemical plants. But, most of all, I speak to issues that I think would save additional lives.
There are 1,100 persons dead and still counting in the Hurricane Katrina backdrop of Mississippi, Alabama and in New Orleans. We have yet to mourn those who have lost their lives. But certainly the director for preparedness and response is not the answer. FEMA needs to be independent, self-sufficient, well-funded and a separate component to Homeland Security, even to the extent of being its own cabinet.
I realize that Michael Brown has been singled out, and I am delighted that Director Paulson is the Acting Director, but I can assure my colleagues, having been to Beaumont and Port Arthur after Hurricane Katrina, we did not have our act together then. We did not have our time and our organization together, even then. FEMA was not there timely. Generators that were needed were not there. Ice and water was not there. The National Guard did not have orders, and no one knew who was in charge. So, frankly, I believe there is much work to be done.
In the backdrop of the potential epidemic of bird flu, I believe there needs to be more resources and efforts than a chief medical officer. We need to boost up under Homeland Security the public health system. The sense of Congress that Immigration and Customs and border protection should be merged, I
do not know if that is a well-thought-out plan. In fact, we need to investigate some of the failings of these entities before we begin to merge one entity into another.
I am grateful that we have provided dollars for transportation security, but it is not enough. Whistleblower protection is good, but there is not enough funding, if you will, to establish an independent, strong FEMA. That is what we need to be focusing on, and the reorganization plan should not be accepted in the backdrop and the failures of Hurricane Katrina.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this appropriations measure because this Nation desperately needs all the resources it can get. According to the Department of Defense, over 15,000 of our troops have been injured in Iraq and Afghanistan. We have about 18,000 American troops deployed in Afghanistan and about 149,000 in Iraq for the current war effort. During the August recess, 85 American troops were killed in Iraq, and nearly 2,000 have been killed since September. To further exacerbate matters, the price tag for the war has already exceeded $196 billion, broken down to about $5 billion per month. These monies and bodies have been and are being expended on an effort that is not bringing the relief that is currently needed right here on American soil.
With these motions in mind, Mr. Speaker, I will ultimately support the underlying legislation under the Conference Report, but I recognize that it has many shortfalls that will affect this Nation's ability to respond to a new and substantial set of circumstances--namely the aftermath of Katrina and Rita. I speak not only from the standpoint of a Representative of an area that experienced compound effects of both Katrina and Rita, but I speak as a mother, wife, and a person who understands the pains of economic hardship.
I applaud the Conferees for giving agencies such as ICE an appropriation of $3.175 billion--which was a $216 million increase over the FY05 level of $2.95 billion. Furthermore, of the $4.6 billion allocated to TSA, $2.54 billion is allocated to cover the passenger and baggage screener workforce. The number of TSA screeners is capped at 45,000--which will constrain our efforts to compensate for the effects of the two hurricanes. Within this account, privatized screening operations are funded at $140 million. The conferees also extended liability protection to airports with private and TSA screeners for ``any act of negligence, gross negligence, or intentional wrongdoing'' committed by a Federal or private screener--which will be a good element.
While I support many of the allocations set forth in this measure, it is my feeling that, overall, the initiative to implement the departmental facelift called for in the Secretary's Second Stage Review is the wrong focus at this time. Katrina and Rita have created more pressing issues that could be addressed with this bill.
To compound the severe need for resources and administrative services caused by the hurricanes, there are major departmental changes that have been made that could weaken our ability to address those needs. The proposed transfer of all state and local grants and associated activities to the new Preparedness Directorate must be given oversight analysis before it is implemented. After having seen firsthand the cries for ice, potable water, food, and other subsistence items in Baton Rouge, LA and in my own backyard of Port Arthur, I know that this bill does not do all that it can to make us more prepared for incidents similar to Katrina and Rita.
Unfortunately, the underlying bill is not exactly on-point or up-to- date vis-a-vis Hurricane Rita. Many of the problems that we face are new, late breaking, and developing in front of our eyes.
In emergency situations such as occurred in the Gulf States, communications capabilities are essential. Emergency responders must have the equipment that will allow essential communications efforts to continue in case of the major damage to infrastructure we have seen in New Orleans.
Clearly, the Federal Emergency Management Agency needs to change-- from the bottom to the top. We need to look at whether the tasks charged to FEMA are too large to be included with 21 other agencies under the Department. Before some of the very substantial changes set forth in H.R. 2360 are passed into law, we need to seriously consider separating FEMA so that from top to bottom--especially given the recent resignation of former Director, Michael Brown, whose credentials as an emergency manager had been widely questioned.
Funds that we appropriate to FEMA must be prioritized for disaster preparedness, and we need substantial oversight in order to prevent catastrophic aftermaths.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from Michigan for yielding. I commend the gentleman from Michigan for his great leadership, and I thank him for his great leadership on behalf of the…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from Michigan for yielding. I commend the gentleman from Michigan for his great leadership, and I thank him for his great leadership on behalf of the American consumer and the American taxpayer.
The gentleman from Michigan and the gentleman from Virginia with their very wise substitute give a chance to help the consumer and declare energy independence. I also want to commend the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), the distinguished ranking member of the full committee, for his extraordinary leadership on this and so many issues. Also, I salute the gentleman from New York (Mr. Boehlert), chair of the Science Committee, for his recognition that this Democratic substitute is a better way to go.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to the Republican energy bill. It is anti-taxpayer. It is anti-consumer. And it is anti- environment. I encourage my colleagues to support the Stupak-Boucher substitute. This bill should be called, The Republican Gifts to Special Interests Bill. It is a perfect example of the Republican culture of cronyism and corruption. Using Hurricane Katrina as their excuse, the Republicans are once again pushing their special interest agenda at the expense of the American people.
Americans do not need legislation passed here today to enrich the oil industry. Americans need relief from high Georgia prices. This week, the average price at the pump was $2.92 a gallon. That is 99 cents more than a year ago and 30 cents higher than just pre-Katrina. It is also twice the cost per gallon than the first year when President Bush took office.
Winter is around the corner, and so are skyrocketing increases in home heating costs. Families who heat with natural gas could see their fuel costs increase more than 70 percent in some parts of the country. It is astounding. Families are expected to spend nearly three times as much for home heating oil again than they did 4 years ago, the first year President Bush took office. Let us get this straight. Price at the pump for the consumer, per gallon of gas, is twice as high as 4 years ago, the first year President Bush took office. For home heating oil, you are expected to pay three times as much as you did 4 years ago, the first year President Bush took office.
Yet for the second time in 1 month, the Republicans have brought a bill to the floor that fails to address price gouging, fails to bring down prices and fails to put us on the road to energy independence.
As with the energy bill passed this summer, this bill ignores the real need of the American people and rewards the greed of special interests. Need or greed, take your choice. The Republicans in this culture of corruption and cronyism came down on the side of greed. This bill includes all the special favors to the energy industry that were too extreme to be included in the energy bill passed by Congress less than 3 months ago.
Refinery companies have deliberately closed and consolidated their facilities to drive up profit margins. They are making enormous profits. Do the American people really believe the right response is to waive environmental laws, brush aside State and local authorities and open up Federal lands to new refineries? Of course not. But that is the Republican approach: Greed over need.
Republicans blame the Clean Air Act for our record energy costs. Even after removing its most extreme provisions, this bill still includes the so-called bump-up provision, which would expose millions of Americans to unhealthy levels of smog for years to come. Once again, greed over need.
Our Democratic substitute to this bill, introduced again by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) and the
gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) creates a strategic refinery initiative which would be able to produce 5 percent of the daily demand for gasoline when needed, real solutions to America's energy crisis. That is what this substitute contains. If you are able to produce 5 percent, bump that up to the daily demand, you can reduce the price of gasoline at the pump drastically.
For weeks, Democrats have demanded a new Federal law to crack down on price gouging by the energy industry. In fact, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) has that very bill. Consumers are being cheated every time they fill up their cars or turn up their thermostat by an industry making record profits. But this bill does not come close to addressing the severe gouging of consumers.
Our Democratic substitute provides real protection from price gouging for the first time. We have been asking for it over and over. Here we have a bill on the floor that will do just that. The Stupak-Boucher bill gives the Federal Trade Commission broad authority to crack down on price gouging for a wide range of fuels, for businesses all along the supply chain.
Our substitute provides for tough civil penalties and allows attorneys general to enforce the Federal law without interfering with State price gouging laws. Mr. Speaker, it is time for our Nation to make a declaration of energy independence. This is an urgent issue of national security. Together, America can do better. We have the resources. We have the technology. We have the innovative ideas, and more of them are springing forth all the time. We can do it right and create millions of new jobs at the same time.
We have an enormous untapped potential in the area of energy efficiency and renewable energy. By implementing existing technologies and developing new ones in every sector of the economy and American life, we can take a giant step toward energy independence. This is not just about turning down the thermostat or driving less. Many Americans have had to do that for a long time now, they have already taken those steps; as much as this is about using our ingenuity to make our lives better and more comfortable.
Let us make progress. Let us set aside this back-to-the-future energy bill and turn our faces into the 21st Century, toward our Nation's true needs. I urge my colleagues to again reject this special interest Republican giveaway act and support the Democratic substitute. Together, Americans can do better.
Mr. Speaker, my parliamentary inquiry is: Is it not bringing dishonor to the House of Representatives for this body to act in the shameful way that it is? Is it not part of the culture of corruption of the Republican Party to dishonor the wishes of the American people?
I have a parliamentary inquiry.
Parliamentary Inquiry
Mr. THOMAS (during the vote). Parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Speaker. Based upon the statement of the gentleman from Maryland that everyone had voted and that therefore the vote should have been closed----
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Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chairman for the time, and I come to the floor to speak against the Stupak substitute. I would tell all my colleagues in the energy markup in the full…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chairman for the time, and I come to the floor to speak against the Stupak substitute.
I would tell all my colleagues in the energy markup in the full committee, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) did offer his amendment. It was defeated. I offered an amendment that was dealing with price gouging, and I won by only one vote.
The gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) did an able job of pointing out some of the things in my amendment that he felt were weak. So the chairman and I and others on the committee went back, and we incorporated a lot of what the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) brought up in the debate. We included it in this manager's amendment.
So there is really no reason to vote for the Stupak substitute because much of what we have in the manager's amendment is already included. As a Member on this side of the aisle, I wanted to thank the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) for his help so that we are able to include in the manager's amendment some of his points, and I think we made a stronger bill.
I would say to those Members on both sides of the aisle, there is really no reason to support the Stupak amendment because lots of what he is talking about dealing with price gouging, as I mentioned earlier in my speech, we have included in the manager's amendment.
There are some other things I would like to point out dealing with the Stupak amendment. It does not provide consumer protection against price gouging in the crude oil or home heating oil market. The manager's amendment that I mentioned earlier offers these important consumer protections.
The Stupak amendment caps damages at $3 million per day, while the manager's amendment allows for $11,000 per violation with no cap on the amount of damages that can be assessed. I think that is an important difference, and I think we should realize that is why the manager's amendment is better.
The Stupak amendment has a market manipulation provision that is current law. The manager's amendment does not include this provision because the Federal Trade Commission has authority under current antitrust law to enforce against market manipulation.
The Stupak amendment includes petroleum distillates that are subject to price-gouging violations. Unfortunately, petroleum distillates, which are used in so many products that are sold to consumer product companies, such as cosmetics, could be subject to price gouging under this amendment. That is our interpretation. My colleagues might not agree with it, but that is an area we are concerned about. If we have price gouging, it could affect such things as cosmetics.
Overall, I think the point I am trying to make is, we incorporate a lot of the gentleman from Michigan's (Mr. Stupak) concerns in our manager's amendment. It made our bill stronger. We thank him for what he did.
In the end, I think my colleagues should realize we should vote against the Stupak substitute.
I agree we should have legislation to prevent people from lining their own pockets by taking advantage of others in a time of crisis. However, I cannot support the manner in which Mr. Stupak's amendment addresses the problem.
The Stupak amendment will create serious problems for consumers at a time of disaster. There is no mechanism to allow prices to reflect the changes in the market dynamic following a disaster other than cost.
The Stupak amendment defines price gouging violations with very subjective terms,
such as ``unconscionable'' and ``grossly exceeds'', that will prove unworkable for the FTC. Instead, the FTC possesses a history of determining what is unfair under the FTC Act and we should rely upon their expertise to define price gouging.
Because the amendment only accounts for price increases related to costs increases and does not include other factors--such as fear or panic--it will artificially restrain prices that lead to shortages in gasoline at the time consumers in a disaster area most need access to gasoline. This is because the amendment does not adequately allow for actual or anticipated changes in supply to be reflected in price.
The Stupak amendment includes ``petroleum distillates'' that are subject to price-gouging violations. Unfortunately, petroleum distillates are used in so many products that selling distillates to consumer products companies, such as cosmetics, could be subject to price gouging under this amendment.
While it does provide supply and demand considerations as a mitigating factor, it does so only for dollar costs actually incurred by the seller. It does not allow the FTC to consider countervailing benefits to consumers, namely that an increase in price can discourage hording by the first consumers to arrive at the gas station, leaving no gas for those who arrive later.
The amendment is not adequately tied to a time of disaster. It gives the President authority to declare an emergency for any disruption of gasoline distribution or any significant pricing anomalies in the market. If exercised, this would interfere with supply and demand and lead to shortages for extended periods of time.
The Stupak amendment caps damages at $3 million per day while the Manager's Amendment allows for $11,000 per violation, with no cap on the amount of damages that can be assessed.
The Stupak amendment has a market manipulation provision that is current law. The Manager's Amendment does not include this provision because the FTC has authority under current antitrust law to enforce against market manipulation.
The Stupak amendment does not provide consumer protection against price gouging in the crude oil or home heating oil markets. The Manager's Amendment offers these important consumer protections.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to Simon Wiesenthal, a tireless champion of justice for the victims of the Holocaust and for all humanity. As a survivor of the Holocaust, Simon Wiesenthal called…
Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to Simon Wiesenthal, a tireless champion of justice for the victims of the Holocaust and for all humanity.
As a survivor of the Holocaust, Simon Wiesenthal called his life a miracle. One often wondered whether it was by strength, providence or simple luck that he survived 12 gruesome concentration camps, but when he emerged from Mauthausen, liberated by American troops, he pledged to dedicate his survival to the fight for justice for Nazi victims.
He began with painstaking detective work in the War Crimes Section of the U.S. Army, gathering documentation to be used in the prosecution of the Nuremberg trials. His meticulous archival research became a key building block for the Yad Vashem archive in Jerusalem.
And when the Iron Curtain fell and the allied powers tired of tracking Nazi war criminals, Simon Wiesenthal pressed on. He helped locate Adolf Eichmann, the architect of the Final Solution, who was put on trial and hanged in Israel.
His efforts also led to the capture of Nazi war criminals living here in the United States. His success inspired the creation of the Office of Special Investigations at the Justice Department to seek their denaturalization and deportation.
For Mr. Wiesenthal, the pursuit of war criminals and hate groups was an integral part of Holocaust remembrance. The genocide of millions could not be mourned properly while the murderers walked free. The cry of ``never again'' could not be fulfilled if the world did not act against neo-Nazis and other extremists who continue to foment hatred and violence.
I am especially proud that my district in Los Angeles is home to the Simon Wiesenthal Center, a leading voice in Holocaust education and the fight against anti-Semitism, racism, and extremism.
With offices around the world, the Wiesenthal Center has actively worked with UNESCO and the OSCE individual nations and regional institutions to fight increasing anti-Semitism in Europe and expose hate groups on the Internet.
The center's Museum of Tolerance opened in 1993 and has welcomed over 4 million visitors to its permanent collection on the Holocaust and contemporary exhibits on Rwanda, Sudan, and the former Yugoslavia.
These programs are all part of Simon Wiesenthal's legacy as a hero to the victims of the Holocaust, the survivors, and future generations.
As we mourn his passing, let us reaffirm our commitment to honor his courage and conviction and continue his life's work.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to Simon Wiesenthal, a tireless champion of justice for the victims of the Holocaust and for all humanity.
As a survivor of the Holocaust, Simon Wiesenthal called his life a miracle. He often wondered whether it was by strength, Providence, or simple luck that he survived 12 gruesome concentration camps. But when he emerged from Mauthausen, liberated by American troops, he pledged to dedicate his survival to the fight for justice for Nazi victims.
He began with painstaking detective work in the War Crimes Section of the United States Army, gathering documentation to be used in the prosecution of the Nuremberg trials. His meticulous archival research became a key building block for the Yad Vashem archive in Jerusalem.
And when the Iron Curtain fell and the allied powers tired of tracking Nazi war criminals, Simon Wiesenthal pressed on. He helped locate Adolf Eichman, the architect of the ``Final Solution,'' who was put on trial and hanged in Israel. He tracked down the Gestapo officer who arrested and deported Anne Frank to prove wrong the early Holocaust deniers who claimed her story was untrue.
His efforts also led to the capture of Nazi war criminals living here in the United States. His success inspired the creation of the Office of Special Investigations at the Justice Department to seek their denaturalization and deportation.
To date, OSI has won 101 cases. Its most recent victory came in August when a U.S.
District Court in Chicago revoked the citizenship of a member of a Nazi-sponsored Ukrainian unit that decimated the Jewish community of Lvov.
For Mr. Wiesenthal, the pursuit of war criminals and hate groups was an integral part of Holocaust remembrance. The genocide of millions could not be mourned properly while the murderers walked free. The cry of `Never Again' could not be fulfilled if the world did not act against neo-Nazis and other extremists continuing to foment hatred and violence.
I am especially proud that my district in Los Angeles is home to the Simon Wiesenthal Center--a leading voice in Holocaust education and the fight against anti-Semitism, racism and extremism.
With offices around the world, the Wiesenthal Center has actively worked with UNESCO, the OSCE, individual nations and regional institutions to fight increasing anti-Semitism in Europe and expose hate groups on the Internet.
The Center's Museum of Tolerance, opened in 1993, has welcomed over 4 million visitors to its permanent collection on the Holocaust and contemporary exhibits on Rwanda, Sudan, and the former Yugoslavia.
Thousands of students, teachers, and law enforcement officers have participated in the Museum's ``Tools for Tolerance'' program to combat hate crimes, prejudice, and bias in our own communities.
These programs are all part of Simon Wiesenthal's legacy as a hero to the victims of the Holocaust, the survivors, and future generations.
As we mourn his passing, let us reaffirm our commitment to honor his courage and conviction and continue his life's work.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hall). Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Shimkus), a distinguished member of the committee. Mr.…
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hall).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Shimkus), a distinguished member of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Stearns), one of my subcommittee chairmen.
(Mr. STEARNS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Pickering), the vice chairman of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy), another distinguished member of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Midland, Texas (Mr. Conaway), the former mayor of Midland.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to enter into a colloquy with the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) if they are on the floor. I know the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) is. I do not know if the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) is or not.
First of all, I want to say that I think it is good that we have a Democrat substitute. I think it adds to the debate. It certainly adds to the fairness of the debate. But I do have some questions for my good friend from Michigan.
On page 2, title I, section 101, it basically says if a President has issued a declaration that there is an energy emergency, it begins to talk about a price that is unconscionably excessive. That is line 4. What is unconscionably excessive?
I yield to the gentleman from Michigan.
So reclaiming my time, Mr. Speaker, if they were up 250 percent, that would not be unconscionably excessive?
I am asking what if it was conscious? What if somebody set a price that was not unconscious, but said I am going to raise the price? Would that trigger it?
Look, I am asking legitimate questions.
Then you need to put the example in the statute.
Let me ask another question. It says ``in the area to which the declaration applies.'' What if the price gouging is outside of the declaration area? What does your amendment do then?
We do not have in the manager's amendment the words ``unconscionably excessive.'' We do not have the words ``gross disparity.'' I am not disputing the intent. I understand that. I do question the advisability of putting that in statute when it is not defined. That is my question.
Can the gentleman answer questions about the strategic reserve?
Mr. Speaker, I know the gentleman's intent is honorable. I am not questioning that.
Can the gentleman answer questions about section 191, the Strategic Refinery Reserve? I know the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) is the prime author.
First of all, it says the Secretary shall establish and operate. Does that mean that the Federal Government would actually build these refineries and operate them with Federal employees?
Would these refineries operate continuously, around the clock, or would they only operate when the President has declared an energy emergency?
Well, on page 18, the implementation plan just says the Secretary shall transmit to the Congress a plan. But it is your understanding that if this were to become law, these refineries that would be built by the Department of Energy would actually be operated on a continual basis; is that correct?
But the strategic petroleum reserve is a reserve that you take crude oil and store it so if we need it you bring it up and transmit it to refineries to be refined into refined products. A strategic refinery reserve, as I understand it in this bill, you actually go out and build the refineries, and it is unclear to me whether you would operate them around the clock or just in some sort of an emergency.
I do understand that you require the Secretary of Energy to transmit the plan. But if the Secretary of Energy did not want to operate them continuously, I guess he would have that authority in the plan to have them as a sort of ready reserve.
Mr. Speaker, I claim the time in opposition to the motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, I want to engage in a short colloquy with the gentleman from New York (Mr. McHugh) concerning LIHEAP funding.
I yield to the gentleman from New York.
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I support increased LIHEAP funding and the Energy Policy Act of 2005 the for LIHEAP funding from $2 billion to $5.1 billion. I will work with the gentleman to help increase the amount of funds appropriated for LIHEAP, to help those Americans, including those Americans in your great State of New York, most vulnerable to the higher energy costs we are seeing today.
Mr. Speaker, I oppose the motion to recommit. I know we are tired and grumpy, and we want to go home and catch planes.
Let me simply say that it appears to be the Stupak language on price gouging that was in the Democratic substitute. If that is correct, we have already had the vote, and we have in the pending bill language that addresses price gouging. So I guess we just have a difference of opinion.
It reminds me of what Ginger Rogers said when she was asked to comment on what a great dancer Fred Astaire was. She said, ``Yes, but I do it, and I do it in high heels backwards.''
So we both agree on both sides of the aisle that we need to do something about price gouging. I would say the base bill before us does it a little bit more eloquently, and it does it so that we can actually get to the root cause without preempting the States.
Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, today the House is considering the conference agreement on H.R. 2360, the Homeland Security Appropriations Bill for FY 2006. I am pleased by some of the provisions in this conference…
Mr. Speaker, today the House is considering the conference agreement on H.R. 2360, the Homeland Security Appropriations Bill for FY 2006. I am pleased by some of the provisions in this conference report, but I am also troubled by a number of other provisions.
We had several days to prepare before Hurricane Katrina ravaged the gulf coast--much longer than we will have before a potential terrorist attack. But the administration's incompetence meant that extra time was almost wasted and lives were lost. In April, we had a successful terrorism response exercise in New Jersey called TOPOFF 3, bringing together Federal, State and local authorities to respond to simulated terrorist attacks. What we need are more exercises like these, not fewer; more and better planning, not less. But this conference report cuts pre-disaster mitigation by $50 million over last year and by $100 million from even the administration's request. If we had spent money ahead of time--if we had pre-positioned assets in the gulf coast region before Katrina struck--we could have saved lives and billions of dollars. As our Nation faces a variety of threats, both manmade and natural, we need to think seriously about these cuts.
After watching the Federal Emergency Management Agency seriously mishandle their response to Hurricane Katrina there is a clear need to restructure the Agency. However, we will not be doing that today. This legislation does nothing to reform FEMA--it doesn't improve the leadership, it doesn't return staffing levels to the highs of the 1990s, it doesn't even require that FEMA report directly to the president. FEMA is the Federal Government's first line of defense and response to disasters, and it needs to be reformed. And this bill doesn't provide the money either. This conference report even cuts funding for FEMA by 12 percent from last year's funding level.
It also slashes funding for state and local preparedness grants by $585 million below FY 2005 levels. We know that New Jersey is a target for terrorists. In a bioterrorism attack just after September 11, 2001, postal workers in Hamilton were sickened with anthrax. Last year, the Prudential Plaza building in Newark was named as a target after an Al Qaeda laptop computer containing information on the building was found in Pakistan. And, of course, four of the 9/11 hijackers passed through Newark Liberty International Airport and 700 residents of the State were killed on that terrible day. Funds for State and local preparedness are crucial to keep New Jersey and our Nation safe. The police officers who notice something suspicious, the community leaders who develop evacuation plans, the first responders on the scene immediately after an attack--these people are local authorities, and we need to give them the tools they need to do their jobs.
There have been two major terrorist attacks in the West since September 11, and both have been aimed at mass transit--the March 11, 2004 Madrid bombings, and the July 2005 London bombings. But the President did not request any specific funds for mass transit. Fortunately, the conference agreement adds $150 million dollars for transit security. New Jersey Transit, the Nation's third largest transit authority, with 220 million riders a year, 40 percent inbound to New York City, runs several trains and buses through my district. Princeton Junction, located in my district, is the fourth busiest station in New Jersey Transit's system. We need more funding for mass transit, and this is a start.
This conference report also begins to address one of our greatest vulnerabilities to terrorism, one that the Bush administration continues to ignore. It allocates $30 million for initial programs for better screening of passenger stowed luggage on commercial flights. The conference report also provides for adequate independent oversight of Secure Flight, the next generation of the air passenger prescreening program. This will allow us to balance security and privacy.
It also provides $655 million for fire grants, $155 million more than President Bush requested. As we all know, our local fire departments are the backbone of our first responder network. Fire fighters are some of the first to arrive at disasters, be they natural or man-made. I am glad that the conference report provides much needed funds for fire grants.
New Jersey is home to what terrorism experts call the ``most dangerous two miles'' in America--the chemical plants, highways, and railroads that lie between Newark Liberty International Airport and the Port of Elizabeth. And in a 14-mile radius around the site, there are 12 million people living and working. The House earlier this year voted to increase funding to help secure these sites. But the conference report does not include this desperately needed funding increase. Rather, it contains only $95 million for the necessary chemical countermeasures that would help secure industrial materials, and provide safety and peace of mind to millions of New Jerseyans.
Mr. Speaker, this bill leaves too much undone. Cutting funding for local preparedness and first responders is more than enough justification for New Jerseyans to oppose this bill.
We can do better in planning for disasters, reforming FEMA, and assisting state and local governments. And though the conference report does more for transit and air cargo screening, these efforts are just down-payments on what will be a long-term project.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the amendment offered by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher). The bill before us today proposes to gut the Clean…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the amendment offered by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher).
The bill before us today proposes to gut the Clean Air Act in order to promote construction of more refineries. It is predicated upon the false premise that somehow our nation's environmental laws somehow stand in the way of the oil companies' attempts to build new refineries. Nothing could be further from the truth. The oil companies have shut down 30 refineries over the last decade. They've ordered 1 new refinery, and that one got its permit through the EPA in 9 months!
The Republican Energy bill that we passed just 8 weeks ago contained a refinery siting proposal that the Speaker of the House said ``promotes greater refinery capacity so more gasoline will be on the market and it increases gasoline supply by putting an end to the proliferation of boutique fuels.'' The bill before us today repeals that provision. Why? Has the Majority lost confidence in its own new law?
The Republican Energy bill that we passed just 8 weeks ago contained boutique fuels language that you, Mr. Chairman, praised on the House floor, arguing that they would ``make it more efficient to use our boutique fuels'' by reducing the number of these fuels ``so that we have greater transportability of our boutique fuels between those regions of the country that need those fuel sources.'' Now, the bill you have brought before us today has repealed that provision. Why? Has the Majority lost confidence that its earlier boutique fuels solution would work?
The Republican Energy bill that we passed just 8 weeks ago dropped provisions of the House bill that would have weakened the Clean Air Act. These provisions were dropped because there was bipartisan opposition to their adoption, and Chairman Domenici stated during the conference that the bill could not pass the Senate if they were included. The language that delays compliance with the Clean Air Act was resurrected. Why? Does the Majority really think that they've picked up any more votes for dirtying our Nation's air due to the terrible tragedies Katrina and Rita?
Why would we allow the EPA to extend deadlines for cleaning up ozone pollution, in some cases until 2015, without imposing any of the additional cleanup requirements mandated under current law? The proponents of this bad provision are trying to justify it by saying it is for the ``protection'' of downwind States.
However, just yesterday, 9 Attorneys General, including 6 from ``downwind'' States such as Massachusetts, sent a letter to the House leadership opposing this bill. Well if the States that are the supposed beneficiaries of these relaxed regulations don't want them, then who does? The polluters, that's who!
The bottom line is that these rollbacks of clean air requirements don't benefit the states that have to breathe dirty air for another 10 years, they benefit the corporations that don't want to clean up their power plants.
This bill before us today also proposes to preempt the ability of state or local officials to make decisions regarding the siting of a new refinery or an oil pipeline. Instead of allowing State and local officials to make land use decisions, to consider environmental impacts, impacts on local communities, on historic or cultural sites, or other factors, we are going to have the bureaucrats at the Department of Energy and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission make these decisions. State and local officials, the cities, the Mayors, all oppose doing this.
The Democratic Substitute would replace the many objectionable provisions of the underlying bill with language that would give the Federal Trade Commission new authority to investigate and punish certain manipulative or abusive practices during any presidentially declared national or regional ``energy emergency.'' It would bar any party from selling crude oil, gasoline, home heating oil or other petroleum products at a price that is unconscionably excessive or which takes unfair advantage of the circumstances to increase prices unreasonably.
At the same time, the Substitute creates a new Strategic Refinery Reserve that builds on the highly successful Strategic Petroleum Reserve. The Refinery Reserve would provide the Federal Government with the ability to produce gasoline, home heating oil, or other refined petroleum products during an energy emergency. It would be designed to be able to serve 5 percent of daily demand. During non-emergency periods, the Reserve would produce petroleum products to serve demand from the Federal government, including the Department of Defense. It would also serve demand from State and local governments that elected to opt-in to receiving fuel supplies from the Reserve.
The Substitute avoids the extreme overreaching of the underlying bill. It limits our response to the two issues that have been highlighted for us all as the result of Katrina and Rita--the need for a Federal price gouging law and the need for a Federal refinery reserve.
I urge adoption of the amendment.
Mr. Speaker, I observe that we are operating in a 5- minute vote, and we are now nearing 20 minutes for this vote to have been completed. Mr. Speaker, where does the point at which at the discretion of the Chair is no longer being used for the convenience of the Members but instead in order to abuse the discretion that the Chair has in keeping----
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Stupak-Boucher-Bishop-Schwartz-Barrow substitute amendment, and I want to thank the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) for his leadership on this issue…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Stupak-Boucher-Bishop-Schwartz-Barrow substitute amendment, and I want to thank the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) for his leadership on this issue of national importance.
Mr. Speaker, Americans across the country are deeply concerned about the skyrocketing costs of gasoline, and rightly so. This year, the average American family will pay nearly $4,500 to meet their energy needs. This is 19 percent more than last year.
Contributing to these costs, as we all know, is the dramatic increase in the price of gasoline. In the midst of Hurricane Katrina, gas refiners were selling a barrel of gasoline for 434 percent more than a barrel was selling exactly 1 year ago.
These steep costs make it difficult for hardworking Americans to meet their financial obligations, and they underscore the reality that the President and the majority party in Congress have failed to enact policies to protect American consumers from price gouging and reduce the Nation's overall dependence on gasoline and oil.
The American public is concerned, and they are concerned that at the same time that oil refiners' profits are more than tripled over the last year, consumers are paying record high gas prices.
They are concerned because after a double-digit increase in home heating costs last year, prices are expected to increase at even higher rates this winter.
They are concerned that the cost of gasoline is rising faster than the actual price of crude oil.
Mr. Speaker, they are concerned that neither the White House nor the Republican Congress has put forward a plan to address this problem.
The bill before us is yet another giveaway, not a plan. Behind the rhetoric is an empty bill that favors the oil industry while failing to take meaningful action to reduce prices for consumers. In fact, it makes matters worse.
It ignores the harsh realities of price gouging at the pump by weakening our ability to crack down on those trying to manipulate the market for their own profit.
And it eliminates long-standing production and refining standards that safeguard the environment and the public's health.
My colleagues, we have the opportunity to answer the concerns of everyday Americans and to promote our nation's and our families' security and economic well-being. To meet this goal, we must make clear that price gouging and profiteering is unacceptable and will be met with stiff penalties. We must reduce our reliance on foreign oil. We must find better, more efficient ways to use traditional energy sources. And must help bring to market more affordable, reliable, and cleaner energy sources. And, the plan we are offering in the substitute amendment today will help to meet these goals.
It will provide relief at the pump by bolstering our ability to punish oil companies and refiners who wrongly ratchet up the cost of their product. Our plan will stop price gouging, not just for gasoline, but for natural gas, home hearing oil, and propane. And our plan will improve our nation's energy security through the establishment of a Strategic Refining Reserve so that we are never again are in the position of releasing crude oil from our emergency reserves, but unable to refine it and bring it to market.
Do not be fooled by the title of this bill, vote for this substitute. Enact a plan that will deliver real relief to the American people.
Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt that the entire Nation is paying a price for the astronomical costs of oil and gasoline, and, Mr. Speaker, Pennsylvanians are no exception. Just yesterday, Philadelphia residents were told that their home heating bills would increase by 19.4 percent. That comes on top of double-digit price increases that they had to absorb last year, and it means they will pay on average an additional $335 to heat their homes this winter.
Winter can be very cold in Pennsylvania, and if Congress fails to take immediate action, some of my constituents will simply not have enough money to pay these high prices and may be forced to choose between heating their homes and putting food on their table. That, Mr. Speaker, is a decision that no American should be forced to make.
And it is more than just home heating costs. In the last 60 days, it has gotten a whole lot more expensive to drive to and from work, with the price of gasoline going up. It rose about 55 cents in just the last 2 months. Higher home heating costs, higher gas prices, these are daily expenses for most Americans, and they have real consequences for families across this Nation and to our national economy.
The bill under consideration today is simply another giveaway for special interests, and it comes at the expense of hardworking Americans.
The gentleman from New York (Mr. Bishop) and I stand here today offering a way to give the Federal Government the authority to investigate and punish those using anti-competitive practices. It ensures immediate action to address the concerns of our constituents suffering from the high price of energy.
Support the Bishop motion to recommit and report this bill back to committee so we can adequately address price gouging and reduce costs for everyday Americans.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 248, a resolution honoring the life and courageous work of my friend, Simon Wiesenthal, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr.…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 248, a resolution honoring the life and courageous work of my friend, Simon Wiesenthal, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my colleague from California (Mr. Waxman) for introducing this resolution,
the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for his support in bringing it to the floor so quickly, and I want to express a special thanks to my good friend from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) who has been an indefatigable fighter for all the causes that Simon Wiesenthal fought for and fighting against the monstrous hatred to which Simon Wiesenthal dedicated his life against.
Mr. Speaker, when Simon Wiesenthal died on September 20, the world lost one of its great heroes of the last century. He was the conscience of the Holocaust who labored heroically for decades to make certain that history will not forget that nightmare, nor let its perpetrators escape justice. He did this, as he said, not just for the Holocaust victims like himself, but for his grandchildren, because if one generation's criminals go unpunished, their descendents will conclude that they too can literally get away with murder.
Simon was a personal friend of mine who inspired my wife Annette who, like me, is also a Holocaust survivor, in her efforts on behalf of another giant of righteousness and decency, Raoul Wallenberg, the Swedish diplomat who saved the lives of tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews during the Nazi era.
Wallenberg disappeared after the Soviet Army seized Hungary in 1945. Over 30 years later, it was Simon Wiesenthal who announced at a press conference in 1977 that Wallenberg was alive and imprisoned in Siberia. That announcement reenergized my wife Annette to intensify her search for Wallenberg and to obtain his release.
Mr. Speaker, Simon Wiesenthal was a survivor who lived through numerous cruel, forced marches and imprisonment in many concentration camps. As all who experienced that unimaginable nightmare, he was deeply changed by the experience of the Holocaust.
When American forces liberated this emaciated young man from the Mauthausen concentration camp in Austria, he weighed a little over 90 pounds.
Rather than continue with his pre-war profession of architecture, Wiesenthal made it his life's work to pursue justice for victims who could not do this for themselves. Through his untiring efforts, some 1,100 Nazi war criminals were tracked down and brought to justice. Some of these represented the holocaust's most egregious and monstrous perpetrators. They include Karl Silberbauer, the Gestapo officer who arrested and sent to her death young Anne Frank of Amsterdam; Franz Stangl, the vicious and brutal commandant of the Sobibor and Treblinka death camps; and perhaps the most notorious of all, Adolf Eichmann, the Nazi SS commander who was the person primarily responsible for formulating and carrying out Hitler's ``final solution'' for the Jewish people. It was Eichmann who arrived in Budapest in July of 1944 to eliminate the Jewish population of Hungary, and he succeeded in large measure.
Wiesenthal's tireless work as a Nazi hunter was undertaken to demonstrate that those who commit crimes against humanity will face justice. He preached vigilance so that never again would the world witness the tragedy of the Holocaust and be complicit through inaction.
Wiesenthal helped in the establishment of two important institutions. First, in 1947, he founded the Jewish Documentation Center in Linz, Austria, from which he conducted his own relentless search for perpetrators of Nazi crimes against humanity; and then in 1977, he gave inspiration to the Simon Wiesenthal Center, a Holocaust memorial foundation that established the Museum of Tolerance in Los Angeles. That museum focuses its work on the prosecution of Nazi war criminals, the commemoration of the events of the Holocaust, teaching tolerance of all mankind and fighting against bigotry and anti-Semitism.
Mr. Speaker, my wife Annette and I will miss our visits with Simon Wiesenthal, but he has left us with a proud legacy through his vigilance, through his bravery, through his determination and through his passionate commitment to justice.
Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to join me in supporting this legislation today and in honoring this titan of justice who reminded us that mass murder must never go unpunished. We remember a great man who taught us that solemn commemoration is what true remembrance means.
Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Waxman), the author of this resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin) who has been an indefatigable fighter against discrimination of all types during his entire congressional career.
(Mr. CARDIN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).
Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 248) honoring the life and work of Simon Wiesenthal and reaffirming the commitment of Congress to the…
Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 248) honoring the life and work of Simon Wiesenthal and reaffirming the commitment of Congress to the fight against anti-Semitism and intolerance in all forms, in all forums, and in all nations, as amended.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, as a cosponsor of H. Con. Res. 248, I am very pleased to bring this timely resolution before the House today. I thank the sponsor of the resolution, the gentleman from California (Mr. Waxman) and the leadership of the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) of the Committee on International Relations, as well as the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), a Holocaust survivor himself, for crafting this measure in honor of an extraordinary man who has passed from our midst, Simon Wiesenthal.
Known as the ``Conscience of the Holocaust,'' Mr. Wiesenthal deserves recognition and the deepest respect by the Congress of the United States.
Simon Wiesenthal died at the age of 97 in Vienna, Austria on September 20, 2005. A Ukrainian architect and civil engineer by training, he survived five Nazi death camps during World War II. Yet, he lost a staggering 89 relatives in the Holocaust.
Mr. Wiesenthal lived by his own words. ``There is no freedom without justice,'' he would say. Living in Europe, almost literally among the ashes of the 6 million victims of the Holocaust, he began the tedious work of tracing and tracking war criminals who had been overlooked by the first waves of prosecutions by the allies and the new European governments. He worked meticulously and judiciously, sticking to the evidence at hand and avoiding any sensationalism. This occasionally brought him in conflict with others, but that was his way.
The killers who managed Hitler's factories of death could never rest. Simon Wiesenthal was tireless in his pursuit of them. His dedication and dogged determination was instrumental in the capture and conviction of Adolf Eichmann, the architect of the Nazi plan to annihilate European Jewry, as well as Karl Silberbauer, the Gestapo officer who committed many heinous crimes including the arrest of Anne Frank.
While many Nazis eluded immediate justice at the end of World War II, many did not escape it forever, thanks to Simon Wiesenthal. Today, as we fight anti-Semitism across the OSCE region, Europe and the Middle East and in Asia, we remember his legacy and act on the lessons of the Holocaust. His noble work was fueled by a passion for justice that has and will inspire others.
In the United States, his example and inspiration led to the establishment of the Office of Special Investigations which allowed war criminals who found their way to our shores to be brought to justice.
As noted in the resolution, Mr. Speaker, the Simon Wiesenthal Center, which has offices in L.A., Paris, New York, Toronto, Miami, Jerusalem and Buenos Aires, which has become a leading institution in advocating both remembrance and tolerance so as to help prevent future genocides, was named in his honor. The Simon Wiesenthal Center in Paris, I would point out to my colleagues, testified at two Helsinki hearings that I chaired, and we inducted Shimon Samuels, who provided expert testimony on the deterioration of respect for Jews in Europe, the United States and Canada. Also, I would point out to my colleagues that the dean of the Simon Wiesenthal Center participated this past June in the U.S. delegation to the Cordoba OSCE Conference on Anti-Semitism and Other Forms of Intolerance.
Mr. Speaker, Congress honored Simon Wiesenthal with a Gold Medal, and he won countless other forms of recognition from grateful individuals in governments from around the world.
Simon Wiesenthal confronted humanity with the truth about those who masterminded and carried out the Holocaust. As a testament to the memory of the millions of victims, he gave meaning to the words ``never again'' by helping us to learn from the lessons of the past. Now that he has passed away, we must resolve to continue his work, as is urged upon us in this resolution, and I urge all of my colleagues to support this very important resolution.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, just to conclude, I would especially like to thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos), as I said earlier, a Holocaust survivor himself, for his very clear and unambiguous statement in support of human rights globally, but especially as it relates to a very disturbing trend with regards to anti-Semitism, and for his eulogy today, on the floor, to his dear friend, Simon Wiesenthal.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
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Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. When the House passed the 2006 Homeland Security appropriations bill, I said that the bill represented a substantial improvement over the…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
When the House passed the 2006 Homeland Security appropriations bill, I said that the bill represented a substantial improvement over the President's budget request. The conference report does as well. I said that the bill included better funding for border enforcement, separate programs for transit and port security. This conference report does those same things.
I said that the House bill toughened up air cargo screening, privacy safeguards and the designation of security-sensitive information. This conference report includes these initiatives.
However, I also said that I had reservations about some parts of the House bill, and I continue to have those concerns. I have more reservations because of changes made to the bill in conference.
I am a strong minority who has strong reservations about the shift in distributing State and local grant funds from being based on population to being based on the Department of Homeland Security's assessment of risk and threat. These are funds that flow to State governments to be reallocated, at least 80 percent to local government. Last year, less than 40 percent of these grant funds went out by threat. This year 78 percent of the funding will go out by this threat measurement. I wonder how the DHS risk model and threat model will assess and treat Michigan, a border State, as compared to North Carolina, a hurricane-prone State.
Only two of the Department's 15 threat scenarios are based on natural disasters. As a result, I worry that our Nation may be less prepared for the disasters that we know will occur. My observation of the Department over the last several years leave me with little confidence that they are going to make fair judgments or correct judgments in making their allocation.
I am disappointed that this agreement does not do more to strengthen chemical plant security. In the conference, I offered an amendment, a simple amendment, to give the Homeland Security Secretary the authority he needs to issue requirements for security standards and plans for facilities he determines to present the greatest security risk. We should demand the Department get serious about hardening these chemical facilities. However, my amendment failed on a party-line vote.
I also have reservations about Secretary Chertoff's reorganization proposal, which is rubber stamped by this conference report. This reorganization plan was submitted to Congress barely 3 months ago, and we have not taken the time to evaluate it carefully. This reorganization was developed before the Department's poor Hurricane Katrina performance. It further weakens FEMA by severing its relationship to preparedness programs. I strongly believe that this is a mistake.
So, Mr. Speaker, as in so many bills, there are good things and bad things in this conference report. Members must make their own judgment. On balance, I will vote ``yes.''
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the ranking member of the Committee on Appropriations.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Oberstar), the ranking member of the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure.
(Mr. OBERSTAR asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Thompson), the ranking member of the Committee on Homeland Security.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz).
Mr. Speaker, will the gentlewoman yield?
Mr. Speaker, the Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act suggests that a number of factors are considered to measure the severity, magnitude and impact of a disaster and authorizes FEMA to provide individual assistance. I would be happy to work with the gentlewoman from Florida to get this corrected within current FEMA statutory authorities and provide equitable assistance to all victims of Hurricane Katrina.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a unanimous consent request to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney).
(Mrs. MALONEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I rise in total agreement.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member, my good friend and leader from Minnesota for many years. Mr. Speaker, I am disappointed that the conferees included a provision that would protect from…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member, my good friend and leader from Minnesota for many years.
Mr. Speaker, I am disappointed that the conferees included a provision that would protect from liability airports that choose to opt out of the Federal screening program, as well as protection from negligent acts committed by private security screeners.
The Aviation and Transportation Security Act, which was the fundamental law, allows airports to opt out of the Federal program and replace Federal employee screeners with screeners employed by a private company under contract with TSA; but the language of that provision was written very carefully to ensure that we would have one level of security for all airports.
A small number of airport operators believe that they will have greater control over security if they opt out of the Federal program, but the Aviation Security Law requires that private screening companies contract directly with TSA and be supervised by TSA to ensure that our Nation's security remains one level and a Federal Government function. The liability provisions of this conference report should not be interpreted to change the reality that
the Federal Government has direct responsibility for airport security.
Furthermore, in my reading of the language, this provision does not relieve an airport operator of liability in a case involving a breach of security for any act or failure to act by the airport operator or its employees which constitutes negligence, gross negligence, or intentional wrongdoing. In a situation where the airport or airport employees knew that a screening company was not doing an adequate job, but failed to take action to notify TSA, or if an airport employee were part of a scheme to commit a terrorist act, then my interpretation of the language in this conference report is that the airport, nonetheless, would be liable.
Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the Federal Government has spent billions on aviation security, and little on transit and rail security, even though five times as many people take trains as planes every day.
Over 9.6 billion transit trips are taken annually on all modes of transit service, with people using public transportation vehicles over 32 million times each weekday.
Since September 11th, the transit industry has invested more than $2 billion of its own funds for enhanced security measures. Railroads have also strengthened security. Amtrak has added police and dog units and removed large fixtures from their platforms, but the railroads and the transit industry can't do it alone.
Even with the investments made by transit agencies, the documented transit security needs total more than $6 billion, far more than the $150 million provided in the conference report for rail and transit security grants (the same amount provided in FY2005).
Amtrak alone has requested $100 million in security upgrades and nearly $600 million for fire and life-safety improvements to tunnels on the Northeast Corridor in New York, Maryland, and Washington, D.C.
Transit agencies have requested $2 billion from Congress, yet the conference report provides only $10 million for intercity bus security grants.
Securing our Nation's transit and rail facilities is a formidable task, but Congress must get it done.
The London bombings and the terrorist train bombing in Madrid, Spain in 2004, which killed 191 people and wounded more than 1,800 others, show that there is a clear need--more than ever before--to strengthen transit and rail security.
The London and Madrid bombings were just the latest in a series of attacks on trains worldwide. Between 1998 and 2003, there were 181 attacks worldwide on trains and rail-related targets such as depots, ticket stations, and rail bridges, resulting in an estimated 431 deaths and several thousand injuries.
It is clear that Federal leadership and Federal resources are required to address the needs of a reliable, safe, secure, mass transit network, just as has been used in establishing a secure Federal aviation network. But despite recent attacks, Congress is again shortchanging our transit and rail industries.
One hundred and fifty million dollars for such a vast network isn't enough. It's not enough to protect passengers. It's not enough to secure our most vulnerable infrastructure. The American people deserve better.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the FY 2006 Homeland Security Appropriations conference report. This bill does not fully address our homeland security needs. Still, it provides vital funds to make…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the FY 2006 Homeland Security Appropriations conference report. This bill does not fully address our homeland security needs. Still, it provides vital funds to make our country safer, and so I will support it today.
Total funding in the bill is increased from this year's levels. Specifically, the bill increases funding over the requested levels for immigration and for customs and border protection. The agreement also provides $1.5 billion, 35 percent more than current funding, for science and technology programs.
I am pleased that the conferees adopted an important amendment offered by Representative David Obey that requires the Department of Homeland Security, DHS, to provide details on how money appropriated for responding to Hurricanes Katrina and Rita is spent. I am a cosponsor of H.R. 3737, a bill that would create a Special Inspector General for Hurricane Katrina Recovery who would have oversight over all Federal Hurricane Katrina emergency funding. While the Obey amendment doesn't go as far this legislation, it is a significant step forward.
I am also pleased that the conference report includes funding to help States comply with the REAL ID Act. Estimates are that complying with the Act will cost the States between $100 million and $500 million over the next 4 years. Since the majority saw fit to push the REAL ID provisions through Congress, it is important that Congress also provides funding to do the job.
Still, I'm concerned about shortfalls in the bill. It cuts fire grants by $60 million (8 percent) below FY 2005, even as a recent survey found that fire departments all over the country aren't prepared to respond to a haz-mat incident and lack equipment. The bill also cuts State and local domestic preparedness grants by $585 million, 19 percent, and Urban Area Security Initiative grants by $270 million, 26 percent, below FY 2005 levels. Funding for communications equipment for first responders is cut from the levels in the bill the House passed in May, before Katrina struck--from $27 million to $15 million. The bill does provide additional funding for border patrol, but the number of agents still falls 1,000 short of the 2,000 called for in the Intelligence Reform bill. Since September 11th, just 965 additional border patrol agents have been hired--less than a 10 percent increase in 4 years.
The conference report fails to provide much more than basic funding for the security of rail and public transportation systems because DHS has not yet spent funds it was allocated last year. Despite the fact that passenger rail in the U.S. carries about five times as many passengers each day as do airlines, this bill only includes $36 million for ground transportation security and $150 million for State grants to protect mass transit systems, as compared to $4.6 billion for aviation security. I'm very concerned that crucial security upgrades to our rail and public transportation systems--especially in light of the bombings in Madrid and London--can't move forward more quickly. The bill also underfunds port security and does not include $50 million for chemical plant security that was included in the House-passed bill.
I'm also concerned that this bill includes DHS Secretary Chertoff's proposal to create a new Preparedness Directory and take that responsibility away from FEMA, making FEMA a stand-alone office focused on response and recovery only. Secretary Chertoff's proposal was made in July--before Hurricane Katrina hit--and this bill would move it forward. This administration crippled FEMA by making it just one of many organizational boxes under the Homeland Security Department. Splitting preparedness and response and recovery tasks now would weaken FEMA even further, at a time when we should be focusing on how to learn from the lessons of Katrina.
Instead of making these changes in FEMA, we should remove it from DHS and make it an
independent agency under qualified leadership, as would happen under the bill (H.R. 3816) I introduced last month.
Mr. Speaker, much remains to be done to improve our defenses against terrorism. I do not believe this bill sets the right priorities or provides sufficient resources, but it does fund programs that are critical to our homeland security. The conference report is an important step, and I will vote for it.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant support of this appropriations bill. As State and local governments await critical homeland security funding, I do not want to stand in the way of the bill's passage,…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in reluctant support of this appropriations bill.
As State and local governments await critical homeland security funding, I do not want to stand in the way of the bill's passage, particularly as we proceed further into the fiscal year with so few spending bills already law.
I do, however, feel the need to register my concerns with a number of this bill's shortcomings and identify pressing needs that are not being adequately addressed by today's actions.
First, let me start with the obvious; the amount spent to protect our homeland is too little in too many areas.
There are few Americans that would suggest the threats of terrorism or natural disasters have diminished over the past year, yet this agreement cuts funding for several of our most vulnerable weaknesses. Reductions include:
State and local domestic preparedness grants are cut by $585 million (19 percent) below FY 2005;
Firefighter Assistance Grants cut by $60 million (8 percent) below FY 2005;
Pre-disaster mitigation, perhaps our best weapon of preemption, is cut by $50 million below last year; and
Aviation security is reduced by $83 million below the President's request, resulting in 2,000 fewer screeners.
These cuts irresponsibly penetrate the core of our Nation's ability to prepare and respond to national emergencies.
Second, I am concerned about what Congress isn't focused on.
On an average weekday, 32 million people make trips on public transportation, but funding for transit security makes up less than one-half of one percent of the DHS's budget.
The conference agreement includes $4.6 billion for private aviation security, but only $150 million for State grants to improve mass transit security. Transit industry experts estimate we need more than forty times this amount. Put another way we spend $30 on planes for every $1 on transit which carries tens of millions more people.
Furthermore, only $8 million will be available for rail security and $4 million to track hazardous truck traffic even though tons of hazardous material capable of becoming weapons of mass destruction travel our highway and rail lines every day.
While we have made obvious adjustments in our airline security, I ask that we be as proactive in preventing other commercial carriers from being used as weapons against us.
If the concern is that there isn't a sound transit plan or that regional coordination is proving inadequate, we should impel DHS to find solutions that make transit more secure.
It would be a national travesty of tragic proportions if we had to wait until another attack similar to Madrid to occur in the United States in order to commit the resources necessary to properly secure our rail and transit systems.
Third, we haven't exercised sufficient oversight to determine whether the money we've appropriated has been spent appropriately or accomplished its intended objectives.
I am aware of the large unexpended balance the Metropolitan Washington Region may be sitting on.
Admittedly, this unaccounted-for balance is troubling. But what is more disturbing is that we have no consistent explanations: It's red tape and unnecessary Federal bureaucratic procedures, or it's the delay in reaching regional consensus on how it should be spent, or it's a snafu in procurement.
I suspect that this region's experience is not unique. Remaining silent or stubbornly oblivious of these problems abdicates our responsibility to use tax dollars wisely, and we should demand accountability of our spending commitments.
Mr. Speaker, I worry that we may be living on borrowed time.
If there's one thing Katrina showed us it's that emergency response plans that are not rigorously tested and retested won't work in a crisis.
Even worse, public skepticism is growing over whether the Federal Government is now capable of responding effectively to another catastrophic event.
A natural disaster is one thing, but terrorists can strike anytime, anywhere and use our own resources against us.
I urge my colleagues to consider fully funding the needs of securing our homeland, and I challenge us as a body to meet the vital challenge of protecting our Nation.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) for their leadership in offering this substitute, and I am proud to join them. I rise in…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) for their leadership in offering this substitute, and I am proud to join them.
I rise in strong support of this substitute for two reasons. Unlike the underlying legislation, it contains a meaningful deterrent to price gouging, and it provides an effective strategy to expand refinery capacity.
We can all agree there were some good provisions in the first energy bill, but Katrina exposed its shortcomings, as well as vulnerabilities that still exist in the energy market.
We can also agree that the hurricane made it harder to meet the challenge of delivering relief to families struggling to pay their energy bills and that a rash of price gouging compounded this problem.
Our substitute takes direct aim at these challenges by creating a strong
deterrent to price gouging that keeps gas prices stable. The underlying bill sets an $11,000 fine for price gouging. That may sound like a lot to the average middle class family, but it is not much to the Exxon- Mobils of this world who earn record profits.
In contrast, this substitute deters price gouging at every stage of production, not just the retail phase, but at all phases in the chain of supply, and this will strengthen those measures.
Mr. Speaker, now is the time that we must stand up to profiteers by assuring hardworking American families that Congress is standing up for their interests, not the oil companies'.
I urge my colleagues to support this substitute that protects American taxpayers and our national security.
Mr. Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
In its present form, yes.
Mr. Speaker, 1 year ago, the price of a gallon of gasoline in America was $1.94. The day before Hurricane Katrina struck, it was $2.61. This difference shows that exorbitant increases began even before Katrina wreaked havoc on our economy. The day after Katrina, prices jumped to $3.07. Today, our constituents are looking toward their elected representatives to rein in gas prices once and for all.
Earlier this year, we passed up a golden opportunity to protect Americans from price gouging when we enacted the first energy bill. If we pass this energy bill in its current form, we pass up that opportunity a second time. Let us not make the same mistake twice.
In that spirit, we offer this motion to recommit, which attacks soaring gas prices head on. Our motion achieves this objective by investing new authority in the FTC to investigate, enforce and then punish price gouging and market manipulation.
Specifically, our motion prohibits the sale of crude oil, gasoline, natural gas or any other petroleum distillates at a price that is considered either unconscionably excessive or indicates the seller is taking unfair advantage of the circumstances to increase prices unreasonably.
Any violation will result in new civil penalties, and will be enforced with up to triple the damages of the profits gained by the violation. Unlike the underlying bill, this motion has teeth by reining in scrupulous practices of the oil and gas executives, interested more in padding their bottom line than helping middle-class families make ends meet.
I urge my colleagues to stand up to the oil companies and show hardworking Americans that we are in their corner. Now is the time we must act, to prove that their interests are paramount, not the oil companies'. Our price gouging provisions are superior to those of the underlying legislation, and our provisions are in effect at every stage of the oil and gas production, covering everyone in the supply chain.
Let us put an end to price gouging once and for all. Do not let another opportunity go by without giving middle-class families the relief that they so desperately need and deserve. If you want to do the right thing for America here and now, vote for the motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Schwartz).
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Concurrent Resolution 248, honoring the life and achievements of Mr. Simon Wiesenthal, the world's most successful Nazi-hunter and advocate for religious…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of House Concurrent Resolution 248, honoring the life and achievements of Mr. Simon Wiesenthal, the world's most successful Nazi-hunter and advocate for religious tolerance.
In the history of mankind, few events are as deplorable, unconscionable, and unrepeatable as the Holocaust. During this period, Nazi Germany imprisoned, enslaved, tortured, and eventually murdered 11 million Jews, Gypsies, homosexuals, political dissidents, and others. Mr. Simon Wiesenthal, a Polish Jew, was one of those individuals imprisoned by the Nazis. After being taken from his home and his wife Cyla, Wiesenthal successfully escaped one concentration camp, only to be recaptured. Suspecting his wife was dead, and thousands of people dying beside him, Wiesenthal courageously survived.
After the United States and our allies defeated the Axis Powers in World War II, many thousands of Nazis fled Germany, knowing full well that they would face justice for their unthinkable crimes if they remained. Many Nazis established new identities and lived their lives with a secret so hideous they told no one.
Upon liberation by the Allies, Wiesenthal reunited with Cyla and regained his health, and immediately dedicated his efforts to bringing Nazi war-criminals to justice. He was instrumental in aiding the U.S. Army's prosecution
of many prominent Nazi criminals at the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg, Germany. To prosecute the countless Nazis who had evaded the law, Wiesenthal, along with several other Holocaust survivors, founded the Jewish Documentation Center in Austria to collect and prepare evidence for future trials. Over the years, Wiesenthal honed his expertise in researching, tracking, and ultimately capturing Nazi criminals scattered throughout the world so they could face trial.
Though the world community had collaborated to protect against future genocides, Wiesenthal personally strived to meet this goal. As one of the foremost speakers on the subject, he educated people around the world about the Holocaust and the prevention of genocide and intolerance. In 1977, the Simon Wiesenthal Center was established to further pursue the prosecution of hiding Nazi criminals, monitor anti- Semitism, and promote religious and racial tolerance.
On September 20, 2005, Simon Wiesenthal passed away of natural causes. He had led an extraordinary life as a Holocaust survivor, educator, political activist, and humanitarian. By the time he retired in 2003, he and his colleagues had brought over one thousand hiding Nazi war criminals to justice. For decades, these Nazis thought they were above the law and would avoid trial. Wiesenthal and others proved that no crime so horrific goes unpunished, and there is no escaping their responsibility. Wiesenthal also succeeded in keeping the memories of the Holocaust alive and teaching others to embrace diversity, so future genocides may be prevented.
Mr. Speaker, I believe that Simon Wiesenthal embodies the ideals that are so important to the United States: a commitment to justice, a common good based on tolerance, and ensuring a secure future by educating our youth. For his achievements, the United States has already awarded Wiesenthal the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the Congressional Gold Medal of Honor, and many other honors. This resolution reinforces the United States' utmost respect and admiration for Simon Wiesenthal, who bravely endured through history's darkest hour to give justice to those who perished in the Holocaust. Though Simon Wiesenthal has passed on, the United States must continue to pursue the noble endeavors he championed, and give hope to victims of injustice of the past, present, and future.
I would like to thank Representative Henry Waxman for introducing this resolution. I urge my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 248 and always remember and honor Simon Wiesenthal.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I would like to make an observation to the chairman at the outset. Mr. Chairman, had we had hearings on this bill, perhaps your…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I would like to make an observation to the chairman at the outset.
Mr. Chairman, had we had hearings on this bill, perhaps your questions could have been answered. But your side decided not to have any hearings, not to explore the facts. Your side decided to go ahead, in my opinion, for political purposes. I do not question your motives, because my understanding is you were acting under instructions, and we all understand that.
Mr. Speaker, the American people are being pummeled at the pump by high gas prices, and they are being told to brace themselves for record heating costs this winter. And what is this House majority doing to reduce the consumers' pain? Nothing.
Let us be clear: this bill is not a panacea; it is not even a solution or a plan. But do not take my word for it, just listen to the Republican chairman of the House Committee on Science, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Boehlert). In a letter that he sent today, after the Committee on Rules reported the manager's amendment late last night, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Boehlert) wrote in a Dear Colleague: ``Please join me in voting no on H.R. 3893, which will increase the deficit, harm the environment, undermine the States, and give charity to the oil companies while doing virtually nothing to help consumers.'' Chairman Boehlert's remarks.
Mr. Speaker, it is clear that this Republican majority is exploiting the disruption to our Nation's refining capacity caused by Hurricane Katrina and Rita to push many of the same provisions that they could not pass in the Energy Policy Act we passed in July.
This Republican bill, for example, would create a fund that would pay oil companies if they are sued, even if they lose in court. It would enable cities with dirty air to delay meeting clean air requirements, and it would preempt State and local zoning regulations related to the siting of refineries.
What do these provisions have to do with reducing gas prices today? In sharp contrast, the Democratic substitute, sponsored by the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) would put some bite in the Federal Trade Commission's bark. It would give the FTC explicit authority to stop price gouging, not just for gasoline and diesel fuels, but for natural gas home heating oil and propane as well. It provides for enhanced penalties for price gouging, explicitly outlaws market manipulation, substitute Enron activities, if you will, and empowers State attorneys general to enforce the Federal law.
Furthermore, Mr. Speaker, the substitute would establish a strategic refinery reserve. The fact is our national security and economic strength are susceptible to private industry decisions that are motivated primarily by profit, but not by national security issues. This Congress has a duty to address this vulnerability.
I urge my colleagues to vote for this substantive substitute, and I urge further, that if the substitute passes, maybe vote for the bill; but if it does not pass, to vote against this bad bill, which is bad for the consumers of our country.
The parliamentary inquiry would be how long, under parliamentary procedure, will this vote continue?
We have passed that, is my understanding, Mr. Speaker.
Mr. Speaker, I am informed by the tally clerk that every Member of Congress who is in town has voted. Has voted. Has voted.
I do have a parliamentary inquiry. In that instance, is it not appropriate, once the people have spoken through their representatives in this House, to bring the vote to a close?
I do not think that is hypothetical. That is the fact.
I thank the Speaker. I am disappointed at the response, but I understand it.
Parliamentary Inquiry
Mr. WAXMAN (during the vote). Parliamentary inquiry, Mr. Speaker. When a bill does not have a hearing----
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the Conference report on H.R. 2360, the Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2006 because I am concerned about some of the areas…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the Conference report on H.R.
2360, the Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act for fiscal year 2006 because I am concerned about some of the areas where it falls short, but moreso because I believe it is the wrong vehicle to make the structural changes to the Department of Homeland Security that Secretary Chertoff laid out in his Second Stage Review without the appropriate congressional scrutiny.
As a member of the Homeland Security Committee, I am very disappointed that the Conference Report, even though it provides more funding that the President's original request, makes a number of significant cuts in very important First Responder and Disaster Preparation programs at a time when we can ill afford to. I also see no sign that the deficient public health system on which every and any response will depend received the funding it needs to be brought up to a basic standard in every community in this country.
This Conference Report fails to make Homeland Security the priority it ought to be.
The rob from Peter to pay Paul that we are seeing in the Congress' Katrina/Ophelia/Rita response, continues, and badly needed increases for border security come at the expense of money for such items as first responders, disaster relief and port security. The result is that America will be far less safe than it needs to be.
Mr. Speaker, as someone who represents an area which as seen more than its share of devastating hurricanes, and is home to some sites of critical national infrastructure, I am particular concerned about some of the proposals set forth in Secretary Chertoff's reorganization which would split FEMA's preparedness and response functions and leave FEMA solely as a disaster response agency reporting to the Secretary. It is because of this concern and others why I joined Homeland Security Committee Ranking Member Bennie Thompson and other members of the Committee in introducing the Department of Homeland security Reform Act of 2005 to offer solutions where the administration's reorganization plan creates more problems. I also have grave concerns that what this reorganization does is continue to concentrate power in the White House. We see that in every Department, even at the NIH, and it is a dangerous trend that we as a co-equal branch of government should not let happen.
Our bill would strengthen FEMA creating a strong Directorate of Preparedness and Response that includes an intact, strengthened FEMA with a Director and Deputy Director who must have an extensive background in emergency or disaster-related management.
It will also include a new Assistant Secretary for Preparedness who will head a consolidated version of the Office of State and Local Government Coordination and Preparedness, which is presently an isolated entity located in the Secretary's office. We also establish a military liaison within the Directorate who will assist with the coordination of DOD and DHS preparedness and response efforts.
Mr. Speaker we have seen what can happen to a community which has been impacted by a disaster, as we did with Alabama. Mississippi and Louisiana in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, when there is weakened and ineffective FEMA, and where the Department does not provide leadership or clear lines of authority. This Conference Report does nothing to fix the deficiencies of FEMA that came to light as a result of the Gulf Coast disasters which is the last thing we should be doing.
We could accept this report because it is late in the year, and there are some good parts to it, but the security of each and everyone in this country is at stake, and this is not good enough. I urge my colleagues to oppose this conference report and send it back.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Con. Res. 248, honoring the life of Simon Wiesenthal, and thank my good friend, the gentleman from California, Mr. Waxman, for authoring this…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Con. Res. 248, honoring the life of Simon Wiesenthal, and thank my good friend, the gentleman from California, Mr. Waxman, for authoring this important resolution. We were all saddened to hear recently that Mr. Wiesenthal passed away at the age of 96.
Mr. Wiesenthal overcame great trials to become one of the few fortunate enough to survive the slaughter of 6 million people during the Holocaust. He did not escape unscathed as, tragically, 89 members of his family perished at the hands of the Nazis.
Almost immediately upon being liberated by an American military unit on May 5, 1945, Mr. Wiesenthal dedicated his life to tracking down and bringing to justice Nazi war criminals. Initially working for the Army's Office of Strategic Services and Counter-Intelligence Corps, and later operating the Jewish Historical Documentation Center in Vienna, Mr. Wiesenthal is credited with obtaining the information necessary to apprehend more than 1,100 war criminals. As Rabbi Marvin Hier, Dean of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, described him, ``Simon Wiesenthal was the conscience of the Holocaust.''
Among the most egregious mass murderers that he helped apprehend was Adolf Eichman, who, as a member of the Gestapo, supervised the execution of the Jewish ``Final Solution.'' Mr. Wiesenthal also was responsible for aiding in the captures of Karl Silberbauer, the Gestapo officer who arrested Anne Frank; Franz Stangl, the commandant of the Treblinka and Sobibor concentration camps in Poland; and Hermine Braunsteiner, who supervised the killings of hundreds of children and who had found refuge in the United States.
Mr. Speaker, while Mr. Wiesenthal devoted the majority of his life to bringing Nazi criminals to justice, he did so not out of the need for revenge, but the need for atonement. Mr. Wiesenthal's goal was to bring these genocidal crimes out of the shadows. He felt a duty to those who had died to ensure that the memory of what had transpired would not be forgotten. He also felt a duty to teach future generations the lessons of the past so that they would not be repeated. Simon Wiesenthal Centers span the globe, and are valuable venues to teach America's youth about tolerance and understanding, as well as this important lesson: evil men can perpetuate ghastly crimes when the world chooses to permit it.
Mr. Speaker, only one who had witnessed such atrocities could shoulder the burden and carry the respect necessary to continue this quest for justice over so many decades. While Mr. Wiesenthal's friends and family sacrificed their lives in the death camps of the Nazis, Mr. Wiesenthal sacrificed his life to ensuring their memories would live forever.
In his memoirs, Mr. Wiesenthal quotes what one Nazi officer told him late in World War II, ``You would tell the truth [about the concentration camps] to the people in America. And you know what would happen, Wiesenthal? They wouldn't believe you. They'd say you were mad. Might even put you into an asylum. How can anyone believe this terrible business--unless he has lived through it?''
Mr. Speaker, Simon Wiesenthal lived through it. He made us believe it. And we will never forget it. That will be his eternal legacy.
Mr. Speaker, today we honor the life of Simon Wiesenthal, a man who dedicated his life to the search of fugitive Nazi war criminals. The ideals of truth and justice guided his effort to fight…
Mr. Speaker, today we honor the life of Simon Wiesenthal, a man who dedicated his life to the search of fugitive Nazi war criminals. The ideals of truth and justice guided his effort to fight anti-Semitism and as we mourn, we are reminded of our commitment to these ideals as part of our duty to humanity. I am proud to be a cosponsor of H. Con. Res. 248, which we are considering on the floor today.
Simon Wiesenthal was born on December 31, 1908 in Buczacz, Galicia, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire and now part of Ukraine. He received a degree in architectural engineering in 1932 from the Technical University of Prague, and in 1936 he began working at an architectural office in Lvov; he did not, however, continue his career in architecture. Three years later, with the partition of Poland and the flood of the Red Army in Lvov, Simon Wiesenthal began losing family members to German brutality. After escaping several near-death situations himself, in 1945 Simon Wiesenthal was liberated by American forces from the concentration camp of Mauthausen in Austria.
After almost giving up, Simon Wiesenthal regained his strength and redefined his life's task as a quest for justice. He did not vow to fight for vengeance. Instead, the goal of his noble cause was to create a historical memory that would prevent any repetition of the horrible atrocities committed during the Holocaust.
He was instrumental in tracking down fugitive Nazis, and a significant component of his mission was to pressure governments around the world to continue their pursuit and persecution of war criminals. The Simon Wiesenthal
Center, an international Jewish human rights organization dedicated to preserving the memory of the Holocaust carries on his legacy.
Simon Wiesenthal was committed to the remembrance of those who he feared would be forgotten, and today we become committed to remembering him. While in Vienna in 1993, Simon Wiesenthal said, ``To young people here, I am the last. I'm the one who can still speak. After me, it's history.'' To continue his mission, we must not forget this history. We must continue to fight for the same principles that defined Simon Wiesenthal's objective. It is troubling that even today one of the most notorious sentiments of the Second World War--anti-Semitism--has yet to be eradicated. It is our duty to combat anti-Semitism and all religious bigotry whenever and wherever it arises.
When asked why he chose to search for Nazi war criminals instead of continuing a career in architecture, Simon Wiesenthal responded: ``You're a religious man. You believe in God and life after death. I also believe. When we come to the other world and meet the millions of Jews who died in the camps and they ask us, `What have you done?' there will be many answers. You will say, `I became a jeweler.' Another will say, `I smuggled coffee and American cigarettes.' Still another will say, `I built houses,' but I will say, `I didn't forget you.' ''
And today, we must unite to say that we will not forget Simon Wiesenthal and we, as strong and responsible human beings, will carry forth his mission.
Mr. Speaker, first let me say that there are a number of useful things in this conference report. For 3 years, many of us have been trying to strengthen support for border enforcement and control,…
Mr. Speaker, first let me say that there are a number of useful things in this conference report. For 3 years, many of us have been trying to strengthen support for border enforcement and control, and this bill is $675 million above the President's request. That is good. It also provides some additional funding to beef up transit security and port security, and that is good. It provides $655 million for fire grants, 30 percent more than the Bush request, and that is good. It provides $30 million for three pilot projects to increase the screening of cargo, which is a major terrorism vulnerability that remains unaddressed by the Bush administration recommendations. This bill, therefore, helps to take care of a rather important problem.
But, in my view, there are three big problems that remain which will require me to vote ``no.'' First of all, because of the need to add $675 million more for border programs, the conferees cut funding for other programs substantially below the President's own request. Example: Pre-disaster mitigation programs, $100 million below the Bush request, $50 million below last year. Grants to States and localities to help them prepare for terrorism and other events are cut by over $800 million, or 20 percent from last year; and this occurs on the very day when we have been briefed by the administration warning us about the total incapacity of State and local governments to respond to local problems, such as a pandemic. Aviation security screening is cut by $83 million from the Bush request under this bill.
My second problem with the bill is that it approves a thoughtless reorganization proposal made by Secretary Chertoff. Just 2 weeks ago, members of the majority party told us it was premature to return FEMA to its previously independent status; and yet this legislation embraces a reorganization plan proposed by Secretary Chertoff, the sixth reorganization this agency has had, and that reorganization goes in the wrong direction.
My third objection is that FEMA is not reformed, but it is in fact further deformed by this proposal. We all understand that the response of the Homeland Security agency to the disaster of Katrina was, well, for want of a better word, disastrous; and yet nothing is done in this legislation to provide for a return to independent status for FEMA. It remains buried in the bowels of a dysfunctional bureaucratically layered agency; and, in fact, this bill moves us further in the wrong direction. The fire academy and other training programs are specifically taken away from FEMA.
So there are two ways, I suppose, that Members can deal with this bill. We can squawk about it, if we do not like parts of it, and hold our noses and vote for it because it does have some substantial improvements, and I congratulate the gentleman from Minnesota and the gentleman from Kentucky for those.
But the fact is that there is another choice if we believe that this bill still is not sufficient to meet the national interests, and that is to vote against the bill as a protest; and that is what I feel compelled to do tonight.
Bill Text
3 versions available
[Congressional Bills 109th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Con. Res. 248 Referred in Senate (RFS)]
109th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. CON. RES. 248
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
October 17, 2005
Received and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations
_______________________________________________________________________
CONCURRENT RESOLUTION
Honoring the life and work of Simon Wiesenthal and reaffirming the
commitment of Congress to the fight against anti-Semitism and
intolerance in all forms, in all forums, and in all nations.
Whereas Simon Wiesenthal, who was known as the ``conscience of the Holocaust'',
was born on December 31, 1908, in Buczacz, Austria-Hungary, and died in
Vienna, Austria, on September 20, 2005, and he dedicated the last 60
years of his life to the pursuit of justice for the victims of the
Holocaust;
Whereas, during World War II, Simon Wiesenthal worked with the Polish
underground and was interned in 12 different concentration camps until
his liberation by the United States Army in 1945 from the Mauthausen
camp;
Whereas, after the war, Simon Wiesenthal worked for the War Crimes Section of
the United States Army gathering documentation to be used in prosecuting
the Nuremberg trials;
Whereas Simon Wiesenthal's investigative work and expansive research was
instrumental in the capture and conviction of more than 1,000 Nazi war
criminals, including Adolf Eichmann, the architect of the Nazi plan to
annihilate European Jewry, and Karl Silberbauer, the Gestapo officer
responsible for the arrest and deportation of Anne Frank;
Whereas numerous honors and awards were bestowed upon Simon Wiesenthal,
including the Congressional Gold Medal, honorary British Knighthood, the
Dutch Freedom Medal, the French Legion of Honor, the World Tolerance
Award, and the Jerusalem Medal;
Whereas the Simon Wiesenthal Center was founded in 1977 in Los Angeles and named
in honor of Simon Wiesenthal to promote awareness of anti-Semitism,
monitor neo-Nazi and other extremist groups, and help bring surviving
Nazi war criminals to justice;
Whereas, in 1978, inspired in part by the work of Simon Wiesenthal, the Congress
enacted a law to deny citizenship and Federal benefits to former Nazis,
and the Office of Special Investigations of the Department of Justice
has since conducted more than 1,500 investigations, won 101 cases, and
blocked the immigration of 170 individuals, and the work of the Office
continues;
Whereas, in keeping with the efforts of Simon Wiesenthal, many governments have
responded to the growing tide of anti-Semitism worldwide, elected
leaders have spoken out against anti-Semitism, and law enforcement
officials and prosecutors have aggressively pursued the perpetrators of
anti-Semitic acts; and
Whereas Simon Wiesenthal's legacy teaches that the perpetrators of genocide
cannot and will not be allowed to hide from their crimes: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring),
That the Congress--
(1) honors the life and work of Simon Wiesenthal to
memorialize the victims of the Holocaust and to bring the
perpetrators of crimes against humanity to justice;
(2) reaffirms its commitment to the fight against anti-
Semitism and intolerance in all forms, in all forums, and in
all nations; and
(3) urges all members of the international community to
facilitate the investigation and prosecution of surviving Nazi
war criminals and to continue documenting and collecting
information on Nazi war crimes for archival and historical
purposes.
Passed the House of Representatives October 7, 2005.
Attest:
JEFF TRANDAHL,
Clerk.
By Gerasimos C. Vans,
Deputy Clerk.