Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act of 2005
Legislative Activity
Stay on top of the latest movement without scrolling through every action
Read the second time. Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 254.
October 21, 2005
View full timeline
Introduced in House
February 2, 2005
Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.
February 2, 2005
Referred to the Subcommittee on Commercial and Administrative Law.
March 2, 2005
Subcommittee on Commercial and Administrative Law Discharged.
May 20, 2005
Ordered to be Reported (Amended) by the Yeas and Nays: 16 - 8.
May 25, 2005
Reported (Amended) by the Committee on Judiciary. H. Rept. 109-130.
June 14, 2005
Placed on the Union Calendar, Calendar No. 75.
June 14, 2005
Rules Committee Resolution H. Res. 494 Reported to House. Rule provides for consideration of H.R. 554 with 1 hour of general debate. Previous question shall be considered as ordered without intervening motions except motion to recommit with or without instructions. Measure will be considered read. Specified amendments are in order.
October 17, 2005 • 7:51 PM
Rule H. Res. 494 passed House.
October 18, 2005 • 5:51 PM
Considered under the provisions of rule H. Res. 494. (consideration: CR H8925-8940; text of measure as reported in House: CR H8930-8931)
October 19, 2005 • 10:33 AM
Rule provides for consideration of H.R. 554 with 1 hour of general debate. Previous question shall be considered as ordered without intervening motions except motion to recommit with or without instructions. Measure will be considered read. Specified amendments are in order.
October 19, 2005 • 10:33 AM
House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union pursuant to H. Res. 494 and Rule XVIII.
October 19, 2005 • 10:34 AM
The Speaker designated the Honorable Candice S. Miller to act as Chairwoman of the Committee.
October 19, 2005 • 10:34 AM
GENERAL DEBATE - The Committee of the Whole proceeded with one hour of general debate on H.R. 554.
October 19, 2005 • 10:34 AM
DEBATE - Pursuant to the provisions of H. Res. 494, the Committee of the Whole proceeded with 10 minutes of debate on the Sensenbrenner amendment.
October 19, 2005 • 11:13 AM
DEBATE - Pursuant to the provisions of H. Res. 449, the Committee of the Whole proceeded with 10 minutes of debate on the Jackson-Lee amendment.
October 19, 2005 • 11:19 AM
POSTPONED PROCEEDINGS - At the conclusion of debate on the Jackson-Lee amendment, the Chair put the question on adoption of the amendment and by voice vote, announced that the noes had prevailed. Ms. Jackson-Lee demanded a recorded vote and the Chair postponed further proceedings on the question of adoption of the amendment until later in the legislative day.
October 19, 2005 • 11:29 AM
DEBATE - Pursuant to the provisions of H. Res. 449, the Committee of the Whole proceeded with 10 minutes of debate on the Filner amendment.
October 19, 2005 • 11:30 AM
POSTPONED PROCEEDINGS - At the conclusion of debate on the Filner amendment, the Chair put the question on adoption of the amendment and by voice vote, announced that the noes had prevailed. Mr. Filner demanded a recorded vote and the Chair postponed further proceedings on the question of adoption of the amendment until later in the legislative day.
October 19, 2005 • 11:39 AM
DEBATE - Pursuant to the provisions of H. Res. 449, the Committee of the Whole proceeded with 10 minutes of debate on the Scott (VA) amendment.
October 19, 2005 • 11:40 AM
POSTPONED PROCEEDINGS - At the conclusion of debate on the Scott (VA) amendment, the Chair put the question on adoption of the amendment and by voice vote, announced that the ayes had prevailed. Mr. Sensenbrenner demanded a recorded vote and the Chair postponed further proceedings on the question of adoption of the amendment until later in the legislative day.
October 19, 2005 • 11:46 AM
DEBATE - Pursuant to the provisions of H. Res. 449, the Committee of the Whole proceeded with 10 minutes of debate on the Waxman amendment.
October 19, 2005 • 11:47 AM
POSTPONED PROCEEDINGS - At the conclusion of debate on the Waxman amendment, the Chair put the question on adoption of the amendment and by voice vote, announced that the noes had prevailed. Mr. Waxman demanded a recorded vote and the Chair postponed further proceedings on the question of adoption of the amendment until later in the legislative day.
October 19, 2005 • 11:58 AM
UNFINSHED BUSINESS - The Chair announced that the unfinished business was the question of adoption of amendments which had been debated earlier and on which further proceedings had been postponed.
October 19, 2005 • 11:59 AM
The House rose from the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union to report H.R. 554.
October 19, 2005 • 12:52 PM
The previous question was ordered pursuant to the rule. (consideration: CR H8939)
October 19, 2005 • 12:53 PM
The House adopted the amendment in the nature of a substitute as agreed to by the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union.
October 19, 2005 • 12:53 PM
Passed/agreed to in House: On passage Passed by the Yeas and Nays: 306 - 120 (Roll no. 533).
October 19, 2005 • 1:12 PM
On passage Passed by the Yeas and Nays: 306 - 120 (Roll no. 533).
October 19, 2005 • 1:12 PM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
October 19, 2005 • 1:12 PM
Received in the Senate. Read the first time. Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under Read the First Time.
October 20, 2005
Read the second time. Placed on Senate Legislative Calendar under General Orders. Calendar No. 254.
October 21, 2005
Voting History
5 votes recorded • Roll call available
HOUSE
Roll Call AvailableOctober 19, 2005 at 1:14 PM
On Passage
Majority required: 1/2 (50%)
306 - 120
HOUSE
Roll Call AvailableOctober 19, 2005 at 12:53 PM
On Agreeing to the Amendment
Majority required: 1/2 (50%)
177 - 247
HOUSE
Roll Call AvailableOctober 19, 2005 at 12:46 PM
On Agreeing to the Amendment
Majority required: 1/2 (50%)
192 - 234
Floor Debate
19 membersWhat members said about H.R. 554 on the floor
TM
PG
CC
LA
MLW+14
Floor Debate
19 membersWhat members said about H.R. 554 on the floor
Mr. Speaker, I am joined by my colleagues this evening to talk about Children's Health Month. It is very important for all families in our Nation, and certainly an issue that concerns all of us on…
Mr. Speaker, I am joined by my colleagues this evening to talk about Children's Health Month. It is very important for all families in our Nation, and certainly an issue that concerns all of us on both sides of the aisle.
While the rhetoric of the House often echoes through these walls about cuts and people being harmed, it seems to me that is the only part of the discussion that we are taking away. Little offers are made in terms of what is needed.
What we do often hear is discussions of who is paying. Should individuals pay, insurance companies be taxed more, businesses be given tax cuts, perhaps health savings accounts, association health plans, or just have the Federal Government take over? But this should not just be an issue of who is paying, for although that is important, and how much we are paying is important, really much of this comes down to what we need to have is an open discussion of what we are paying for.
According to the National Center of Health Statistics, 83 percent of children in this country under 18 years of age have excellent to very good health. That is good news.
Now 17 percent of America's children are in less than favorable health, either to mild or severe levels. We have to make sure we do all we can to help these children have a better health future and help the rest remain healthy. According to the American Academy of Pediatrics, 6.3 million uninsured children, over two-thirds of all uninsured children in America, are currently eligible either for Medicaid or for the State health insurance programs, but they are not enrolled. There are many opportunities. I know the State of Pennsylvania, where I represent the 18th Congressional District, really has very good services and insurance for children of a low income level but we need to make sure that we expand enrollment and get those kids beyond. For those who are uninsured or underinsured but beyond the level of Medicaid, there are several things that we should be looking at to make sure that they get the health care they need to maintain their health to prevent higher expenses for emergency care.
But what this means is not just more discussions on we are cutting money out of Medicaid or other aspects. Look at what has happened to the growth of Medicaid. In 1995, and this is for all ages, Medicaid spent $150 billion. We are now up to $300 billion. About half of Americans are covered by some level of Federal insurance or health care. But the system is growing, and the concern is it is growing out of control.
While we are looking at such things as how do we pay for Hurricane Katrina's outcome in this devastated gulf region, how do we take care of so many needs, is it fair to just continue to say to the American people we are going to continue to spend more without finding ways of eliminating waste and fraud and abuse?
Let me give an example. The New York Times wrote recently about an amount of some $4.4 billion in Medicaid fraud in that State. One dentist billed for over 980 procedures in one day. Clearly these were patients that were actually being seen. Another company used van rides for supposedly disabled people, billing those rides to the government. But these people when followed by a reporter clearly were not disabled. They walked around just fine. There is example after example after example.
I believe the American taxpayer wants to make sure that this waste, this fraud, this abuse is removed from the health care system. But it is not just a matter of that. When it comes to our children, we also have to make sure the system works with these programs in ways that optimize the health and outcome.
One of the things that I want to talk about today, along with the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey), is transforming our health care system. We oftentimes use a tongue-in-cheek quote around here that says one of the definitions of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results. Indeed, in the health care system where so much money is used inappropriately and wastefully, we ought to have some changes.
From the Center of Health Transformation, they say we have this current health care system and we are trying to come up with some reforms within the network. We try things like so much money is going to pay for diagnoses. We ask for some procedures to be done inpatient and outpatient, all within that system. What happens is if this system does not change, it will lead to some decay. The system cannot continue to go the way it is. Anyone who owns a small business or a household cannot continue to operate the way our health care system operates. When we go into hospitals, inpatient/outpatient, you will see the latest equipment, the greatest skilled personnel, MRIs, PT scans, CT scans, but very often we also see that data is kept on patients on pieces of paper. We have 21st century health technology kept on 16th century monitors. What happens, people slip through the cracks. The wrong prescriptions are ordered. Tests that are done have to be repeated because someone cannot get them.
I was talking to one of our colleagues today and he was telling me how a sonogram was done of his wife who is pregnant, but he cannot get it from here back home to his wife because he has to carry it manually. It cannot be e-mailed. We take e-mails for granted, but doctors have to wait for papers to transfer locations.
What happens? Can we come up with some real changes to really help our children? Yes, if we switch to an intelligent health system that uses electronic prescribing, electronic medical records, real patient care management for our children rather than having a system that gets bogged down and collapses of its own expense and weight, we can come up with success for our children and no longer be mired in failure.
Let me describe a little bit about what we mean by managing the whole patient. A lot of what people think happens when they have an individual or chronic disease is something common, like diabetes or asthma in a child, the doctor will examine and make sure that the child has the right medications, watches their diet and the environment around them, and hope all goes well. As long as the parents are monitoring that carefully and there is communication between doctor, nurse, patient and child, you can have a pretty good system. What happens if the information does not get to the parents, the patient education is not quite there? Maybe they skip a prescription, maybe they did not pick it up on time, maybe they do not fully understand all the elements of diet and medications for complicated diseases. What does that mean? You can end up with chronic diseases, repeat tests, many hospitalizations, emergency care may be required, increasing medications, going from doctor to doctor who may not know the other medications the child is on, leading to further risks, and all of this costs unnecessary money, unnecessary time in hospitals, increases the risk for harm, and what happens, we end up paying for it.
About 10 percent of the cases that show up in an emergency room are someone who has no ability to pay, but it is estimated that 60 percent or more, 60 percent or more of patients who show up in emergency departments are nonemergencies. If in such cases the care was given ahead of time, whether it is through a community health center, a clinic, direct patient care with a physician, if we monitored and kept a careful eye on those children with chronic conditions, we could save massive amounts of money.
This is not cutting care, it is improving care. Emergency care can cost five to eight times more than outpatient care, and we can actually save billions of dollars in the system. This is where we can find savings, and in so doing we save lives as well as money. But this means we use a chronic care model and not the inefficient going to a doctor, another disease, go to another doctor.
What this involves is not just the health system, it really involves the community, the resources. What takes place, the support systems, the families, the individuals helping to make sure they are watching their children, they are educated and they know what to do. It is making sure we have a delivery system involved with making sure doctors are notified if someone does not pick up their prescriptions. A lot of this can be done with electronic prescribing notification. It is making sure that clinical information systems are there so that if X-rays are done, procedures and tests are done, that information is communicated back to the doctor.
One study I looked at said something like 14 percent of the charts reviewed the physician found that they were missing some important data. Perhaps the physician referred the patient on to have some testing done, and it was never done. In the majority of these cases, the doctor said it would affect what diagnosis they had and future tests called for.
This is not a matter of just saying we are going to cut care, this is improving care. But this also means that clinical information systems must be there. They are a critical component of health care, of having the physician and nurse and family work together. What does that do? It is a matter of having productive interaction between everybody involved. You have an informed, active patient and you have a prepared, proactive practice team.
No longer the passive system, the doctor says here is your diagnosis, here is your prescription, good luck, call me if there is a problem. If that prescription is not filled, there is a call from the doctor. It is a system of interaction between the patient and doctor to make sure they are going back and forth.
Mr. Speaker, I am not talking about things that take place only in families that have access to computers and finances to do this. A lot of this is done in areas of low income levels, of high risk populations where we really find it is much more affordable. What we need to be looking at here as Congress is when we are reviewing such things as the Medicaid system, it is not just saying we are going to lop off $8 billion or $10 billion and see what happens. It is a matter of doing more effective work.
Much like a household that says our spending is going out of control, they do not just say let us not spend any more. Every small business and family does this. They look at what they are spending, but you have to change some of your habits and make habits more effective.
The system that seems to be adapting the slowest is our health care system, perhaps because we just keep doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results.
What the Federal Government is going to do and what we are doing here in the Republican Conference is asking those questions and demanding some answers of changing some of that system.
What I would like to do is call upon the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey), who as an obstetrician has worked with many families, particularly in the area of prenatal care. One of the critical areas in cutting costs and being more effective in health care is dealing with prenatal care in an effective and positive way.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey) to talk about these aspects of prenatal care, and he can tell us about some of the elements of saving money by doing more effective patient care management.
Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I thank the gentleman for his learned information for our colleagues to be aware of not only Head Start but about prenatal care.
One program I want to mention, the National Nurse-Family Partnership, is a great example of success. It is a public-private nonprofit center. I believe it is centered in Colorado, with over 700 nurses delivering in-home prenatal care and early infant care to more than 13,000 low- income families throughout the Nation. Interestingly enough, they were able to demonstrate they could
return $4 savings for every $1 invested in these services by the time the children reach age 15 by reducing expenditures for such things as special education, emergency room visits. Again, when we use a more comprehensive patient care model, we look at the whole family and not just the individual disease, we can save money and provide care.
Secondly, I also applaud my colleague for bringing up those aspects about Head Start and Early Head Start, so critically important for families who are struggling to make ends meet to have this system that really puts the parent at the center of the child's care, making sure they are involved in all the decisions, making sure they have the information they need to have, making sure that they are, in essence, put into the role of parent and not government in the role of parent; and that makes all the difference in the world.
Let me shift into another area here, however, that is also critically important and something we dealt with today. At any point if my colleague has comments he wants to make, I certainly would encourage him to do so. But this is the area of childhood obesity. Today, we passed a bill out of the House that said that we cannot just be blaming restaurants and fast-food companies and food manufacturers when someone has obesity problems. Indeed, it is something we all have to work on and have responsibility for because whether they are healthy snacks that a person eats too much of or unhealthy snacks, whatever that is, we have to make sure that we watch our diet and have proper exercise.
Unfortunately, what has happened in this Nation, I believe it may only be the State of Illinois that still requires gym class in school, and as such, children spend much more sedentary time at home, playing video games or in front of the television, less active, and eating more during that time. This is a major contributor to childhood obesity. And what has happened in the last 10 years, and look here, the proportion of obese children has tripled since 1970. It has doubled in the last 10 years, tripled among teenagers actually during this time period, and increased incidences of disease associated with that, including such things as now we see adult onset diabetes showing up in our children. We also see heart problems showing up. We see the risks that take place with blood pressures that are showing up in children who really did not have these problems before.
This is an estimated annual cost of obesity-related diseases in the United States: $100 billion. $100 billion annual cost of obesity- related diseases. This is not something that is cured by simply having government come in and tell people what they can and cannot eat. Something has broken down in our families and our communities where we are no longer telling kids they have had enough to eat or they are not going to eat any more of that or they need to get out and play.
The annual hospital costs for obesity-related disorders in children ages 6 to 17 years of age increased from $35 million to $127 million between 1979 and 2000. It is a lack of physical exercise; 38.6 percent of United States adults report they have no leisure-time physical activity at all. The annual estimated cost for diseases associated with this physical activity in 2000 was $76 million, but we know that daily participation in physical ed classes by high school students has dropped from 42 percent in 1991 to 29 percent in 1999 and continues to decline.
Even though we have data that continues to tell us physical exercise is critical and important, not just for a child's physical health, but really, as we are looking at ways of managing this, we cannot continue to just pump money into the Medicaid system and into our insurance systems to cover the costs of the outcome at the end of the line.
We need to go upstream and work on some basic prevention, and that means, quite frankly, mothers and fathers across America have to work on these issues of teaching their children to be responsible for their own bodies, making sure that we, as Members of Congress, are talking about these issues, but making sure as we monitor how money is spent we are much better off looking at ways that funding could be given to communities, programs, to schools, to hospitals to help make sure we are working on prevention of obesity rather than paying the high costs at the end of the line for so much of the increases in health care because obesity has continued to climb.
Now, with obesity often comes behavioral disorders as a matter of fact. Many a child I saw in my clinical practice as a psychologist oftentimes came in a child who was well overweight, teased by their peers, struggled with this on top of their other physical problems. They oftentimes got in this downward spiral, less activity, more socially isolated. Perhaps they were teased by other kids, the butt of jokes, a sad condition, and many of these children also suffered problems with mental health.
What happens in the area of mental health is sometimes in this Chamber and our Nation, we look down upon it from a couple of different angles. We see perhaps mental health problems are some sign of softness, that perhaps people should be a little tougher, take it on the chin, not be so sensitive. Sometimes I am not sure we have advanced from the days of the Salem witch trials, and blame those who suffer from mental illness and say somehow you should have done more.
Sometimes we ridicule those who are on medication. Jokes still abound on television calling people crazy, loony, out of control, retarded, in derogatory terms, for something that we continue to see in this Nation as a sign of weakness instead of a real disease.
Again, if we are going to deal with things in the health care area, to truly reduce costs and deal with patients, we have to understand in the area of children's mental health psychological disorders are real. They are not made up. They are not indications where someone is weaker and ineffective.
There is a very strong and consistent scientific basis to say that the myth of psychological disorders and psychiatric disorders has to be debunked. Kids do have real problems. Adolescents have more problems. Adults have even more problems, and all these grow when we do not deal with these problems at an early level.
There are biological and environmental causes. It is interesting, you can have some children face tremendous difficulties in their life and they do not seem to show problems in mental outcomes, but that does not mean that those who do have problems are simply weak. Just like some of us may be exposed to the flu, some of us may eat different, and be around those who smoke and never develop any symptoms at all, where others are susceptible to them as part of their own biological genetic makeup.
Again, it does not mean they are weak or ineffective. It means a combination of the biological and environmental factors that caused this. You cannot simply say if we take care of these environmental causes it will never occur. Sometimes people say, well, maybe it is poverty that causes some of these difficulties with mental illness, and that is not the case at all. Depression, bipolar disorders, attention disorders, anxiety disorders occur at all lines of children. Boys sometimes have more than others, but there is this link between biological and environmental causes. Boys have more problems, for example, with attention disorders. Girls may have different symptoms with depression, but in all cases we also see there is a commonality between parents and grandparents having some of these diagnoses that I mentioned for anxiety, bipolar disorder, attention disorder, depression and their children. Not always children, but certainly some where you have significant environmental stresses and reactions which interact.
We may see, for example, as the outcome of the hurricanes in the gulf coast that there will be some children who live through tremendous trauma, and they may have some post-traumatic stress reactions, but it may never reach the level of post-traumatic stress disorder. It becomes a longer term debilitating factor, exhibited, for example, as such things as depression, trouble concentrating, nightmares, et cetera. It may never reach that level because they may in their own biological factors have resilience, but their family may be there to support.
The other things here is to understand that psychological disorders do
respond to treatment. This may be pharmaceutical; that is, medication, and it certainly is also matters of counseling and therapy. This is not just a matter of talking to someone, giving common-sense ideas. This is a matter of very strategic, scientifically based things such as cognitive behavioral therapy to work with patients.
We know, for example, that children with depression respond fairly well, pretty well, to some of the talk therapy or counseling to help them understand strategies to deal with problems in their life, recognize the symptoms and do their own intervention themselves to change those symptoms.
But we also know when people move from moderate to more severe levels of depression, medication, it is pretty darn helpful and sometimes almost necessary for them to have that. It does not help when we have movie stars out there saying there is no such thing as mental illness, an irresponsible statement. It does not make things go away just because you wish it to be so. I do not want situations put upon our country where we see that, again, people from Hollywood are saying, well, there is no such thing as mental illness, and therefore, we do not treat it. That is wrong. We do know that they can respond to treatment, and it is important we continue to fund in areas of Medicaid and everywhere else, Medicare, psychological, psychiatric treatment because it is helpful.
We also need to, however, carefully evaluate the treatment, the planning and follow-up assessment of these. I will give you a couple of examples.
Last year, there was a lot of discussion about some anti-depressant medication, and when some children took it, there was a higher risk for suicidal thinking, suicidal ideations we call it. What did not come up in those discussions are a couple of important factors. One, 75 percent of psychiatric medications are prescribed by nonpsychiatrists. They may be highly qualified physicians. In many cases, they may be general practitioners, pediatricians, family doctors, obstetricians. Seventy- five percent, however, and they may or may not be doing the other follow-up that is necessary.
What anti-depressant medications do is they can change a person's mood. They can help change the chemical, biological reaction that a person's central nervous system and brain of how they process stresses that can lead to the debilitation of depression, but it does not change the way a person thinks. That is why it is so important that we make sure we are funding programs that also provide the psychological therapy for children to help them understand what these thoughts are, to help them change the way they are thinking about the world so as they start to feel better they do not have more suicidal risks.
Interestingly enough, one of the things we oftentimes taught medical students in medical schools is once patients start getting better with symptoms of depression, the risk for suicide may increase because the support systems back off and they say Johnny's feeling better, we do not need to have him in the hospital or do not need to be around him as much. Perhaps people are no longer monitoring the person 24 hours a day. They start to go back to school, face more stresses.
As they are getting their energy up, as they are back in the world and thinking if we do not change the way they think with depressive thought patterns, if we do not interrupt that and change it, you can actually increase the risk for suicide. That being the case, we have to make sure that as we are looking for more effective ways of spending money, the taxpayer dollars in Medicaid and Medicare and Head Start that we are working comprehensive care with the patient, with mental illness as well, such problems as I said before about bipolar; that is, manic depressive illness, attention deficit disorder, anxiety disorders, all of these with a strong genetic component and elements where we can make huge changes in people's lives.
It is something that we need to make sure we are no longer just criticizing about overprescribing or perhaps saying that too many kids are getting stimulant medication with attention disorder; we should or should not do this.
Here is the crux of this. It really is a matter of having accurate diagnosis and treatment and making sure that we are not overmedicating or undermedicating our children. Somehow in this Chamber we politicize this to somehow think we are doing something wrong in both areas of the conservative far right, the liberal far left, somehow accuse maybe there is some conspiracies involved in this, and there is not. It is a matter of making sure the physicians have the training to deal with this. They are interacting a comprehensive care model, a patient care model, disease management model, together with people of various professions and working closely with the families.
We see this in the area of children's health when you start to look at so many aspects here that you really can make some huge differences.
I would like to point to a couple of things here and then call upon the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey), my colleague, on a couple of questions. But one of the things to keep in mind about depression, which is one of the most common mental illnesses affecting more than 19 million Americans each year, that it can cause longer lasting forms. You can lose pleasure in life, complicate other medical conditions, can lead to suicide, but it is also associated with many other medical issues.
For example, cancer has a higher incidence of depression, stroke. Diabetes, people with diabetes have a 25 percent chance of having depression. That is higher than the rest of the population. Depression also affects as many as 70 percent of patients with chronic diabetic complications. People with heart disease, 40 to 65 percent of them will have depression, and what is interesting is untreated depression in these patients can lead to complications, such as the health care costs can double.
Now, I ask the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey) on this, he certainly treated many a patient who had medical complications as well as some of the psychological ones, and I would like to ask him, in looking at some of these more comprehensive chronic care models, of how we need to be moving forward in a modern system of health care and not be just looking at individual disease, but how looking at more advanced forms of bringing technology and changing the system, how he sees that affecting the patient in a cost-effective way.
I thank the gentleman. I asked about another issue, too, which is one that is so critically important for children. My colleague from Georgia had mentioned before, during pregnancy, smoking being one of the risk factors. I believe that the sad statistic is that the Pittsburgh region has some of the highest maternal smoking rates during pregnancy in the Nation. My understanding is a lot of complications can come when you have a mother who smokes during pregnancy. Certainly an important part of prenatal care for our children is understanding the importance of helping a mother to stop smoking during that time.
I wonder if the gentleman can comment on some of the complications that might come for that mother and that baby not only during labor and delivery but the long-term effects for that child when the mother smokes during pregnancy.
Also, it is related to, my understanding is yet so many other aspects come from this that you may find in such children also eating disorders and diabetes and cancer risks even if that child never themselves smoked cigarettes. But the risks are huge. I believe a direct and indirect medical cost of smoking in this Nation is about $138 billion per year.
Of course, another reason why I believe it is so important not only for the government but really for individuals and businesses to focus so much on helping to change that is the State of California, for example, estimates that their statewide tobacco prevention program during the 1990s resulted in overall cost savings of $8.4 billion in health care. That is pretty remarkable.
Again, unfortunately, the way the Congress scores things with the Congressional Budget Office, when we talk about starting programs that would actually save money, my colleagues are aware of this, we never can get an accurate measure of what it actually saved because of the way the CBO, the Congressional Budget Office, scores things. It is not how much you save, but how much you spend. So if we would do similar things that would lead to a smoking cessation during pregnancy, and it might cost X number of dollars, the CBO would score that but never tell us how much money it would save over time. That is something that frustrates all of us because the things we are talking here tonight really require some expenditures to get these savings.
Businesses are picking up on this. A recent review of health promotion and disease and management programs in businesses that provided health education to their employees, including exercise, health-risk screening, weight control, nutrition information, stress management, disease screening, and smoking cessation, found a significant return in investment, saved about $1.50 to about $5 for every dollar spent in the program.
For example, Motorola, their wellness program saved the company about $4 for every dollar invested. Northeast Utilities' program in its first 24 months reduced some of the claims by about $1.4 billion. Caterpillar Company, they had a program that saved about $700 million. Johnson and Johnson's health and wellness program saved about a couple hundred dollars per employee per year.
What is interesting here is how much we can save and what we have to look at here. And I call upon my colleagues, we need to make some fundamental changes in how CBO scores these things. We have got to stop just looking at how much it costs up front and look at how much it saves in the long run. Again, I look at such things as if we are able to have more people go to federally approved health centers, community health centers in their community instead of showing up in the emergency departments, yes, it may cost money; the President called for a couple billion dollars to put into those community health centers. But if it is one-fifth of the cost of going there rather than the cost of going to the emergency departments, that is a massive cost savings.
Certainly I call upon my colleague, too, it is one of those things you have seen as well, how do we get these prevention issues begin to be scored. It is of fundamental importance to health care.
I am reminded of the story of the fellow who was on his hands and knees late at night under a streetlight in the city, probably had too much to drink, and a police officer sees him and says: Excuse me, sir, what are you doing? The gentleman says: I am looking for my car keys. And the police officer says to him: Well, where did you lose them? He said: I lost them down at the end of that dark ally down there. And the policeman says: Well, why are you not looking for your keys at the end of that dark ally over there? And the gentleman says: Because there is more light over here.
Sometimes I think the way we look at these medical issues, instead of looking at the cost savings involved with prevention, we simply are able to look at how much it costs us up front because it is easier to find that data. It is tougher to pay attention to prevention.
My colleague brought up some great points. Prenatal care, Early Head Start, Head Start, what that contributes to in helping save problems. We talked about community health centers and spending money. I like the President's plan of a community health center in every county in America where there is poverty and an uninsured, can help reduce emergency visits by four-fifths, the cost of the emergency visits. It is an incredible amount of savings, but not one that we can get those scores for. And it is one of those things where, unfortunately, the political rhetoric comes through in this Chamber, and I do not know of anybody who has ever been cured by a floor speech, but it certainly is one where there is just so much talk that continues on, spending too much here, spending too much there. We need to pay attention to spending too much.
The problem is not what we are spending, but what we are spending it on. And if we are continuing to spend on wasteful or fraudulent or abusive or simply health care issues that are not taking care of the disparity of outcomes between, for example, low socioeconomic families, families that are struggling to make ends meet and feel they do not have the money to pay for their doctor visits, and those that may be in poverty, we need to work on those disparities of outcomes and make sure that we take care of those children early on; and that is why the issue of community health centers for our kids is so critically important. But, again, some will say we are spending too much, causing the budget to go up, and we cannot get the proper numbers.
Now, some of the public that may be listening is wondering why we are even talking about the CBO. But that is, unfortunately, the way this Chamber operates now and that people oftentimes look at those numbers. We have seen tremendous inaccuracies in those numbers. My colleague from Georgia spoke about those inaccuracies when it came to looking at things such as the death tax and them being off over $1 trillion in their estimates. But also it is one of those things in health care, too.
Think about this: if you take a medication that costs you $50, but it may prevent you from having a heart attack and further hospitalizations, surgery, disability, workers comp, losing your job, having the family require other care, that is a massive amount of cost savings. But, instead, we may focus on only that aspect of the cost of that medication, instead of all the other costs that are saved there. When we look at what we are doing with children's health, it is so critically important that we look at the big picture here as well.
Now, I am going to see if my colleague has any final comments to make in this area of health care. Barring that, I just want to mention a couple of final comments here.
We are certainly the stewards of the people's money, and although we are not here to take the place of the family, we are here to do sometimes what Abe Lincoln said. President Lincoln said, ``Governments should do that which the people cannot do for themselves.''
Now, in the areas of such things as food and consumption, people and parents ought to be watching what they eat. Well, what we also ought to be doing ourselves is working along with physicians and schoolteachers and people in the community to make sure our kids are healthy and safe and exercise and eat right.
But we also have to make sure we are working at comprehensive care, real patient care models, that involves nutrition and exercise and prevention and mental health, and integrated care of all of those things together. If we are
truly going to do what is right and decent and honorable for the next generation, it is a matter of doing what is right in health care.
It is a matter of pooling our resources together and looking at the answers, to be science-based and not emotion-based on this. The science tells us we have things we can do, but we are not yet doing. The science tells us when it comes to managing the disease it is not appropriate to just look at that individual disease, but to see how it operates in the context of the child and their family.
This is true compassion. This is where we will save lives. This is where we will save money. This is where if we do things like looking at electronic medical records, and make sure that every hospital around the Nation has this, and providers and pharmacists have these, you can find out these things and work on them together.
That is what takes place in States like Nebraska and other hospitals around the Nation. We have here an opportunity to make a huge difference, to save lives by the hundreds of thousands, and to save money by the hundreds of billions of dollars. We have that opportunity before us.
The question is, will we have the courage to work together in a bipartisan manner to do it? My hope is that our colleagues drop the gloves on this, put down the swords, stop looking for opportunities to send out sound bytes and to have people make phone calls and use it as political fodder, but instead to be able to look our constituents in the eye and say when we were all here, when we were all granted the authority to do something about America, we took an opportunity to save lives and save money, and we ought to start with our children.
I thank my colleagues.
Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up H. Res. 508 and ask for its immediate consideration. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes…
Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up H. Res. 508 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
Madam Speaker, House Resolution 508 is a structured rule. It provides for 1 hour of general debate, equally divided and controlled by the chairman and the ranking minority member of the Committee on the Judiciary. It waives all points of order against consideration of the bill, and it provides that the amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the Committee on the Judiciary now printed in the bill shall be considered as an original bill for the purpose of amendment and shall be considered as read.
It makes in order only those amendments printed in the Rules Committee report accompanying the resolution. It provides that the amendments printed in the report may be offered only in the order printed, may be offered only by the Member designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the report, equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for division of the question in the House or in the Committee of the Whole.
This resolution waives all points of order against the amendments printed in the report, and it provides one motion to recommit, with or without instructions.
Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of House Resolution 508 and the underlying legislation, H.R. 420, the Lawsuit Abuse Reduction Act of 2005.
First, I want to commend the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, not just for the underlying bill but for a number of recent bills aimed at strengthening our legal system by protecting people's rights under the law and shielding them from frivolous proceedings. Additionally, I want to thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Subcommittee on the Courts, the Internet, and Intellectual Property, for sponsoring H.R. 420.
Madam Speaker, over the past couple of weeks, this House has taken several important steps to reform our legal system, to relieve our overburdened court dockets and drastically reduce the number of costly frivolous claims against innocent and legitimate businesses.
On October 24, we passed and sent to the President's desk S. 397, the Lawful Commerce in Arms Act of 2005, by a vote of 283 to 144 in the House. I might add that in the spirit of bipartisanship, 59 Democrats and one Independent joined 223 Republicans in passing this landmark legislation that refocuses liability for gun violence on the actual criminal, the person who pulled the trigger.
Additionally in this House, 226 Republicans, along with 80 Democrats, passed H.R. 554, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act of 2005. This bill also reaffirms the need for individuals to take responsibility for their own actions and not expect someone else to foot the bill for the adverse health consequences of their own gluttony.
Today, Madam Speaker, we have another prime opportunity to pass meaningful legislation to strengthen our court system even further and to protect the falsely accused.
The Lawsuit Abuse Reduction Act of 2005 will go a long way to curb the actions of individuals who would seek to abuse our courts by gaming the judicial system. Last week, there were probably millions of people across this country who tuned in, ticket in hand, to see if they had won a $340 million Powerball jackpot. Unfortunately, there are also people who look to the courts, legal briefs in hand, as if it were the Powerball lottery.
However, Madam Speaker, it is the American people and small businesses that pay the ultimate price for frivolous lawsuits and this type of jackpot justice. They pay for it through higher prices for goods and services, they pay for it through diminished quality of products, they pay for it through loss of economic freedom, and they pay for it through a clogged court system that has been turned into an ATM for junk lawsuits. In fact, the current tort system is estimated to cost American people well over $200 billion per year.
Clearly, the Lawsuit Abuse Reduction Act of 2005 is a bill that is sorely overdue, sorely needed and, I might add, was approved by this House in the last Congress by a vote of 229 to 174.
With respect to the underlying bill, it would amend Rule 11 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure by restoring the mandatory sanctions for the filing of frivolous lawsuits. This bill would require that courts impose an appropriate penalty on attorneys, law firms, or parties who continue to file frivolous lawsuits. Also this bill would eliminate the ``free pass'' provision that allows attorneys to avoid sanctions if they withdraw their frivolous claim after a motion for sanctions has been filed.
Madam Speaker, H.R. 420 also would prevent forum shopping by requiring that personal injury cases only be brought in those jurisdictions either where the plaintiff, the defendant or a related business resides, or where the alleged injury or surrounding circumstances occurred.
This act would also institute a three-strikes-and-you're-out sanction that would suspend an attorney from practicing in Federal court if a Federal judge determines the lawyer has violated Rule 11 on three or more occasions.
H.R. 420 clearly emphasizes that personal responsibility is not just some catch phrase that applies only to some people, such as a fast-food connoisseur, a firearms owner, a consumer or, indeed, a doctor. Personal responsibility and professional accountability should be the rule for those in the legal field, too, and that is why this House should pass this bill.
In closing, Madam Speaker, I would just emphasize that House Resolution 508 is a straightforward rule and H.R. 420 is a straightforward bill. Simply put, it just makes sense to stop and punish the willful abuse of our legal system by the slash-and-burn tactics of frivolous lawsuits.
As always, I look forward to the consideration of this rule, and I ask my colleagues to support it and the underlying bill.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, in response to some of the comments that were made, I just want to hold up this document that lists over 300 groups in support of LARA, the Lawsuit Abuse Reduction Act of 2005, and I will include them in the Record.
I would like to also point out that the Federal Judicial Center was in opposition to class action reform, which we passed in the previous Congress and in the 108th by a vote in this body of 279 to 149.
Groups Supporting H.R. 420--The Lawsuit Abuse Reduction Act of 2005
Advanced Medical Technology Association.
Air Conditioning Contractors of America.
Alabama Civil Justice Reform Committee.
Alabama Restaurant Association.
Alabama Trucking Association, Inc.
Alaska Cabaret, Hotel, Restaurant and Retailers
Association.
Alliance of Automotive Service Providers of Minnesota.
Alliance of Automotive Service Providers of Pennsylvania.
America Chamber of Commerce (NV).
American Apparel and Footwear Association.
American Automotive Leasing Association.
American Bakers Association.
American Boiler Manufacturers Association.
American Business Conference.
American Chemistry Council.
American Council of Engineering Companies.
American Health Care Association.
American Home Furnishing Alliance.
American Insurance Association.
American International Automobile Dealers Association.
American Legislative Exchange Council.
American Machine Tool Distributors Association.
American Petroleum Institute.
American Rental Association.
American Road & Transportation Builders Association.
American Supply Association.
American Trucking Associations.
American Tort Reform Association.
American Veterinary Distributors Association.
American Wholesale Marketers Association.
Antelope Valley Chamber of Commerce (CA).
Ardmore Chamber of Commerce (OK).
Arkansas Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Arkansas Hospitality Association.
Arizona Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Arizona Restaurant & Hospitality Association.
Associated Builders & Contractors.
Associated General Contractors of America.
Associated Equipment Distributors.
ASFE--Associated Soil & Foundation Engineers.
Associated Wire Rope Fabricators.
Association for High Technology Distribution.
Association of Equipment Manufacturers.
Association of Pool & Spa Professionals.
AMT--The Association for Manufacturing Technology.
Automotive Aftermarket Industry Association.
Automotive Parts Remanufacturers Association.
Automotive Parts & Service Association of Illinois.
Aviation Distributors & Manufacturers Association.
Bay Area Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse.
Bearing Specialists Association.
Brunswick-Golden Isles Chamber of Commerce (GA).
Business Council of New York State, Inc.
Business Roundtable.
California Central Coast Chapter, National Electrical
Contractors Association.
California Restaurant Association.
California/Nevada Automotive Wholesalers Association.
Central California Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse.
Central Illinois, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Chamber of Business and Industry of Centre County (PA).
Chamber of Commerce for Anderson & Madison County (IN).
Chamber of Commerce of the Mid-Ohio Valley (WV).
Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse of Central Texas.
Citizens for Civil Justice Reform.
City of Chicago, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Civil Justice Association of California.
Cleaning Equipment Trade Association.
Cleveland Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Coalition for Uniform Product Liability Law.
Colorado Civil Justice League.
Colorado Motor Carriers Association.
Colorado Restaurant Association.
Connecticut Restaurant Association.
Construction Industry Round Table.
Copper & Brass Service Center Association.
Council of Insurance Agents and Brokers.
Crawfordsville/Montgomery Chamber of Commerce (IN).
Dayton Area Chamber of Commerce (OH).
Delaware Motor Transport Association.
Delaware Restaurant Association.
East Texans Against Lawsuit Abuse.
The Employers Association.
Electrical Manpower Development Trust.
Equipment Leasing Association.
Florida Chamber of Commerce.
Florida Restaurant Association.
Food Industry Suppliers Association.
Gas Appliance Manufacturers Association.
Gases and Welding Distributors Association.
General Aviation Manufacturers Association.
Georgia Association of Petroleum Retailers, Inc.
Georgia Industry Association.
Georgia Restaurant Association.
Great Lakes Petroleum Retailers & Allied Trades
Association.
Georgia Motor Trucking Association.
Hawaii Restaurant Association.
Hawaii Transportation Association.
Health Industry Distributors Association.
Healthcare Distribution Management Association.
Heating, Air Conditioning & Refrigeration Distributors
International Association.
Hobbs Chamber of Commerce (NM).
Hospitality Association of South Carolina.
Hospitality Minnesota--Minnesota's Restaurant, Hotel &
Lodging and Resort & Campground Associations.
Hudson Valley Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association (NY).
Humble Area Chamber of Commerce (TX).
Idaho Lodging and Restaurant Association.
Illinois Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Illinois Civil Justice League.
Illinois Lawsuit Abuse Watch.
Illinois Quad City Chamber.
Illinois Restaurant Association.
Independent Electrical Contractors.
Independent Insurance Agents & Brokers of America, Inc.
Independent Sealing Distributors.
Industrial Compressor Distributor Association.
Industrial Supply Association.
International Association of Plastics Distributors.
International Foodservice Distributors Association.
International Franchise Association.
International Furniture Suppliers Association.
International Housewares Association.
International Safety Equipment Association.
International Sanitary Supply Association.
International Sign Association.
International Sleep Products Association.
International Truck Parts Association.
Iowa Hospitality Association.
Iowa Motor Truck Association.
Jackson Area Manufacturers Association.
Kansas Chamber of Commerce.
Kansas City Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Kansas Restaurant and Hospitality Association.
Kentucky Motor Transport Association.
Kentucky Restaurant Association.
Kern County Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association (CA).
Kingman Area Chamber of Commerce (AZ).
Lakewood Chamber of Commerce (WA).
Latrobe Area Chamber of Commerce (PA).
Lawn and Garden Marketing and Distribution Association.
Lebanon Valley Chamber of Commerce (PA).
Los Angeles Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse.
Los Angeles Fastener Association.
Louisiana Motor Transport Association.
Louisiana Restaurant Association.
Maine Liability Crisis Alliance.
Maine Restaurant Association.
Manufactured Housing Institute.
Manufacturers' Association of Northwest Pennsylvania.
Marion Area Chamber of Commerce (IL).
Maryland Business for Responsive Government.
Maryland Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Massachusetts Restaurant Association.
Material Handling Equipment Distributors Association.
Mechanical Contractors Association of America.
Memphis Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Metals Service Center Institute.
Mason Contractors Association of America.
Michigan Chamber of Commerce.
Michigan Lawsuit Abuse Watch.
Michigan Restaurant Association.
Minnesota Trucking Association.
Mississippi Hospitality and Restaurant Association.
Mississippi Manufacturers Association.
Mississippi Trucking Association.
Mississippians for Economic Progress.
Missouri Motor Carriers Association.
Missouri Restaurant Association.
Montana Chamber of Commerce/Montana Liability Coalition.
Montana Motor Carriers Association.
Montana Restaurant Association.
Motor & Equipment Manufacturers Association.
Motorcycle Industry Council.
National Association of Chemical Distributors.
National Association of Convenience Stores.
National Association of Electrical Distributors.
National Association of Home Builders.
National Association of Manufacturers.
National Association of Mutual Insurance Companies.
National Association of Sign Supply Distributors.
National Association of Wholesaler-Distributors.
National Concrete Masonry Association.
National Council of Chain Restaurants of the National
Retail Federation.
National Electrical Contractors Association.
National Federation of Independent Business.
National Lumber & Building Materials Dealers Association.
National Marine Distributors Association.
National Paint & Coatings Association.
National Pest Management Association.
National Propane Gas Association.
National Restaurant Association.
NRF--The National Retail Federation.
National Roofing Contractors Association.
National School Supply & Equipment Association.
National Shooting Sports Foundation.
NAHAD--The Association for Hose & Accessories Distributors
NPES--The Association for Suppliers of Printing, Publishing
and Converting Technologies.
National Small Business Association.
Nebraska Restaurant Association.
Nebraska Trucking Association.
Nevada State Medical Association.
New Hampshire Lodging and Restaurant Association.
New Jersey Automobile Wholesalers Association.
New Jersey Business & Industry.
New Jersey Motor Truck Association.
New Jersey Restaurant Association.
New Mexico Alliance for Legal Reform.
New Mexico Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
New Mexico Restaurant Association.
Nevada Restaurant Association.
New York State Automotive Aftermarket Association.
New York State Motor Truck Association.
New York State Restaurant Association.
North American Horticultural Supply Association.
North Carolina Citizens for Business and Industry.
North Carolina Restaurant Association.
North Carolina Trucking Association.
North Dakota State Hospitality Association.
North Florida Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
North Louisiana Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
North Texas Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Northeastern Illinois Chapter, National Electrical
Contractors Association.
Northern California Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse.
Northern Illinois Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Northern New York Chapter, National Electrical Contractors
Association.
Northern Rhode Island Chamber of Commerce.
Office Products Wholesalers Association.
Ohio Association of Wholesaler-Distributors.
Ohio Manufacturers Association.
Ohio Restaurant Association.
Ohio Trucking Association.
Oklahoma Restaurant Association.
Orange Chamber of Commerce (CA).
Orange County Citizens Against Lawsuit Abuse.
Oregon Restaurant Association.
Outdoor Power Equipment & Engine Service Association.
Outdoor Power Equipment Institute.
Outdoor Power Equipment Aftermarket Association.
Pacific Printing & Imaging Association (AK, HI, ID, MT, OR,
To the gentleman from Massachusetts, we do not actually have any additional speakers at this time, so right now I am reserving the balance of my time for the purpose of closing, unless another speaker comes.
Madam Speaker, I might point out that the people that oppose this legislation, as the gentleman from Massachusetts mentioned earlier, are the very ones that support his party. So I think that there is a little balance there, if that be true in either instance.
Madam Speaker, I would first like to close this debate by thanking my colleagues for a very productive discussion of both the rule and H.R. 420. The opportunity before this House today is another example of how this Congress has improved our legal system and preventing frivolous lawsuits from closing the doors of justice for those who have truly been harmed.
Contrary to what the opponents of legal reform might say, the underlying bill, as well as other recent bills, do not demonstrate contempt for our legal system or the esteemed profession of attorneys, but rather demonstrate respect for the important and historic role of our judicial system in defending the rights and ensuring the constitutional application of the laws. Frivolous lawsuits have not only driven up costs and destroyed economic opportunity for the American people, but they have also damaged the image of the courts. When the American people stop respecting the decisions of the judiciary, the courts begin to lose their effectiveness, and they cease to perform their constitutionally mandated role.
For the sake of the courts and for the sake of the American people, we in this House need to push forward with this additional meaningful and genuine reform. Therefore, I would like to urge all of my colleagues on both sides of the center aisle to support this rule and the underlying bill.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy) for leading this hour during this week of Children's Health Care Initiative and calling attention to the health of our children. The…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy) for leading this hour during this week of Children's Health Care Initiative and calling attention to the health of our children. The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy) has worked extensively in the field of psychology, particularly child psychology. He has actually written a book and has another coming out soon on the subject. I think as we get further into the hour, we probably will discuss a little about bit about how important a child's not only physical health but their mental health is.
But I do appreciate the opportunity that the gentleman has given me, Mr.
Speaker, to share some of this time with him.
My background in a prior life, my professional experience was for 30 years in the practice of medicine, and the specialty that I enjoyed practicing was obstetrics and gynecology; and we have that opportunity in that field of medicine to see a child at the very beginnings of life and know how critically important a good start is. We talk about some of the things that this Republican majority has done, some of the very good programs since President Bush has been in office, certainly not the least of which is No Child Left Behind regarding our K-12 education program. But it is so important from the health care perspective that no child is left behind from the moment of conception.
So I do want to talk a little bit about the importance of prenatal care and actually call my colleagues' attention to this one poster that I have here regarding prenatal care, entitled ``Proper Prenatal Care Leads to Healthy Children.'' No question about it. Some of the bullet points, these may be a little bit difficult to see, Mr. Speaker, but hopefully we can focus the camera in on the bullet points.
First of all, 1 million, 1 million, American women deliver babies annually without receiving prenatal care. Secondly, in the United States, more than 250,000 low birth weight infants are born each year. More than 250,000. Now, for my colleagues' understanding, a low birth weight infant is one that weighs less than 2,500 grams. That is about 5\1/2\ pounds. Those children are not all premature. In some instances they are unhealthy children who are near term, but low birth weight. But most of them, most of these 250,000 low birth weight infants are actually born premature as well.
And the third bullet point, low birth weight infants are more likely to suffer from disabilities, things like heart defects and respiratory illnesses. They are four times more likely to prematurely die than infants with a normal birth weight.
I have had many situations, Mr. Speaker, as an obstetrician having delivered over 5,000 children, where women come into the emergency room having had no prenatal care. And they are clearly the ones who are more likely to deliver these low birth weight babies and deliver them prematurely. That is why I think it is so important, and I know the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy) would agree with me, that when we emphasize the issue, the immigration issue, of securing our borders and want to make sure that every immigrant that comes into this country comes here legally and has an opportunity to get prenatal care, as, of course, many of those who come in an illegal manner are afraid or do not now how or where to get prenatal care and will just show up in the emergency room having delivered an unhealthy premature low birth weight infant, the cost of taking care of a child in that situation in the very expensive setting of an intensive care nursery, a 2-month stay, and that would not be uncommon for a very small infant, could approach easily $750,000 to $1 million worth of health care. And that, Mr. Speaker, is really just the beginning.
That is just the beginning of the cost, because if there is a disability that is long lasting or maybe even lasting a lifetime, and that is often the case, whether it is a heart defect or a musculoskeletal deformity or a mental defect as a result of lack of oxygen, sometimes even blindness, the cost is just astronomical. So it is so important, it is so important, that we do things in this Congress at the Federal level to encourage that women get prenatal care and that children are born healthy and that, indeed, no infant, not just no child left behind, but no infant is left behind.
So I just wanted to go over with my colleagues some of the things in regard to prenatal care that are so important that I always stress to my patients: of course, encouraging immunizations and vitamin supplements, monitoring of diet, increased physical activity, clearly to avoid smoking and alcohol use during pregnancy and drug use. Certainly any drug use that is nonprescription or not under the jurisdiction and guidance of a physician is to be discouraged. Environmental factors are hugely important. As I say, a healthy diet, a regular weight check, physical activity, all of these things are so important. And then to come see the physician on a regular basis during the pregnancy. This is how we avoid, Mr. Speaker, these 1 million American women delivering babies annually either without receiving prenatal care or ending up with premature deliveries.
I want to, if the gentleman would allow me, to expand on this a bit. It is not just being born healthy and well; but the first 5 years of life, what happens to the child after that is tremendously important as well. I have a grandson, little Grey Collins. He will be a year old soon. And it is so much fun to see him, and I often have that opportunity to see him, watching the little Baby Einstein tapes, that he is hugged many times a day and loved by his parents and grandparents and his aunts and uncles and how important it is to provide that love and affection to a child and let them know that they are loved, and we will get into that. I am sure the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy) will talk about that later in the hour as he discusses things like childhood obesity and childhood mental health.
But I wanted to speak a little bit about a program that we just reauthorized in the last couple of weeks here in this 109th Congress, and what I am talking about is the Head Start program. Sometimes we get criticized, we, the Republican majority, that we do not care enough about social programs and we do not care enough about the poor and underprivileged and people that do not maybe have the same opportunity that the upper middle class society has.
But let me tell the Members we do care. We do care. And this reauthorization is proof of the pudding.
Just a little historical perspective on that. Head Start and its cousin, Early Head Start or comprehensive child development programs, serving children from birth to age 5, as I stated, as well as pregnant women and their families, the critical component of the Head Start program is that it is child focused with the overall goal to increase school readiness of young children in low-income families, Mr. Speaker. The Head Start program has a long tradition of delivering comprehensive and high-quality services designed to foster healthy development in children that need our help the most.
The program provides a range of individualized services in areas of education, early childhood development, but not stopping there. It also offers medical, dental, and mental health services to these children and to their families. It even goes a step further by providing nutritional counseling and encouraging parental involvement in their child's development. It is a rich program. I have got a lot of statistics, and as we continue the hour, I will relate some of those specifics, particularly in regard to the reauthorization and how much we are doing in that program.
But I just wanted to point out, as I know the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy) agrees, how important it is that we do everything we can to make sure that our children get a good start in life. And as I have stated at the outset, the prenatal care aspect is hugely important. Programs like the Early Head Start and Head Start program so that the children, all children, when they get to that 5- year-old kindergarten class or get to the first grade, that they have an equal opportunity with their peers and they are not starting school with one hand tied behind their back. So it is hugely important that they are healthy, that they are happy, that they are loved and they have an opportunity, as we all want, in life.
At this point I will continue to be here with the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy) during this hour.
Mr. Speaker, as the gentleman pointed out, and he is so right, we need to move into the 21st century in regard to our health care system and modeling. Just trying to come up with better drugs and the latest surgery techniques to treat complicated illness is not enough. We really need to focus on preventive care.
You are talking about in the last few minutes, of course, your specialty, in talking about mental illness, and as it relates also to childhood obesity, and I could not help but think as I was listening to your discussion, and as you know, this week we just passed H.R. 554. H.R. 554 is the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act of 2005. This is a bill my colleagues are aware of the fact it would not allow someone to sue a fast food manufacturer because they have gorged themselves with a multiple number of Big Macs or any other kind of fast food, or sometimes what we refer to as junk food. It is not the fault of the food industry.
I used a little analogy when I was talking about this on the floor yesterday in discussing the rule of my belt, which is a size 36. That is, I hate to admit, the size of my waist, but if I wanted really out of blind pride to suggest that I had a 24-inch waist and I cinched that belt down a couple of notches, in doing so, I put pressure, compression on something referred to as the lateral femoral cutaneous nerve, it would result in a condition of numbness and lack of feeling on the anterior thigh. Then should I go out and sue the belt company because they are at fault because I misused a product?
This is what this bill, of course, is all about, a common-sense type bill.
Parenthetically, Mr. Speaker, I also want to mention the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller), the author of the bill, our good friend and colleague, is actually in the hospital now and recovering hopefully from a fairly minor condition, but we want to pay tribute to him. I know he is proud that we passed this bill this week.
The comment that I wanted to make is this issue of personal responsibility, and parents should have that personal responsibility obviously in the way they conduct themselves in regard to how they eat and a healthy diet and exercise, but even more importantly is the responsibility that they have to give a good example and instruction to their children.
I think it is probably the worst form of child abuse to let these youngsters that at a very early age overeat and become obese. You have talked about the issue of poor mental image, self-image, and of course, I also see you talked about Hollywood and, of course, this issue of there is no such thing as mental illness. I think probably they might predominate in some of those diseases, which we categorize as mental illness.
But quite honestly, when a child goes to school and there is this emphasis on thinness and you see these youngsters wearing these Britney Spears' jeans and that sort of thing, a child even a little bit overweight and certainly one that is significantly obese, of course they are going to have a poor image of themselves. They are going to withdraw, and they are going to become shy. It is very likely they are going to be picked on. How in the world can they grow and develop with a healthy self-image? No wonder they end up needing to be counseled and treated by the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy) and other mental health care specialists.
Yes, unfortunately, some even go on to harm themselves and possibly even commit suicide. So I guess the most important thing that I would want to say as a physician Member is that we need to prevent this.
We need to make sure that parents get the message that they have an obligation, not just to take care of themselves, but first and foremost to take care of these precious children that they bring into the world. It is their responsibility to make sure that they are from the very beginning, when they start eating at the table, to make sure that they are healthy and stay healthy so you do not have to have them ending up in your office treating them for not only mental illness but also the many complications of obesity.
You mentioned them. You mentioned diabetes, high blood pressure, so many things. And talk about the cost to this health care system of ours. We always talk about waste, fraud, and abuse in the Medicare and the Medicaid programs and wanting to eliminate that, and we are very diligent and will continue to be so. But this is almost a no-brainer. It is like we heard former Speaker Newt Gingrich say to a group of us earlier today, and the gentleman from Pennsylvania was a part of that as we had him come to speak to Members of the House. We are not talking about low-hanging fruit here in regard to saving money and saving lives. We are talking about fruit that is lying on the ground sitting there rotting waiting for us to pick it up. So clearly that is what my message would be in regard to that.
Without question probably the most common condition that we see in smoking moms is something called toxemia of pregnancy. Toxemia, by the very word, it is a poison. We do not know exactly what that poison is, but something occurs in those moms that develop toxemia. It is not always because of smoking, but frequently it is. And also so often that condition will lead also to pre-term labor and delivery and one of these low birth weight infants.
In the extreme, toxemia of pregnancy before birth results in a very, very high blood pressure. It can cause a stroke, a deep coma, one from which sometimes the mother never recovers and the child is lost. So we are talking about one of the worst complications of pregnancy other than just out and out exsanguination from bleeding, which is also a possibility in any pregnancy.
But smoking, we see that condition more often. And then, of course, childhood asthma, which I am sure the gentleman has seen plenty of cases of that, youngsters that come in because there is that secondary smoke situation. Not only do they have to suffer with it during the 9 months of pregnancy of their mom; but once they are born, that smoking continues in the household. So it is a huge complication, no question about that.
The gentleman is so right, and I appreciate the opportunity to weigh in on this issue.
This issue of scoring, as the gentleman is talking about, it reminds me of course of the debate during the Medicare Modernization and Prescription Drug Act that we passed in December of 2003. Of course, that part D will go into effect and the modernization piece is already in effect for Medicare, but part D, the prescription drug part, will start January 1. But all we heard and continue to hear, particularly from the other side and for those nay-sayers who keep wanting to talk negative about really a very good program that is going to be a Godsend for our neediest seniors, I talked about this on the floor, my colleagues I know heard me last night. But the talk, the emphasis is on the cost of part D, and the cost estimate is based on the number of seniors that participate ultimately.
I do not think anybody really knows, Mr. Speaker, what that number will be; but at one point it looked like the CBO said, well, it is going to be $400 billion additional Medicare cost over a 5-year period of time. Then those numbers were revised, and then we were hearing as much maybe as $750 billion. That is the scoring that the gentleman from Pennsylvania is talking about, and my colleagues understand what he means. You get no credit for the fact that many people who sign up and, yes, there will be an additional Medicare cost for them on this part D program, but the fact that they are able to take those medications, they can finally afford to take that statin to lower their cholesterol and that medication, that insulin to lower their blood sugar or whatever antihypertensive to lower their blood pressure, guess what, we get less spending on part A, the hospital part, when you end up in the emergency room with a stroke because you could not take your medicine, or you end up on the operating table for your coronary bypass or maybe even worse an amputation or a kidney transplant, and then you have this huge cost to the physician under part B.
The truth of the matter is, and what the gentleman was emphasizing, is that you get no credit for saving those costs, not to mention the fact that it is so much more compassionate to spend money on prevention rather than treatment, particularly when the treatment sometimes is not very successful and a person could ultimately be in a nursing home for years and disabled for the rest of their lives.
I will take it a step further before turning it back over to my colleague. It is the same thing, this scoring issue, in regard to the tax cuts that this Republican leadership has effected over these past 3 years. The scorers, the CBO, the number crunchers say, well, these tax cuts, the elimination of the marriage tax penalty, increasing the child tax credit from $600 an infant to $1,000 a child, giving small business men and women an opportunity to more rapidly depreciate investment in bricks and mortar and creating new jobs, all of these things, elimination of the death tax, no taxation without respiration I firmly believe in, the scorers said that was going to cost us $1.3 trillion.
My colleague remembers that. And a lot of people said, oh, we cannot afford that. What are we doing cutting taxes? Well, after about a year and a half, when we looked at our revenue stream, what was the result? We had about 225 billion more dollars, which on the scoring side we get no credit for.
So the gentleman is so right. So many of these things that we are talking about tonight in this hour, these innovations, these community health centers that the President has funded, recommended, and feels so strongly about, on the scoring side you get no credit for; but we do save money, as the gentleman points out. And just think, also, it is the compassionate, conservative thing to do for the American people.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. The gentleman makes a valid point that we have a lot of obese children. I think it is actually more like 40 percent in some recent studies I…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The gentleman makes a valid point that we have a lot of obese children. I think it is actually more like 40 percent in some recent studies I have seen. This is a terrible problem, but I urge the Members to defeat this amendment. It was defeated by voice vote last year, and it should be defeated again this year.
The gentleman from California (Mr. Filner) also talks about the accountability of the food industry; but this amendment tells parents that if they are not responsible for their children's eating, they can become millionaires. This amendment manages to exploit children and discourages parents from exercising parental responsibility all at the same time. It literally would hold food companies liable when parents buy their kids a six-pack of kid meals every day for 8 years. Adopting this amendment would turn the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act into the Parent Irresponsibility Act.
Even the ultra-liberal Los Angeles Times has stated this is wrong, saying in an editorial: ``If kids are chowing down to excess on junk food, aren't their parents responsible for cracking down? And if parents and other grown-ups overindulge, isn't it their problem, not that of the purveyors of fast food? Why boost their food bills because of illegal jousting? People shouldn't get stuffed, but this line of litigation should.''
Even our best obesity doctors realize that this amendment is another sad assault on the concept of parental responsibility. As Dr. Jana Klauer, a fellow at the New York City Obesity Research Center of St. Luke's Roosevelt Hospital has said, ``I just wonder where were the parents when kids were having these McDonald's breakfasts every morning. Were they incapable of pouring a bowl of cereal and some milk?''
Let us do what we did last year and defeat this parental irresponsibility amendment by voice vote.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to defeat this amendment. There is a problem in America. There is no question but that there is a problem. We do not solve that problem by shifting responsibility to corporations. It would be good if corporations did perfect things, but we live in an imperfect world where parents have the ability to turn off the television, parents have the ability to teach their children what to eat and how to eat well. And, interestingly, food that is better for you actually costs less.
Parents have the ability to deal with these issues in ways that this Congress and industry cannot do. I urge my colleagues to reject this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This gutting amendment was defeated on the House floor last year by a vote of 241 to 177, and it should be defeated again this year.
Lawsuits relating to obesity and weight gain are wrong no matter who brings them. If private claims are frivolous and should be blocked, then we should not encourage States to bring them either. This bill only applies to lawsuits arising out of or related to obesity and weight gain.
State consumer protection statutes are not intended to cover these kinds of claims. In fact, not a single State consumer protection law allows a State agency to sue for damages because someone got fat from eating too much. However, because the amendment implies State consumer protection laws do allow lawsuits in which the claim is obesity or weight gain, courts may well read it to grant all State agencies new powers to use their State consumer protection laws to seek damages against the food industry for obesity-related claims. That is directly contrary to the purpose of this bill. It would not be right to allow States to use their consumer protection laws in ways they cannot use them now, namely, to sue the food industry for obesity-related claims. Consequently, this amendment should be defeated.
In any case, section 4(5)(b) of H.R. 544 makes it clear that obesity- related lawsuits can be brought by anyone who can prove he suffered harm as a result of a violation of State or Federal law, including laws that prohibit deceptive or misleading advertising, by showing he individually and justifiably relied on such deceptive or misleading advertising and that such reliance was the proximate cause of the injury.
So the bill itself already allows lawsuits against bad actors while preserving the concept of personal responsibility. The amendment does not do that, it should be defeated, and I urge my colleagues to vote against this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, in closing, let me just say that we have consumer protection laws. This bill is not intended to expand those laws. It is not intended to put restaurants out of business. It is not intended to shift responsibility from individuals and from parents. It is about personal responsibility, and I urge opposition to this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, the amendment is substantially the same as the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee), which was defeated on the House floor last year by a vote of 166 to 250, and it should be defeated again this year.
This amendment must be defeated because it would gut the bill. This amendment, if adopted, would allow anyone to eat as many health bars and drink as many diet shakes as they wanted and then sue the makers of the health bars and the diet shakes for millions of dollars for making them fat when the health bar and diet shake manufacturers had done absolutely nothing wrong.
The term ``dietary supplement,'' as defined in 21 U.S.C. can include just about any food imaginable. It is defined in 21 U.S.C. 321(ff) as ``a product intended to supplement the diet that bears or contains one or more of the following ingredients,'' including ``a vitamin or mineral.'' Do we really want to encourage lawsuits by people who get fat because they choose to eat too much food that happens to meet this definition? Of course not. And that is why this amendment must be defeated.
The same concept of personal responsibility should apply to anyone who chooses to eat too many health bars or diet shakes, or other similar products, just as it should be applied to anyone else.
If you want to destroy every company that sells products that help keep our waistlines trim by allowing them to be sued out of existence, then vote for this amendment. But if you want to help combat the obesity problem in America, vote down this gutting amendment and preserve the concept of personal responsibility.
Allowing the types of lawsuits this amendment would allow flatly contradicts the advice of our Nation's leading nutritionists. Listen to the insightful words of Dr. Gerard Musante, a clinical psychologist with training at Duke University Medical Center, who has worked for more than 30 years with thousands of obese people. He is the founder of Structure House, a residential weight-loss facility in Durham, North Carolina. He said the following at a Senate hearing on this legislation:
``Lawsuits are pointing fingers at the food industry in an attempt to curb the Nation's obesity epidemic. These lawsuits do nothing but enable consumers to feel powerless in a battle for maintaining one's own personal health. The truth is, we as consumers have control over the food choices we make, and we must issue our better judgment when making these decisions. Negative life-style choices cause obesity, not a trip to the fast food restaurant or a cookie high in trans fat.
``Through working with obese patients, I have learned that the worst thing one can do is blame an outside force to get themselves `off the hook,' to say it is not their fault and that they are a victim. Congress has rightly recognized the danger of allowing Americans to continue blaming others for the obesity epidemic. It is imperative that we prevent lawsuits from being filed against any industry for answering consumer demands. The fact that we are addressing the issue here today is a step in the right direction.''
Even the chairman of the American Council For Fitness and Nutrition, Susan Finn, has written that ``Although obesity is a serious health threat to millions of Americans, lawsuits and fingerpointing are not realistic solutions. If you are obese, you don't need a lawyer, you need to see your doctor, a nutritionist and a physical trainer. Playing the courtroom blame game won't make anyone thinner or healthier.''
Section 4(5)(b) of H.R. 554 makes it clear that obesity-related lawsuits can be brought by anyone who can prove he has suffered harm as a result of a violation of State or Federal law, including laws that prohibit deceptive or misleading advertising, by showing they individually and justifiably relied on such deceptive or misleading advertising and such reliance was the proximate cause of their injury. So if a manufacturer of a health bar or a diet shake lies concerning the calorie content of the food, and someone relies on that false statement and suffers injury, the person can sue the manufacturer under this legislation.
But let us not encourage people to sue makers of health bars and diet shakes because they choose to eat too many of them and get fat. I urge my colleagues to defeat this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
The gentleman is talking about various kinds of supplements. He mentioned ephedra and other supplements to help people lose weight. That is a substantial distinction here. If a person buys a supplement and there has been misleading advertising or the manufacturer knows of adverse effects and does not communicate those, and if that constitutes a violation of law, a lawsuit is not prohibited by this legislation. This legislation is going the other way and saying you cannot sue people if you get fat because you make wrong choices, as opposed to you have had some kind of injury or illness because of a misadvertised or otherwise inappropriate utilization of a supplement.
I yield to the gentleman from California.
Reclaiming my time, we are not trying to change the whole world of consumer law here, we are only trying to change one aspect of it. If the gentleman is concerned about, and I know the gentleman has great concern about the effect of supplements like Ephedra which have largely been abandoned by the industry, that is something we ought to be considering, but not in the context of this legislation. I urge my colleagues to reject this amendment.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 494 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, I yield 30 minutes to the…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 494 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for purposes of debate only, I yield 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Matsui), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
Mr. Speaker, H.R. 494 is a structured rule. It provides 1 hour of general debate, equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on the Judiciary. It waives all points of order against consideration of the bill. It provides that the amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the Committee on the Judiciary and now printed in the bill shall be considered as an original bill for the purpose of amendment. This resolution makes in order only those amendments printed in the Committee on Rules report accompanying the resolution, and it provides that the amendments printed in the report may be considered only in the order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for division of the question in the House or the Committee of the Whole. It waives all points of order against the amendments printed in the report, and it provides one motion to recommit with or without instructions.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak on behalf of House Resolution 494 and the underlying bill, H.R. 554, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act. First, I want to take this opportunity to thank the distinguished chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner), and the ranking member, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers), and additionally I want to commend the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller), a member of the Committee on the Judiciary, for authoring the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, today the House will consider H.R. 554, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, a common sense piece of legislation that passed this House in the last Congress by a substantial bipartisan vote of 276 to 139. I might further add that 55 Democrats joined with 221 Republicans supporting this bill in an effort to help rein in this mentality of jackpot justice that has plagued our judicial system and cluttered the dockets to a virtual standstill. This legislation would require courts to dismiss any lawsuits that seek damages for injury resulting from weight gain, obesity, or any health condition associated with obesity filed against manufacturers, distributors, sellers, marketers, or advertisers of any food product, in addition to trade associations that represent them.
Of course, support of this bill is not limited to Capitol Hill, Mr. Speaker. A recent Gallup poll found that approximately 9 in 10 Americans, a number of whom are themselves in the ranks of overweight or even obese, opposed holding the fast food industry legally responsible for diet-related health problems of people who eat that kind of food on a regular basis.
Without question, Mr. Speaker, obesity is a problem in our society. Having practiced medicine for nearly 30 years, I am well aware of the habit and complications that obesity can wreak on a person's health, especially over a long term. Like most other Americans, I am also well aware that obesity is on the rise in our country, and particularly among our children. However, the root of the problem is not the existence of fast food or the presence of a local fast food restaurant, but rather the root of the problem lies in the choices of consumers. I have never heard of anyone pulling up to the drive-through window with a hamburglar sitting in the passenger seat forcing someone to buy just one more Big Mac.
Mr. Speaker, allowing an individual to sue a restaurant because the consumer chose to eat there often or chose to eat too much is simply ridiculous and, frankly, it is a dangerous waste of the court's time. For every frivolous case that takes up a spot on the docket, a legitimate case where an individual is truly harmed and truly needs expeditious judicial review gets pushed farther and farther down the line. And as we all know, justice delayed is justice denied.
The title of this bill emphasizes the type of solution needed to address the underlying problem. It is called personal responsibility. It is not just a catch phrase. Individuals have to take control of their own lives. They have to make wise decisions, especially when it comes to their health. And when an individual does make a poor decision, he or she should not be able to abuse the courts so as to shift responsibility to someone else in order to cash in.
Mr. Speaker, while H.R. 544 prohibits certain types of lawsuits, it does make various reasonable exceptions to ensure the protection of a consumer's legitimate claim for legitimate harm. An individual, for example, can still sue in those instances where a contract or a warranty is breached, as long as the basis for the lawsuit is not related to weight gain, obesity or a health condition associated with either. Additionally, a manufacturer or seller is still liable if they knowingly violate a Federal or State statute concerning the marketing, the advertising, or the labeling of a product.
Mr. Speaker, this bill would still allow individuals to bring obesity or weight gain related matters before the FTC, the Federal Trade Commission, or the FDA, the Food and Drug Administration, for consideration and appropriate action. Obviously, individuals can still sue in accordance with applicable State laws protecting against deceptive trade practices and if a person becomes sick from a tainted food product.
In closing, I just want to emphasize that this legislation is common sense and it includes exemptions to ensure legitimate claims still make it to court while abusive lawsuits are stopped at the courthouse door.
Again, Mr. Speaker, I look forward to the consideration of this rule, and I ask my colleagues to support the rule and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, following which I will yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan.
Mr. Speaker, this bill, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, H.R. 554, is all about, again, personal responsibility and to point out how ludicrous it would be if we allowed personal injury lawsuits against the food industry or any other company that makes a legitimate product.
We just talked earlier in the afternoon, Mr. Speaker, in regard to gun manufacturers.
Mr. Speaker, let me just give an example, if I might. This is a belt, an alligator belt. In fact, it is my belt. Size 36. I have a size 36 waist. This belt, I am proud to say, is hand-finished, American alligator, produced right here in the good old U.S.A. This alligator skin was obtained from a Louisiana hunt, it says on this belt, 1993, manufactured by the Trafalgar Limited Belt Company, a good company. And the belt has served me very well. Size 36 fits me well.
Mr. Speaker, let us suppose now that I decided, it is unlikely that I would do this, but let us suppose I decided I wanted to wear a size 42 and I punched a few extra holes in this belt, which is a size 36, so I could wear it and buckle it with a size 42 pair of trousers. These trousers fell right to my knees in a public place. I do not think I should have the right to sue the belt company because I used its product in a manner that it was not designed to use. I could go out and buy myself a size 42 belt.
Let me give another example, and this is more likely. Let us suppose I really felt like my waist was a size 34, and so I cinched this belt up really good so I could proudly say I am not a 36, I have a 34 inch waist at my age. I would feel pretty good about myself.
But, unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, there is a nerve at my waist called the lateral femoral cutaneous nerve. If someone puts too much pressure around their waist by wearing a belt inappropriately, by cinching it up too tightly, they put compression on that nerve, that lateral femoral cutaneous nerve, and I speak from knowledge on this from 30 years as a practicing physician. That condition, my colleagues can look it up, but I will share it with them, it is called meralgia paresthetica. If Members do not believe me, look it up. It creates tremendous numbness and loss of feeling in the anterior part of the thigh.
Let us suppose someone misused this belt and wore it as a size 34 and decided for that reason to sue this Trafalgar Company, this good, solid American company that makes this belt, for damages. That is totally ridiculous and ludicrous, and that is why this bill is so important. That is why it is called personal responsibility.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Michigan (Mrs. Miller).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to close by thanking my colleagues for a productive discussion on the rule and the underlying bill. Today, this House has an
opportunity to again pass meaningful reform to not only promote personal accountability but also to strengthen the opportunities for legitimate claims to be heard and adjudicated. Let us take one more step to turn back the tide of so-called ``jackpot justice.''
While runaway juries and frivolous lawsuits might make a few individuals and certain ambulance-chasing lawyers rich, the American people ultimately pay the price both economically and socially.
Mr. Speaker, discouraging individuals from taking personal responsibility does not help anyone. In fact, it will only make matters worse. Encouraging healthy lifestyles and wise dietary choices should always trump rewarding poor decisions by shifting the blame to innocent bystanders.
The Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act of 2005 is a good bill, and I look forward to further discussing its merits on the House floor today.
Mr. Speaker, as I mentioned earlier, a strong bipartisan majority passed this bill in the last Congress; and I have no reason to doubt that we should be able to pass it again by a similar, maybe even a stronger, margin; and I urge my colleagues to support this rule and the underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Show 8 more
Wi11 the Senator yield? Mr. President, I would also like to thank my colleagues for working together to craft this temporary emergency program to provide one-time assistance to all displaced school…
Wi11 the Senator yield?
Mr. President, I would also like to thank my colleagues for working together to craft this temporary emergency program to provide one-time assistance to all displaced school children in public and nonpublic schools. I am also pleased that we were able to develop this legislation in a way that provides financial assistance for all displaced school children without getting into ideological battles.
Of course.
Will the Senator yield?
Mr. President, as you know, Hurricane Katrina had a devastating and unprecedented impact on students and schools not only in the disaster areas, but across the country. There are over 45,000 displaced students enrolled in Texas schools and over 3,900 enrolled in schools in my home State of Tennessee. This is an unprecedented situation, and it requires an appropriate response for students in public and nonpublic schools. But that response must be a temporary, one-time only program to address the particular needs of this situation, and that is what this bill accomplishes. It is not intended to set a precedent for anything except another disaster in which over 370,000 school children are displaced. Katrina did not discriminate among schoolchildren, and neither should we.
Certainly. The bill creates one-time only emergency aid for the 2005-2006 school year. The bill explicitly states that the funds provided can only be used for expenses incurred during the current school year, and the entire bill sunsets on August 1, 2006.
Yes.
Yes, that is true.
Mr. President, Hurricane Katrina displaced more than 1 million people, at least 20 times more than in any other disaster handled by the Federal Emergency Management Agency, and 372,000 of those displaced by Katrina are school-aged children, in kindergarten through the 12th grade. According to the U.S. Department of Education, schools in 49 States and the District of Columbia have opened their doors to help these children.
The legislation that Senators Enzi, Kennedy, Dodd and I introduce today will help all of Katrina's 372,000 displaced school children. Katrina did not discriminate among school children, and neither do we. We propose providing up to $6,000 per student during this school year to help States, school districts and schools defray the costs of receiving any child displaced by Katrina. In the case of children with disabilities, the maximum amount will be $7,500 per student. This legislation will help children attending both public and nonpublic schools. Our bill is temporary, one time impact aid, makes no permanent change Federal education laws and will not be extended after this school year. It minimizes costs by making payments quarterly, taking into account the fact that during the year many children are returning to their home communities.
It also requires the Secretary of Education to verify head counts of students eligible for aid, and the States must return to the U.S. Treasury any unused funds. States, as part of their application process, will be able to look at the income of families attending nonpublic schools when determining what aid should be available, although it is my strong hope that in doing this, the States will remember that almost any displaced family is suffering hardship and that burdensome means testing requirements could slow down much needed humanitarian help.
Nine States have received more than a thousand of these displaced students, with the largest number being in Louisiana and Mississippi, the two States most heavily damaged by Katrina. In addition, Texas has enrolled as many as 60,000 students. Houston Independent School District, which has enrolled roughly 4,700 displaced students, has hired 180 new teachers, added 37 new bus routes and ordered about 10,000 new textbooks to accommodate the students. Georgia has accepted more than 9,000 students, Alabama almost 5,400 students, and my home State of Tennessee has enrolled almost 4,000 students.
While most of these children are in public schools, private schools have also been essential to this humanitarian effort. This should not surprise us because in the four Louisiana parishes hit the hardest by Katrina nearly one third or 61,000 of the 187,000 students attended nonpublic schools. According to the Department of Education, immediately after the hurricane, 50,000 students from the Catholic Archdiocese of Greater New Orleans were displaced. In Texas 4,000 of the 60,000 displaced students enrolled in private schools. In Tennessee, about 3,500 were in public schools and 500 in nonpublic schools.
In Baton Rouge according to a report on National Public Radio, immediately after the hurricane there were suddenly 5,000 to 10,000 displaced private school students who had no school to attend. To accommodate them, the Catholic Diocese in Baton Rouge struggled to establish satellite schools--some located great distances away--which these students attended at night.
In Memphis, where so many displaced students have gone, the willingness of private schools to accept these students is an enormous help to overcrowded public schools. The Memphis City schools have enrolled over 650 students and the adjacent Shelby County Public School District has enrolled over 600 new children, a difficult burden in a school system already growing by 1,000 students and one new school building each year. The Memphis Catholic Diocese has enrolled over 250 students to help share the load.
During the last 6 weeks, some of these children are returning home as schools reopen. But severe problems of displacement remain. For example, school officials in Baton Rouge and Livingston, LA, expect to receive a new influx of children moving to shelters in Houston and other locations. The schools in the three hardest hit parishes-- Orleans, St. Bernard and Plaquemines--enrolled 81,196 public and 27,886 private and religious school students. Many of these schools are expected to remain closed for the entire school year.
In additional to helping all of Katrina's displaced school children, in fashioning this proposal we have sought to respect traditional State and local education prerogatives, to meet Federal constitutional requirements, to make the provisions simple enough that this aid could be administered quickly, and to avoid spending more taxpayer dollars than absolutely necessary.
This is how our proposal would work. To begin with, a State would submit to the U.S. Department of Education an
application identifying the number of Katrina displaced students attending public schools, Bureau of Indian Affairs--BIA--schools, and nonpublic schools in that State. The application will also describe the process for establishing and providing payments to student accounts for displaced students at nonpublic schools. After receiving Federal dollars, States would in turn make payments to school districts based upon the number of displaced students temporarily enrolled in public schools or nonpublic schools in that district. These payments would be up to $6,000 annually for each displaced student, except that for students receiving IDEA services the total payment would be as much as $7,500.
In the case of students enrolled in nonpublic schools, school districts would make payments to student accounts on behalf of each such displaced student. The amount of the payment to each of these student accounts would be the same as that for each student enrolled at a public school unless the tuition, fees, or transportation expenses for the nonpublic student are less than $6,000, or $7,500 in the case of a student receiving IDEA services.
This has not been an easy piece of legislation to write because the four of us do not agree on whether or how Federal dollars should follow children to private schools, including religious schools. But we do agree that there must be a one-time, temporary solution to help all of Katrina's displaced children. Therefore, we have found a way to create this one-time temporary impact aid that makes no permanent change in Federal education law and, insofar as we are concerned establishes no precedent--except perhaps for some other hurricane that displaces 372,000 children.
In other words, we have set aside disputing our ideological differences for another day and hope that our colleagues will do the same. We have done this in the spirit suggested by a Washington Post editorial last month which appeared shortly after the hurricane:
Just as it's important not to sneak in an enormous new
federal program for ideological reasons, it's also important
that neither Democrats, teachers unions nor anyone else rule
out for ideological reasons what could be a useful tool for
distributing relief funds. There could be pragmatic reasons
to put displaced students in private or parochial schools:
if, say, school districts are overcrowded, if students have
special needs or if that happens to be where they ended up.
So it might make sense to attach a sum to each student--
whether it's called a voucher or something else--as long as
that sum is given out in a limited number of places and for a
limited time, certainly not longer than the current school
year.
. . . any solution that would allow students to finish the
year with a minimum of fuss and disruption to themselves and
their families, and that would prevent school districts in
Texas and elsewhere from unduly burdened, should be welcomed.
If each of us maintains our traditional positions, there would be no way to help all of Katrina's displaced children. There was nothing traditional about what happened in Hurricane Katrina. We urgently need to help all children on a one-time, emergency basis.
Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to this legislation. And as I said the last time we debated it, I do not rise because I am a supporter…
Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Chairman, I rise in opposition to this legislation. And as I said the last time we debated it, I do not rise because I am a supporter of frivolous lawsuits or lawsuits even that some of the people have used the legal system to pursue. I rise in opposition to the bill because I think it is an overreaction; and, indeed, I think it is perhaps an ultimate attestation to the fact that many of my colleagues have lost confidence and faith in the legal system on the one hand or that, regardless of what the legal system does, if it does not yield for them the result that they are seeking, they are willing to compromise any principle that they have professed to stand for to achieve the result that they wish to achieve.
H.R. 554 goes much further than its stated purpose of banning the small handful of private suits brought against the food industry. It also bans suits for harm caused by dietary supplements and mislabeling, which have nothing to do with excess food consumption; and it would prevent State law enforcement officials from bringing legal claims to enforce their own consumer protection laws.
Simply look at the provisions of the bill. Section 4(5) would prevent any legal action related to any ``health condition that is associated with a person's weight gain or obesity.''
As a result, the bill would prevent persons who develop heart disease and diabetes from dietary supplements such as Ephedra and Phen-fen from being able to obtain redress if they gained weight. Even worse, the bill bans these lawsuits in a retroactive way. So it would throw out dozens of Ephedra and Phen-fen cases currently pending before courts. This is a far cry from the concerns that led to this legislation originally, some of which I have the same concerns about.
H.R. 554 would also prevent State law enforcement officials from enforcing their own laws. Under section 4(3), the bill applies to legal actions brought by any ``person,'' and the term ``person'' is defined to include any ``governmental entity.'' That means States attorneys general will be prevented from pursuing actions for deceptive practices and false advertising and other practices that are illegal against the food industry.
Again, this is a vast departure from most of the so-called tort reform bills considered by the Congress, which are drafted to apply to private lawsuits, and is a vast departure from the original purpose of this bill and the problems it was designed to deal with.
Since the predecessor to H.R. 554 was first introduced last term, 18 State legislatures have enacted so-called cheeseburger laws to prohibit certain claims from their courts. While most of those enacted apply retroactively, others, that is, Kansas, Arizona, Colorado, do not. Some provide for a stay of discovery; others do not. Some establish affirmative defenses; others do not. That is our State law taking effect.
In short, in the considered judgment of each of these 18 State legislatures, laws have been enacted that best serve their States. The bill completely preempts those laws and brings to a screeching halt the work of 26 other States that have been working on pending legislation. It also disrupts the process in some States that have combined obesity bills with menu labeling requirements as part of their overall health enhancing legislative scheme.
What is the price that we are willing to pay to get the result that we are seeking? Have we lost confidence in our State and Federal court systems that have systematically thrown out most of the lawsuits that have been filed against the food industry using this ``fat theory,'' as it is commonly referred to? Have we lost confidence in our whole federalist form of government in which tort law has been particularly the province of the States? Have we lost confidence in our State legislatures that are in the middle of responding in their particular States to any problems that may be on the horizon in this area?
We have instead cast ourselves as the imperial Congress because the same people who came to this Congress, saying that they believe in States rights, have now shown they do not care about States rights. What they want is a result that they can control and they can dictate.
That is really what this bill is about, and it is unfortunately not only this bill. There is another bill right behind this one that will be up today or tomorrow that does the same thing in the gun context.
So I do not think we are going to hear a lot of people out here talking about this bill today. I do not see many people on the floor. It will be like a tree falling in the forest. We do not know whether it is having any impact out there or not. We will pass it out of here. It will become a political vehicle to cozy up to the food industry, but at what price? At what price?
I would just say the people who maintain that H.R. 554 is necessary to make people responsible for their own choices and to thwart the unwarranted imposition of legal costs and fees on the food industry are just not being upfront with us about this one.
This bill insulates an entire industry from liability; and more importantly,
it undermines our State judicial and legislative systems that should be and are in the process of dealing with this to the extent that they have identified it as a problem.
In that sense, the bill represents yet another arrogant attempt by this Congress to impose its will on the States, and I urge my colleagues to get a grip and understand what we are about to do here. There are some things that are more important, and our judicial system is working its way through these cases, is dismissing them where they need to be dismissed; and where that is not happening, our State legislatures are taking care of this problem. This is not a Federal issue, nor should it be.
I urge opposition to the bill.
Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott).
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Snyder).
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This is where I think we are. Some of us are frustrated by some of the litigation that has taken place in this area. I said it when we debated this bill the last time on the floor. I am not a fan of fat litigation either, but sometimes we have to be patient enough in a legislative body to let the institutions that are supposed to work, work. They are working. Most of the lawsuits that have been filed in this area have been dismissed. Most of them have been dismissed. That is what the courts are for. We do not always get the result we want, but the courts are there to make a determination of what results are appropriate and not under the laws that exist.
The State legislatures are responding. Mr. Chairman, there are 26 pending laws out there in the States. A number of them have different components, different nuances. Some of them are retroactive, some of them are not. Whatever happened to our belief that the State legislatures, the States are a laboratory of good legislation? I thought that is what my colleagues who are supporting this bill believed in more heartily than anything else they came to Congress to talk about. When it is convenient for them, when it is convenient for them, there is no more important mantra to them than the mantra of States rights. What are we doing to States rights here, in an area that throughout history has been the province of the States?
I do not understand. We cannot be so intent on getting a particular result, so results-oriented that we disregard everything that we have set up in place to deal with problems of this kind: Our judiciary, our State legislatures, our common sense.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, normally when we see a manager's amendment come to the floor, it is an improving amendment. Unfortunately this one makes a bad bill actually worse than it was originally drawn, and it does so in this way. There are already pleading requirements in every State, and basically what this amendment does is make those pleading requirements higher for the food industry than for anybody else in America. And, in essence, where you end up is that lawyers who represent people who are claiming to have a cause of action are not only now, under this language, called upon to represent their clients and make a reasonable effort to determine whether there is a basis for their claim, they have to be the jury also. They have to go out and decide, are there enough facts here on each and every cause of action against each and every defendant to win this case and win it profoundly. They have to allege specific facts.
I mean, that is the kind of stuff that normally gets done at a trial if a case even gets that far. Most of these cases are being dismissed really. So most of them are not going to get that far anyway.
But I am not sure what role discovery or any other aspect of our legal process is playing anymore if we pass this manager's amendment. This is much, much more than a technical amendment. This is a very substantive amendment. And, unfortunately, I think it makes a bill that is already a very, very bad bill, it makes it a very, very, very bad bill. I oppose this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Will the distinguished Senator yield? Mr. President, I commend our Chairman, Senator Enzi, for his leadership throughout this process. The hearings and meetings he convened to enable us to hear…
Will the distinguished Senator yield?
Mr. President, I commend our Chairman, Senator Enzi, for his leadership throughout this process. The hearings and meetings he convened to enable us to hear directly from the persons most affected by the devastation of Hurricane Katrina have been invaluable to the development of this bipartisan legislation.
I also commend Senator Alexander and Senator Dodd for their leadership in working with us to draft this one-time, temporary impact aid for displaced students attending public and nonpublic schools. We all agree that all displaced students deserve help in continuing their education, and we all agree on the extraordinary circumstances and unprecedented scope of this disaster.
The aid provided by this bill flows through the public school system to ensure greater accountability for the money. It enables these schools to make payments to accounts set up for displaced students in nonpublic schools, as well, which can then use those funds to provide services to the displaced students enrolled in their schools.
Certainly.
Would the Senator yield for a question?
Mr. President, I agree with the sentiments of my colleagues and want to point out that we have clearly stated in the bill our intentions with regard to the temporary nature of this program. Would the Senator from Tennessee please explain the provisions we have included to ensure that the program is not extended?
I thank the Senator from Tennessee. Would the Senator yield for a follow-up question?
Isn't it true that in addition to these provisions in the bill, we have all agreed to stand together against attempts to extend this program beyond this school year or beyond this context?
Mr. President, we need to address the urgent school needs of the hundreds of thousands of children affected by the deadly storm that hit the gulf coast, and the bill that Senator Alexander, Senator Dodd, Chairman Enzi and I have introduced will begin to do so.
As we continue to see images of Hurricane Katrina and Hurricane Rita and the troubled process of rebuilding along the gulf coast, we are reminded that we are all part of the American family, and we have a responsibility to help members of that family when they are in need.
Part of that responsibility is to do all we can to see that children and youth do not lose a year of their education. Hundreds of thousands of school children attended classes in buildings that have been damaged or destroyed. In Mississippi, 271 schools have been damaged; and in Louisiana over 130,000 students have been affected. Hurricane Katrina alone displaced 372,000 children, and damaged or destroyed 700 schools. Our legislation will provide urgently needed resources to help these schools get back on track and help these displaced students to resume their education, wherever they've temporarily landed.
People across the country have opened their homes. Communities have opened their schools. We owe a great debt of gratitude to all the principals and superintendents who stepped up to the plate so quickly.
But they need realistic help from Congress as they struggle to accommodate these students. We need to do all we can to assist already hard-pressed schools as they attempt to meet the massive new challenge of including hundreds or thousands of new students in their local schools.
This bill will provide the relief necessary to support the instruction, after-school programs, and other school services the students need, when everything in their lives has been turned upside- down. It provides needed funding to help schools on the gulf coast to reopen soon, so that these children can return to their own schools as quickly as possible.
The bill provides $900 million for special school reopening grants for affected districts. These grants will supplement FEMA funding to assure effective use of Federal funds. They can be used to re-purchase textbooks and instructional materials, establish temporary facilities while repairs are being made, help reestablish the data that was destroyed, and pay the salaries of teachers and other personnel who are working to reopen these schools.
The bill also provides $2.4 billion to help ease the temporary transition of students into new school districts and relieve the financial burden on these schools through one-time emergency impact aid for receiving districts. Districts will report the number of affected public and private school students they have enrolled, including students with special needs, and receive supplemental aid in quarterly payments, for a maximum of $6,000 a pupil, or $7,500 a pupil for those with disabilities.
These funds will be used to help the districts cover the additional costs they have incurred as a result of enrolling displaced students, and can be used for purposes such as supporting basic instruction, purchasing educational materials and supplies, and helping schools temporarily expand facilities to avoid overcrowding.
Given the extraordinary circumstances and unprecedented scope of this disaster, we need to support the families whose lives have been destroyed by this storm by helping them to continue their children's education. We should do so even if their children ended up in a private school. But we must do so in a way that is non-ideological and responsible.
Our bill is a bipartisan compromise to support children who enrolled in the private schools that opened their doors to students displaced by Katrina. Through this temporary, one-time emergency impact aid, funds will go to public school districts, which will make payments on behalf of dislocated children enrolled in private schools in their area.
Under current law, Federal funding is available in certain circumstances to support the education of disadvantaged and disabled students in private schools. Our bill follows that model, which will expedite relief to affected families and provide accountability for public funds.
The aid provided by the bill flows through the public school system, not to parents. States must establish income eligibility criteria for aid to students enrolled in private schools. Under the bill, the public school makes payments to an account set up for displaced students in a private school. The private schools can then access those funds to provide services on behalf of the displaced students enrolled in their schools.
Our bill contains strong civil rights protections. Schools that participate in the program are not allowed to discriminate in enrollment on the basis of race, color, national origin, disability, or sex. The bill explicitly states that existing civil rights laws apply to recipients of these funds, and it prohibit Federal funds from being used for religious purposes.
The bill explicitly states that this type and level of aid to public and private schools is being provided only because of the unprecedented circumstances and massive dislocation of students caused by the hurricanes. As sponsors of the bill, we agree that this will be a temporary program, and that it is not intended to be a precedent for anything except another disaster in which over 370,000 school children are displaced.
The bill sunsets at the end of the school year, and funds provided can be used only for expenses incurred during the 2005-2006 school year.
The bill also includes $100 million for after-school programs and supplemental services for displaced children, and $50 million to help children who are newly homeless as a result of the hurricane.
In addition, the bill creates a new one-year authority for a program for high school juniors and seniors. Grants will go to state and local education agencies alone, or in partnership with colleges and community-based organizations, to offer alternative programs that provide instruction, test preparation and assistance with college applications, and job readiness skills.
Our bill will relieve the immediate and short term needs of these schools and children. But we may need to do more to help the communities along the gulf coast rebuild. We must ensure that schools and communities have adequate resources to meet their construction needs, and we must ensure that communities are able to bring their quality teachers and workforce back home. As the process of rebuilding moves forward, we will continue to look for ways the Federal Government can help make these communities better than ever.
Our bill is a bipartisan, compromise that will give relief to schools and children as soon as possible. I urge Congress and the administration to enact this legislation as soon as possible, so that these funds can do their job. The children and schools affected by the hurricanes cannot wait any longer.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, let me thank my distinguished ranking member of the subcommittee, the gentleman from North…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, let me thank my distinguished ranking member of the subcommittee, the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Watt) both for his kindliness and his astuteness.
Let me thank the chairman of the full committee, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner), and the ranking member of the full committee, the gentleman from Michigan
(Mr. Conyers), which gives me a chance to catch my breath.
We were in a Homeland Security hearing which is going on, as many of my colleagues know, assessing the circumstances with Hurricane Rita and Hurricane Katrina.
I know the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) is well aware of great intention in our committee to always work together, and so I offer this amendment recognizing that my colleagues will consider this as an opportunity to work together.
One could argue that in the backdrop of Hurricane Wilma now reaching a Category 5, that this Congress should be addressing many, many other issues, particularly enhanced funding for homeland security, and, of course, how we can do things better.
This legislation that is before us needs to be improved. My amendment would prohibit the food industry, which enjoys broad immunity under this bill, from initiating lawsuits against any person for damages or other relief due to injury or potential injury based on a person's consumption of a qualified product, and weight gain, obesity, or any health condition that is associated with a person's weight gain or obesity.
In essence, this is an amendment to protect against consumer retaliation. My colleagues realize that this particular bill, whether or not it rises to the level of a national crisis or even needs fixing, really immunes, if you will, the vast fast food industry.
Now, those of us who have raised children during this timeframe will never know until the final tests are in, studies are done 10 and 20 years from now, as to whether or not the eating of fast food that many of us took our young children to for play and excitement, is going to be long-lasting in its damage.
But yet we believe that this industry now needs a blanket protection from those who may be negatively impacted, obesity, weight gain or any other health problems. Yet there is no similar protection against consumers who may desire to petition these grievances.
It allows the industry to willy-nilly and randomly sue consumers. This amendment is necessary to ensure that the public debate on the health and nutritious effects of mass-marketed food and products is not completely quelched by this bill.
In 1996, Oprah Winfrey was sued under my home State's food disparagement laws by the beef industry for comments she made following the first mad cow scare this country witnessed, albeit she was denied her first amendment rights.
After years of litigation in my State, transfer of her television show to Texas and expenditure of over $1 million, Ms. Winfrey prevailed at trial and on appeal. Proponents of this bill assert that the food industry will incur significant costs defending frivolous lawsuits.
They took Ms. Winfrey to court, the trial lawyers, but neglect the straggering costs that may be borne by private citizens should they dare question the health effects of any qualified food product under this bill. Where are the first amendment rights and consumer rights? My amendment ensures that what is good for the geese is good for the gander. Those advancing healthy diets by discouraging the consumption of certain foods, their right, their constitutional right, even though I come from a beef State, because of their adverse effects perceived on a person's health and weight gain, should not be subjected to litigation from the food industry while it stands immunized from any accountability under this bill.
Again, I wish we were on the floor talking about restoring the drastic cuts in the budget reconciliation bill that deal with health care and deal with housing and deal with the various issues of education and special grants to help the least of those, but we are on the floor talking about McDonald's and Burger King, certainly friends of young parents who, through their professions and other responsibilities did a lot of eating at Burger King and McDonald's, but it does not in any way give them the privilege of denying consumer rights and the rights of consumers not to be retaliated against because they have expressed their viewpoint and the rights of the first amendment.
I do not recall any hue and cry in this body during or in the aftermath against Ms. Winfrey to ban food liability suits. The system worked. But if we are to end the public's right to a jury trial on issues of food safety, we cannot end the public's right to freedom of speech by leaving food critics, who play an important role in educating the public, as I close, stimulating positive change on good sound eating habits.
I ask my colleagues to support this amendment.
Mr. Chairman, this amendment would prohibit the food industry--which enjoys broad immunity under this bill--from initiating lawsuits against any person for damages or other relief due to injury or potential injury based on a person's consumption of a qualified product and weight gain, obesity, or any health condition that is associated with a person's weight gain or obesity.
This amendment is necessary to insure that the public debate on the health and nutritious effects of mass marketed food products is not completely squelched by this bill.
In 1996, Oprah Winfrey was sued under my home State's ``food disparagement'' laws by the beef industry for comments she made following the first ``Mad cow'' scare this country witnessed. After years of litigation, transfer of her television show to Texas, and an expenditure of over one million dollars, Ms. Winfrey prevailed at trial and on appeal.
Proponents of this bill assert that the food industry will incur significant cost defending ``frivolous'' lawsuits by the trial lawyers, but neglect the staggering costs that may be borne by private citizens should they dare question the health effects of any ``qualified food product'' under this bill.
My amendment insures that what's good for the geese is good for the gander. Those advancing healthy diets by discouraging the consumption of certain foods because of their adverse effects on a person's health and weight gain should not be subject to litigation from the food industry while it stands immunized from any accountability under this bill.
I don't recall any hue and cry in this body during or in the aftermath of the lawsuit against Ms. Winfrey to ban food libel laws. The system worked. But if we are to end the public's right to a jury trial on issues of food safety, we cannot end the public's right to freedom of speech by leaving food critic who play an important role in educating the public, stimulating positive change, and promoting sound eating habits open to lawsuits from an immunized industry.
This amendment addresses this concern and insures that every American can engage in or has access to an open and honest debate on matters of public health.
Once again, Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support my amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I simply ask the question, in this bill consumers are left vulnerable, and I would ask the gentleman would he not work with me in this amendment to ensure that they are not left vulnerable as we are protecting our fast-food industry?
I yield to the gentleman from Utah.
I thank the gentleman. I just want to acknowledge that the bill does not protect consumers, and I ask Members to support my amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Madam Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given…
Madam Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Gingrey) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Madam Speaker, here we go again. Whenever the Republican leadership appears to be floundering or simply needs some legislative
filler, they turn to the Judiciary Committee for some kind of anti- lawyer, anti-lawsuit bill.
We recently considered a bill to ban lawsuits against people who want to sue fast food companies, even though these cases are nonexistent. Now we are here considering another bill that will pass the House and go nowhere in the Senate.
The fact is that the Republican leadership has run out of meaningful legislation to consider. They have run out of ideas. So here we are once again considering another bill that attacks America's judicial system and takes away rights from our fellow citizens.
Time after time, the Republican leadership refuses to bring necessary legislation to the floor. Where, Madam Speaker, is the legislation combating poverty or ending hunger or increasing access to affordable and comprehensive health care? Where are their priorities? There are 45 million Americans who have no health insurance in this country. Where is the increase in the minimum wage? Where is the legislation to lower gas and oil prices?
It was comical to see the Republican leadership gather at a press conference the other day in reaction to the news that oil companies are making record profits. And what was their response? They very nicely asked the oil companies to do more. Why should the oil companies do more when they have passed legislation to give oil companies more tax breaks and more oil subsidies?
Where, Madam Speaker, is the oversight into the Iraq war? Over 2,000 Americans have lost their lives in Iraq, and all we get from this leadership and all we get from this White House is ``stay the course.'' Well, stay the course is not a policy; it is a sound bite. We owe our young men and women more than just a sound bite.
Where is the genuinely independent 9/11-style commission to investigate the botched response to Hurricane Katrina and to make recommendations on how to prevent such another tragedy in the future? Where is the fully constituted, functioning Ethics Committee to look into the numerous ethics charges that are mounting in this body?
No, here we are dealing with legislation that we dealt with last year that is going nowhere.
The fact is, the Republican leadership does not care much about these issues, and I know they are out of step with the American people on these issues. So, instead, they bring us the Lawsuit Abuse Reduction Act once again. This is like watching a bad TV rerun. It was not good the first time; it is even worse the second time.
Remember, we considered this bill last year, and just like last year, it will pass this Republican-controlled Congress. They will do their press releases, they will send it over to the Senate, and it will go nowhere.
Later today we will hear from members of the House Judiciary Committee who have particular subject expertise on the specifics of this legislation. I will leave it to these Members to explain the intricacies of the Federal Code and the Rules of Civil Procedure and how Rule 11 fits in. I would like for a few minutes, however, to talk about the continued abuse of power that the Republican majority takes to a new level today.
Under this rule and under this bill, Republican fund-raisers are rewarded, while the majority party continues its unabashed assault on the judicial branch of this Nation. Do not just take my word for it, Madam Speaker. One of the broadest arrays of groups that I have ever seen has come together to oppose this misguided, short-sighted, mean- spirited legislation. These groups include, but are certainly not limited to, the NAACP, the Legal Defense Fund, the American Bar Association, the National Conference of State Legislatures, the National Women's Law Center, and the Consumers Union.
The one that stands out the most, however, is the opposition from the Judicial Conference of the United States. Now, what is that? What is this conference that opposes what my Republican friends will describe as a critically important piece of legislation?
The Judicial Conference was created by this very Congress in 1922. Their congressionally mandated mission is to be the principal policymaking body concerned with the administration of the United States courts. The presiding officer of this organization is none other than the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. You know what the Judicial Conference has to say about this legislation? In a three-page letter to Chairman Sensenbrenner, in short, they say it is unnecessary and it is harmful. If they were less judicious in their choice of words, they would say what I say: It stinks.
But what they say, Madam Speaker, this group representing the Federal judges of this country, is that this legislation is fatally flawed. They say that Rule 11 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, what the underlying legislation aims to fix, is working better today than ever before. In fact, in their letter to the Judiciary Committee chairman, they say that Federal district judges are united in their opposition to any legislation which seeks to amend rule 11. They specifically urge Congress to reject this legislation.
Now, Madam Speaker, let us think this through for just a second, shall we? The organization representing President-appointed, Senate- confirmed judges thinks this legislation is unwise. Why do we think we know better than our Federal judges how to operate the Federal judiciary? Frankly, I would laugh if I did not think that the majority was so sincere in their attempts to undermine the constitutional rights of every single American. Shame on you. Shame on all of you for trying to eviscerate the Constitution, all for a few extra campaign dollars, because that is what this is about.
The underlying legislation is not sound public policy, plain and simple. On the contrary, it is outright political grandstanding. So let us be honest and let us call this bill and this debate what they really are: legislative abuse and a political charade.
The majority's reckless disregard for judicial integrity mocks our Constitution's separation of powers doctrine, and I implore my colleagues to reject this rule and the underlying legislation.
Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, if I could inquire from the gentleman how many more speakers he has, because I am the last speaker on my side.
Madam Speaker, I would like to enter into the Record as well another letter signed by a number of groups urging a vote against
Madam Speaker, I think the reason why we have no other speakers on this side is because everything that possibly could be said was said last year. So all we need to do is just replay the tape recorder and listen to all the arguments. We just seem to be repeating the same debates over and over and over again.
Again, I would urge my colleagues to vote against this legislation. This is unwise policy. I understand that the genesis of this legislation is to appeal to those who like to contribute lots of money to particular campaigns, but, quite frankly, I think that is not a sound reason to pass this legislation.
As I mentioned before, the Judicial Conference of the United States has outlined very clearly why this is a bad bill. I would hope that my colleagues would listen to some of the experts and do what is right and reject this legislation.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 554, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act of 2005. The food service industry…
Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Madam Chairman, I rise in support of H.R. 554, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act of 2005.
The food service industry employs some 12 million people, making it the Nation's largest private sector employer. This vital sector of our economy has recently come under attack by lawsuits alleging it should pay monetary damages based upon legal theories holding it liable for the overconsumption of its products.
H.R. 554, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, would correct this disturbing trend. Introduced by the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller), this legislation would generally prohibit frivolous obesity- or weight gain-related claims against the food industry. It would, however, allow obesity-related claims to go forward in several circumstances, including cases in which a State or Federal law was broken and as a result a person suffered harm. Under H.R. 554, cases could go forward in which a company violates an expressed contract or warranty.
Also, because H.R. 554 applies only to claims based on weight gain or obesity, lawsuits could still proceed if, for example, someone gets sick from consuming tainted food.
This legislation passed the House of Representatives during the 108th Congress in the form of H.R. 339 with a large bipartisan vote of 276 to 139.
According to a recent Gallup Poll, ``Nearly nine in 10 Americans oppose holding the fast-food industry legally responsible for diet- related health problems of people who eat that kind of food on a regular basis . . . those who
describe themselves as overweight are no more likely than others to blame the fast-food industry for obesity-related health problems or to favor lawsuits against the industry.''
As one judge put it: ``If a person knows or should know that eating copious orders of supersized McDonald's products is unhealthy and may result in weight gain, it is not the place of the law to protect them from their own excesses.''
Even the Los Angeles Times has editorialized against such lawsuits, stating: ``If kids are chowing down to excess on junk food, aren't their parents responsible for cracking down? And if parents or other grown-ups overindulge, isn't it their fault, not that of the purveyors of fast food? . . . Why boost their food bills just because of legal jousting? People shouldn't get stuffed, but this line of litigation should.''
The threat posed to our national economy is clear. Personal injury attorney and obesity lawsuit litigator John Banzhaf said recently, ``You may not like it . . . but we'll find a judge. And then we'll find a jury'' that will find restaurants liable for their customers' overeating. According to news reports of a recent legal conference, a panel of four lawyers argued that the overweight lawsuit movement ``would need to extend beyond the obvious targets like restaurants, fast-food chains, and food manufacturers to bring about substantial policy changes . . . ''
Dr. Gerald Musante, a clinical psychologist who trained at Duke University Medical Center, has worked for more than 30 years with thousands of obese patients. He is the founder of the Structure House, a residential weight loss facility in Durham, North Carolina. Dr. Musante said the following at a hearing in the other body on this legislation: ``Through working with obese patients, I have learned that the worst thing one can do is to blame an outside force to get themselves `off the hook,' to say it's not their fault and that they are a victim . . . Congress has rightly recognized the danger of allowing Americans to continue blaming others for the obesity epidemic. It is imperative that we prevent lawsuits from being filed against any industry for answering consumer demands.''
Even the chairman of the American Council for Fitness and Nutrition, Susan Finn, has written that ``if you're obese, you don't need a lawyer; you need to see your doctor, a nutritionist, and a physical trainer. Playing the courtroom blame game won't make anyone thinner or healthier . . . ''
Besides threatening to erode values of personal responsibility, the lawsuit campaign against the food industry threatens the separation of powers. Nationally coordinated lawsuits seek to accomplish through litigation what has not been achieved by legislation and the democratic process. As one mastermind behind the lawsuits against the food industry has stated, ``If the legislatures won't legislate, then the trial lawyers will litigate.''
Madam Chairman, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act will help preserve the separation of powers, support the principle of personal responsibility, and help protect the largest private sector employer in the United States. I urge all my colleagues to support this important legislation.
Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Cannon).
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Goodlatte), the chairman of the Committee on Agriculture.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murphy).
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, this manager's amendment makes technical changes to the section of the bill that sets forth the information plaintiffs must provide in order for a judge to determine whether the lawsuit is banned by the bill or allowed to go forward under one of the bill's exceptions.
These minor changes are meant to provide a judge with a clear understanding of the type of information the judge is to consider in deciding a motion to dismiss under H.R. 554.
The pleading provision in H.R. 554 is meant to apply to any action claiming obesity-related damages, and this amendment makes clear that the pleading requirements will apply to all cases seeking obesity- related damages.
Also adding the phrase ``for each defendant and cause of action'' clarifies that a judge must apply H.R. 554's pleading requirements to each specific claim. This prevents a plaintiff from improperly using a claim that is not barred by H.R. 554 as a means of pursuing obesity- related claims that are barred by the bill against the same or other defendants. This change would prevent entire industries from being ensnared in lawsuits where the relevant facts relate to only one company.
Finally, other technical changes would simply ensure consistency by using the same terms in the pleading sections as are used elsewhere in the bill.
I would ask all of my colleagues to support these common sense, technical amendments.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia for yielding me this time, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Ms. MATSUI asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia for yielding me this time, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Ms. MATSUI asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, this rule, House Resolution 494, will allow the House to take up a bill limiting civil liability for the food and restaurant industry from obesity lawsuits.
We have already debated this legislation once. We now have precious few legislative days left on the calendar and an ever-expanding list of legislative priorities, yet the majority leadership has decided to take up a bill that preempts a handful of obesity lawsuits that are already being effectively handled in the courts. Given that, is this really the most pressing issue facing the American people? The courts are working fine. This bill is simply unnecessary.
Here is just a short list of issues we might be addressing today: The debt, the trade deficit, Iraq, housing for Katrina victims, the bird flu, port security, border security, nuclear plant security, and energy independence. I am sure the American people would appreciate a debate on any of those issues over what we are doing today.
In touting the merits of H.R. 554, my colleagues on the other side of the aisle have cited the need for American people to take responsibility for what they eat and how they live. I very much agree. However, I would respectfully submit that maybe it is also time that Congress starts taking some responsibility for the challenges facing the American people. The disconnect between the content of this legislation and the concerns of our constituents would be humorous if it were not so disturbing.
Mr. Speaker, obesity is one of the great health epidemics in the United States, and as today's debate will show, it continues to go ignored. If you talk to any health professional in the country, whether it be the Director of the National Institutes of Health or a nurse at a local clinic, they will tell you that our health care system is on an unsustainable path, especially when it comes to obesity.
Obesity is the number one preventable cause of death in America. According to the RAND Corporation, obesity will account for 20 percent of all health care costs by 2020 if we do not change course. This challenge demands responsible, forward-looking leadership.
As Members of Congress, we need to take personal responsibility for the trajectory of the health care system in the United States. It would be cheaper to prevent this train wreck now than
to wait for obesity to overwhelm the capacity of our health care system. Our citizens are hungry for leadership, and they are not getting any.
The obesity epidemic in the United States should spur this Congress into action. Since 1980, childhood obesity rates have more than doubled among preschoolers and adolescents. Obesity among children ages 6 to 11 has more than tripled. Overweight children have a 70 percent chance of being overweight as adults, facing higher risks for many diseases, such as heart disease, cancer, stroke, and diabetes.
I recently visited a dialysis center in my hometown of Sacramento, California, earlier this year. Many patients there had diabetes. Mr. Speaker, diabetes is a terrible disease. In its late stages it limits terribly one's quality of life. We need to be doing more to prevent it. We just do not need another cheeseburger bill. What we need is a debate about health care, about prevention, and about our priorities.
Two-thirds of all Americans are obese. According to the Centers for Disease Control, health care costs related to obesity are costing us more than $117 billion annually and much more in damage to our citizens' quality of life. We should not accept this fate for so many of our Nation's children. Dealing with obesity by talking about tort reform does just that, it says that Congress is more concerned about the industry than it is about the long-term health of our Nation and of our children.
No serious policymaker believes that we can turn this tide with a few half-hearted calls for Americans to exercise more. This is going to take real leadership, real investment. It will take a relentless campaign to educate our citizens, along with public pressure to recognize the importance of this issue. It will mean taking a hard look at whether our public schools are up to the test in terms of offering nutritious meals and physical education classes for everyone. It means asking whether industry advertisers are targeting children and, if so, setting strict marketing guidelines.
In the short-term, the easy path is to dodge this whole debate, to pass this tort reform measure and walk away from the discussion. The harder path and the more responsible one would be to deal with the crisis that is here today and the even bigger crisis we all know is coming. I for one am ready for that discussion. I hope my colleagues are.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, it is clear that today's legislation is not the answer. Certainly it is not about addressing the larger issue, obesity, and its impact on the American health care system.
This legislation demonstrates the blind eye the majority leadership is turning to the very real challenges Americans are facing today. Regardless of what happens with this legislation today, America's health care system will still be in dire need of responsible leadership. The American people deserve an honest discussion.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, those who support this bill argue that food manufacturers should be sheltered from lawsuits…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, those who support this bill argue that food manufacturers should be sheltered from lawsuits claiming that their products cause someone to become obese. I can understand their reasoning, because there is a sense of personal responsibility involved. But what my amendment would do is to limit that language so it is not so broad as to include what are called ``dietary supplements,'' because some of these products are not like food. They are not reviewed by the FDA. They are not even subject to FDA intervention, unless they can show real harm being done, and we have had examples of ephedra and andro that have been withdrawn from the market because they caused serious injury, or DHEA, which is a steroid precursor.
The bill authors would say that they want to protect from lawsuits when people say they have gained weight or there is obesity or health conditions associated with a person's weight gain or obesity. Imagine you are overweight and suffer from high blood pressure because you are overweight, and you decide to try losing weight by taking a dietary supplement product. But what you do not know is that the product you are taking contains a potentially dangerous stimulant; and instead of helping you lose weight, the product causes your blood pressure to go even higher and makes you really sick. If this bill passed, you could not sue the dietary supplement company even if the product did not have a warning label; even if the companies received thousands of adverse event reports that they have kept hidden; even if a professional medical society and experts have concluded that the product is dangerous; and even if the company has never tested the product to see if it is safe.
Removing the threat of liability for dangerous dietary supplements would be a grave mistake. Despite evidence that supplements containing ephedra are dangerous and have caused heart attacks or strokes or death, it took the FDA years to act to take higher-dose ephedra supplements off the market. In the meantime, some dietary supplement companies stopped making ephedra products because of the mounting litigation. Without having to take responsibility for their products, manufacturers could be free to sell dangerous substances to the public. The threat of a lawsuit could have a real impact here, and it is not one simply of personal responsibility.
We are seeing now a new generation of weight-loss products marketed as dietary supplements that have stimulant ingredients that may be similar to ephedra. According to a recent study, these new products may raise blood pressure and heart rate, making them potentially dangerous particularly to those people who already have heart disease. However, it is perfectly legal for a dietary supplement manufacturer to sell these products without testing to see if they are safe and without warning consumers of potential adverse effects.
This bill, as it is drafted, is a license for reckless behavior by dietary supplement manufacturers. I do not know if that is what the authors intended; I tend to think they probably did not look at that issue. It allows them to sell dangerous products to Americans without ever having to take responsibility in a court of law, and our amendment would close the dietary supplement loophole. I urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I know that the argument on the other side is that we want people to take personal responsibility, but is it fair to say that there is personal responsibility when a company hides thousands of serious adverse effects, as was the case with a company that had a product with ephedra in it; or when a company does not warn about its risks; when companies know about dangers and do not market their product responsibly?
We are not talking about in this situation a food product that may be heavy in fat or may have cholesterol or whatever. People should expect in eating foods generally recognized as safe that if they abuse their eating habits they are responsible for it. But with a dietary supplement, if the manufacturer withholds this information about the risks, and there is no warning whatsoever when the manufacturer knows there should be, then it seems to me we are giving up the responsibility of the manufacturer to warn and taking people who are harmed not because they did not act responsibly and then saying to them they are out of luck.
I would think this is not a good argument that we have heard on the other side, and I would hope Members would make this exception. A food supplement, a dietary supplement in the form of a pill or some other process is like a drug, and I do not think we would want people to be subjected to no lawsuit that is legitimate if the drug has never been approved and never warned about by the manufacturer. So I ask support of the amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman raises an interesting point that it would be a violation of law. A lot of times these are not violations of law because there are no laws that pertain.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Show 11 more
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, the purpose of this amendment today is two- fold: one, to protect young children and, two, to force better accountability from the fast food…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, the purpose of this amendment today is two- fold: one, to protect young children and, two, to force better accountability from the fast food industry.
My amendment exempts those 8 years of age and under from the provisions of this bill as it relates to fast food restaurants.
Mr. Chairman, in 2001 the U.S. Surgeon General proclaimed childhood obesity a health issue rivaling cigarette smoking. The Surgeon General further stated that the rate of overweight children in America doubled in the past 20 years and tripled among its adolescents. But apparently few here in Washington seem to have taken notice or cared, and predictably rates have continued to rise across the country.
Today, one in three children is overweight. Yes, Mr. Chairman, I said one in three, almost 35 percent. And what has been Congress's response to the growing epidemic? Has it provided more funding for obesity awareness or tried to implement programs to improve nutrition in schools? No. Instead, Congress brings forwards a bill to immunize fast food companies. Where is the logic?
Those supporting the bill talk about choice, the freedom to eat. Well, we are talking about young children and, of course, we want them to eat correctly, healthy, and that is not the primary responsibility of the fast food industry. Childhood obesity is best tackled at home through improved parental involvement, increased physical exercise, better diet and restraint from eating.
However, as a parent, as a grandparent, as a former educator, I know that these practices alone when we are dealing with young children are insufficient. We will never control this rising epidemic without greater accountability from the food industry.
Congress is headed in the wrong direction with this bill which removes any and all incentives from the food industry to improve their products for children. Congress has allowed the greed of big corporations to come before the need of our children. Today, the younger generation faces a litany of health issues that generations before just never did. Heart disease, high blood pressure, hypertension, joint problems, asthma, diabetes and cancer are on the increase with these young children; and a steady diet of fast food is the last thing they need. Unfortunately, fast food restaurants are bombarding our children with advertisements that encourage overconsumption of unhealthy eating choices.
The average child views 20,000 television commercials every year. That is about 55 a day. More disturbingly, the commercials for candy, snacks, sugared cereals and other food with poor nutritional content far out-number commercials for more healthy food choices. So it is not just a matter of individual responsibility, of individual choice when we are talking about young children under 8.
Studies indicate that these children are more susceptible to advertising and even less likely to understand the purpose of this advertising. So why is so much advertising at home done during the cartoon hours? It is no coincidence that major fast food chains routinely run their advertisements during this time. Experts in this field unequivocally state that the fear of litigation and regulation prompts the industry to rethink how it markets and sells food to children. This has been evidenced by some of the recent changes made within the industry.
Unfortunately, the bill as presently written forecloses the opportunity to
hold the industry accountable and thus puts any future improvements in jeopardy, assuring continued high rates of childhood obesity, leaving me to wonder whether we in Congress are here to represent the people or big business.
The bill is entitled Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act. Personal responsibility is a two-way street: both the consumer and the executives of the industry, both should act in a personally responsible manner. So I ask my colleagues to join me in supporting this amendment to hold fast food companies accountable and to protect our young children.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, my friend from Utah (Mr. Cannon) should be writing advertisements for the fast food industry. Throwing out red herrings, probably which would not give us obesity, about families becoming millionaires and all this stuff. It is just a side show.
We are talking about young children. Sure, they ought to make the right choice and, sure, their parents ought to make the right choices; but the pressure is on them through television. Parents cannot always be there. The schools are bringing in the fast food restaurants so they can make some more money and they encourage it. And lastly and most importantly, the advertising that is aimed at these children: Where is the responsibility for the adults who are running these advertisements? They are aimed at our children.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Wisconsin for the time. Unfortunately, the food industry has been targeted by a variety of unfounded legal claims which allege businesses should pay monetary…
Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Wisconsin for the time.
Unfortunately, the food industry has been targeted by a variety of unfounded legal claims which allege businesses should pay monetary damages and be subject to equitable remedies based on novel legal theories of liability for the overconsumption of its legal products.
Obesity is a problem in America, but it is not evident that the availability of high-fat food or restaurants are the sole cause. A number of studies have shown that a lack of physical activity, that is, not exercising, has contributed to the rise of obesity and not solely one's caloric intake.
In the Subcommittee on Commercial and Administrative Law, which I chaired last Congress, we explored the threat the food industry and its workers face from frivolous litigation, the threat to personal responsibility posed by the proliferation of such litigation, and the need for passage of the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act.
Since the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller) introduced a similar bill last year, 21 States have passed laws banning these so-called obesity lawsuits.
The opponents of this bill will claim that this shows that Congress should not intervene. In reality, it means we must. Without a complete ban on these frivolous lawsuits, rogue trial lawyers, and I have many trial lawyers who are friends and who work very hard to get the appropriate kind of compensation for people who are injured, but many of these rogue trial lawyers will forum shop until they find a State and a district that gets them the exorbitant payday that they seek.
I would remind my colleagues that John Banzhaf, an attorney who testified last year against this bill, stated in 2003, ``Somewhere, there is going to be a judge and a jury that will buy this, and once we get the first verdict, as we did with tobacco, it will open the floodgates.''
It is unlikely that lawsuits against food establishments over their menus will make us healthier. Such lawsuits
will threaten thousands of jobs and, more importantly, such lawsuits send the wrong message regarding personal choices and personal responsibility. Do we want our kids growing up believing it is always someone else's fault?
Mr. Chairman, it is not only important, but also fundamental that Americans have access to courts to address their legitimate wrongs and the harms that they cause. The trial bar serves an invaluable purpose in helping average Americans gain rightful and proportionate compensation when harm is done. However, frivolous lawsuits such as the ones this legislation seeks to prevent serve only to undermine our legal system and those who truly need its protections and the moral fiber of Americans who should be self-reliant and responsible for their choices.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support the underlying bill,
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, the amendment was defeated last year on the floor by voice vote. It should be defeated again this year. This amendment would add to the list of qualified civil liability actions that cannot be brought under the bill, civil actions brought by a manufacturer or seller of a qualified product or trade association against any person for obesity-related claims.
Whatever the rhetorical purpose the sponsor of this amendment seeks to accomplish, it should be defeated because it is badly drafted, and in the context of the bill, its application would be nonsensical. The bill only operates to prohibit lawsuits brought by people because they ate too much and got fat.
The amendment would add corporations to the list of those who cannot sue because they got fat. But whatever the intent of the amendment is, the fundamental problem is that corporations cannot gain weight and suffer from obesity, which is the term used in the bill. A corporation, for example, cannot eat too much and a trade association cannot gain weight over the holidays.
For all of these reasons this amendment should be defeated.
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Smith).
Mr. Chairman, how much time remains?
Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?
I am not sure when we would work together on the amendment. I suppose perhaps in conference we could work on the issue, but I am loath to commit the chairman to that process.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, while the Committee on Rules reported out a rule that made in order a substantive amendment offered by the Gentleman from California, Mr. Schiff, I rise in opposition to it, H. Res. 508…
Mr. Speaker, while the Committee on Rules reported out a rule that made in order a substantive amendment offered by the Gentleman from California, Mr. Schiff, I rise in opposition to it, H. Res. 508 because the legislation underlying is pernicious.
As I mentioned during the Committee on the Judiciary's oversight hearing on this legislation during its first iteration in the 108th Congress and reiterated in my statement for the markup, one of the main functions of that body's oversight is to analyze potentially negative impact against the benefits that a legal process or piece of legislation will have on those affected. The base bill before the House today does not represent the product of careful analysis and
therefore, it is critical that Members be given the ability to offer amendments to improve its provisions.
In the case of H.R. 4571, the Lawsuit Abuse Reduction Act the oversight functions of the Judiciary Committee allowed us to craft a bill that will protect those affected from negative impacts of the shield from liability that it proposes. This legislation requires an overhaul in order to make it less of a misnomer--to reduce abuse rather than encourage it.
The goal of the tort reform legislation is to allow businesses to externalize, or shift, some of the cost of the injuries they cause to others. Tort law always assigns liability to the party in the best position to prevent an injury in the most reasonable and fair manner. In looking at the disparate impact that the new tort reform laws will have on ethnic minority groups, it is unconscionable that the burden will be placed on these groups--that are in the worst position to bear the liability costs.
When Congress considers pre-empting state laws, it must strike the appropriate balance between two competing values--local control and national uniformity. Local control is extremely important because we all believe, as did the Founders two centuries ago, that State governments are closer to the people and better able to assess local needs and desires. National uniformity is also an important consideration in federalism--Congress' exclusive jurisdiction over interstate commerce has allowed our economy to grow dramatically over the past 200 years.
This legislation would reverse the changes to Rule 11 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, FRCP, that were made by the Judicial Conference in 1993 such that (1) sanctions against an attorney whose litigation tactics are determined to harass or cause unnecessary delay or cost or who has been determined to have made frivolous legal arguments or unwarranted factual assertions would become mandatory rather than discretionary to the court, (2) discovery-related activity would be included within the scope of the Rule, and (3) the Rule would be extended to state cases affecting interstate commerce so that if a state judge decides that a case affects interstate commerce, he or she must apply Rule 11 if violations are found.
This legislation strips State and Federal judges of their discretion in the area of applying Rule 11 sanctions. Furthermore, it infringes States' rights by forcing State courts to apply the rule if interstate commerce is affected. Why is the discretion of the judge not sufficient in discerning whether Rule 11 sanctions should be assessed?
If this legislation moves forward in this body, it will be important for us to find out its effect on indigent plaintiffs or those who must hire an attorney strictly on a contingent--fee basis. Because the application of Rule 11 would be mandatory, attorneys will pad their legal fees to account for the additional risk that they will have to incur in filing lawsuits and the fact that they will have no opportunity to withdraw the suit due to a mistake. Overall, this legislation will deter indigent plaintiffs from seeking counsel to file meritorious claims given the extremely high legal fees.
Furthermore, H.R. 4571, as drafted, would allow corporations that perform sham and non-economic transactions in order to enjoy economic benefits in this country .
This is a bad rule that will have terrible implications on our legislative branch, and I ask that my colleagues to defeat the rule, defeat the bill, and support the Substitute offered by Mr. Schiff. We must carefully consider the long-term implications that this bill, as drafted, will have on indigent claimants, the trial attorney community, and facilitation of corporate fraud.
Mr. President, I join my colleagues in the introduction of a bill to continue our efforts to provide relief for the school children whose lives have been uprooted by Hurricane Katrina and for the all…
Mr. President, I join my colleagues in the introduction of a bill to continue our efforts to provide relief for the school children whose lives have been uprooted by Hurricane Katrina and for the all of the schools that were affected by the storm--those along the gulf coast and those who have generously taken in displaced students across the country.
I would first like to thank my colleagues, Senator Alexander, Senator Kennedy, and Senator Dodd, who have joined me today to explain our intent in crafting this legislation.
I am pleased that we were able to work together to develop and introduce this bipartisan compromise. The bill provides relief for displaced students in a time of crisis, without opening political or ideological battles.
Of course.
Will the Senator yield?
Mr. President, I would just like to echo the sentiments of the senior Senator from Connecticut. We have all agreed and have explicitly stated in the bill, that the level and type of assistance we are providing to both public and nonpublic schools is being authorized solely because of the unprecedented nature of the crisis, the massive dislocation of students, and the short duration of the assistance.
Certainly.
Mr. President, as my colleagues and I have made clear, we have come together in a spirit of bipartisan compromise to accomplish a common goal. This bill will provide the relief necessary to support the instruction and services that students displaced by this terrible storm need in order to continue their education, regardless of whether it was a public school or a nonpublic school that opened its doors to a given student. Mr. President, we hope that our colleagues in the Senate will work quickly with us to pass this bill and put these to work providing an education to our children as soon as possible.
Mr. President, today I join my colleagues Senators Alexander, Kennedy and Dodd in the introduction of the Hurricane Katrina Elementary and Secondary Education Recovery Act.
This bill is a comprehensive legislative approach to address the needs of the hundreds of thousands of students who have been displaced by Hurricane Katrina. We have developed a bill that includes strategies to meet the immediate needs of those students, families and communities that have been affected by the heavy toll that Hurricane Katrina exacted from the gulf region, and the States that have responded with help.
My top concern was to make sure that all the displaced students get back into school so that they can continue their education. Returning to school gives children a sense of routine that is important in assuring them that things will return to normal. School provides them with access to a support system of friends and teachers, which is invaluable as they and their families continue to come to grips with the aftereffects of the storm.
With this bill we have attempted to address the needs that have been identified by the impacted communities directly affected by the storm as well as by those communities across the country that received the displaced students. The bill provides support for all displaced students, ensures accountability, and is fiscally responsible.
In addition to the support for displaced students in both public and non-public schools, the bill includes provisions for supplemental services, restart services for schools in the most heavily impacted states, teacher and paraprofessional reciprocity, and assistance for homeless youth and displaced adolescent students. This bill is a bipartisan product that reflects what we heard from over 100 representatives of the education community and what we saw firsthand in the areas devastated by the storm.
This is a daunting task as we have limited resources, but are faced with an almost unlimited need. We must focus our efforts on ensuring that the educational needs of the children affected by this unprecedented emergency are addressed. I believe that this legislation achieves that goal.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, we have apparently decided to try these kinds of cases on the floor of the House where…
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, we have apparently decided to try these kinds of cases on the floor of the House where politics and popularity will be considered, even financial contributions will be allowed, rather than have those cases and special interests relegated to the judicial branch where they will be facing unbiased judges and juries and relegated to the same laws that apply to everybody else. But if we are going to try the cases, we ought to at least limit the impact of the bill to the fast food rhetoric that we have heard.
This bill, unfortunately, covers not only fast food lawsuits but also litigation involving consumer protection when obesity or weight gain may be one of the elements of the case.
Now, every single State has laws on the books to protect its consumers. Every State has laws to protect consumers from misleading practices and each attorney general has the power to enforce these laws. But unfortunately as written, the bill will prevent State attorneys general from enforcing those laws. It will not just stop the individual fast food lawsuits that my colleagues have been discussing, but because a person who may be a plaintiff is defined in the bill to include governmental agencies, it will prevent States from getting injunctions, cease and desist orders, or imposing fines against those who endanger consumers.
It is important to note that not only money damages are precluded by the bill. Rather, the bill refers to damages, penalties, injunctive or declaratory relief, restitution or other relief, all are prohibited forms of relief that will no longer be available to State attorneys general if this bill passes without my amendment.
The exception for a ``knowing'' violation is not enough. State deceptive practices are just like the Federal Trade Commission Act. They allow civil enforcement actions whether or not the defendant willfully or knowingly violated the law. In fact, food labeling and deceptive practices have often exacted strict liability, that is, if the government can get an injunction whether the person was intentionally or knowingly in violation.
Mr. Chairman, my State of Virginia has the Consumer Protection Act. It prohibits misrepresenting that goods or services have certain qualities, characteristics, ingredients, uses or benefits that they do not have, and any other conduct which similarly creates a likelihood of confusion or misunderstanding. A court may order an injunction or restitution to injured parties even if the violation was unintentional.
In fact, Virginia is not alone. At least 12 other States have specifically adopted the Uniform Deceptive Trade Practices Act, section 3, which says that intentional deceptive action is not necessary to get injunctive relief.
At least 23 other States have similar standards.
So, Mr. Chairman, my amendment that I present today will address that problem in the bill. It will ensure that attorneys general and State agencies can put an end to mislabeling, to deceptive practices, to false advertising, and other consumer fraud within the borders of the State. Whatever we think of the individual fast food lawsuits, we should not prohibit State attorneys general from enforcing States laws and protecting their citizens.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, in closing let me just say that, as the gentleman from Arkansas, who is a physician, indicated, weight gain can be caused by contamination or other problems, even if that contamination was unknowing. Under this bill, the attorney general would not be able to get an injunction. We should trust our States attorneys general and consumer protection agencies to do the right thing and not prohibit them from protecting our citizens.
Mr. Chairman, I would hope the amendment would be adopted.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this discussion today. The points I want to make are really more in the spirit of questions. I come out of a State legislative body where the proponents of a bill such as…
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this discussion today. The points I want to make are really more in the spirit of questions. I come out of a State legislative body where the proponents of a bill such as the gentleman from Wisconsin would have to undergo a rigorous, almost cross-examination. We function here differently. But I do have some questions, and I think I will just present them in my comments and if somebody wants to comment on them they can.
I heard one of the previous speakers say, well, this is a simple bill. If you eat something and get fat, you should be responsible for it. I think that is the attitude of the great majority of Americans, that you should be responsible for what you eat. But I want to make two broad points.
First of all, I want to read the definition of food, and it refers to another section of code. It is very short. This is from section 201(f), 21 U.S.C. 301, section 201(f). ``The term `food' means (1) articles used for food or drink for man or other animals, (2), chewing gum, and (3) articles used for components of any such article.''
So we are having a discussion here today about the fact, as the previous speaker had said, it is simple, you eat, you get fat, you should be responsible.
The problem is, this bill language makes no reference to only the caloric containing components of food. It is very deliberately written I believe to include all food additives, no matter how small amounts, and the fact that the great majority of food additives have zero caloric intake and would have no relationship to obesity, I think that is a flaw in the bill. That leads to the second point.
The bill specifically mentions weight gain and obesity. Well, I think most of us have a sense of what obesity is. Weight gain is a whole different issue, and weight gain may occur not from obesity, not from getting fat, not from putting on too many calories; weight gain can occur for a variety of medical reasons related to a variety of different causes.
For example, I mean probably all of us have had a mom or a grandmom or an uncle to whom we say, hey, I noticed your legs are swelling again. Fluid retention. Fluid retention. Now, that can be from a variety of causes. That is not from increased caloric intake. That could have been, for example, from a food additive, maybe a cause that was not known to the public of some kind of additive in something that they had eaten or drank. It may have been something that interfered with one of their medications and led to fluid retention. I am just making up hypotheticals here. Or, the hypothetical, perhaps you have something that is actually a heart poison from some food additive that has no calories in it, zero calories in it, but over a period of time does bad things to the ability of your heart to function. The pump does not work so well, you start having fluid retention. What happens? You put on weight. As a family doctor, one of the reasons when you go in, I would weigh people, as you want to see what is going on with their fluid status. That is weight gain.
Under this bill, which I believe is so broadly written, it would include those kinds of situations. The word ``calorie'' or ``caloric intake'' or ``caloric content'' is nowhere in this bill, and I again refer my colleagues, it is not in the bill itself, you have to go to the code, the term ``food'' means, articles used for food or drink for man or other animals, chewing gum, and articles used for components of any such article.
Anything you drink, anything in it, regardless of caloric intake, is covered by this bill. Anything that leads to weight gain is covered by this bill, even if it has nothing to do with caloric intake. I think that is far abroad. I think this is probably one of the reasons why it died in the Senate and will die again, but I would encourage people to look at these kinds of details if there is intent to move this bill forward.
Mr. Chairman, Congress is once again using abusive litigation at the State level as a justification nationalizing tort law. In this case, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act (H.R.…
Mr. Chairman, Congress is once again using abusive litigation at the State level as a justification nationalizing tort law. In this case, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act (H.R. 554) usurps State jurisdiction over lawsuits related to obesity against food manufacturers.
Of course, I share the outrage at the obesity lawsuits. The idea that a fast food restaurant should be held legally liable because some of its customers over indulged in the restaurant's products, and thus are suffering from obesity-related health problems, is the latest blow to the ethos of personal responsibility that is fundamental in a free society. After all, McDonalds does not force anyone to eat at its restaurants. Whether to make Big Macs or salads the staple of one's diet is totally up to the individual. Furthermore, it is common knowledge that a diet centering on super-sized cheeseburgers, French fries, and sugar-filled colas is not healthy. Therefore, there is no rational basis for these suits. Some proponents of lawsuits claim that the fast food industry is ``preying'' on children. But isn't making sure that children limit their consumption of fast foods the responsibility of parents, not trial lawyers? Will trial lawyers next try to blame the manufacturers of cars that go above 65 miles per hour for speeding tickets?
Congress bears some responsibility for the decline of personal responsibility that led to the obesity lawsuits. After all, Congress created the welfare state that popularized the notion that people should not bear the costs of their mistakes. Thanks to the welfare state, too many Americans believe they are entitled to pass the costs of their mistakes on to a third party--such as the taxpayers or a corporation with ``deep pockets.''
While I oppose the idea of holding food manufacturers responsible for their customers' misuse of their products, I cannot support addressing this problem by nationalizing tort law. It is long past time for Congress to recognize that not every problem requires a Federal solution. This country's founders recognized the genius of separating power among Federal, State, and local governments as a means to maximize individual liberty and make government most responsive to those persons who might most responsibly influence it. This separation of powers strictly limits the role of the Federal Government in dealing with civil liability matters; and reserves jurisdiction over matters of civil tort, such as food related negligence suits, to the State legislatures.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would remind the food industry that using unconstitutional Federal powers to restrict State lawsuits makes it more likely those same powers will be used to impose additional Federal control over the food industry. Despite these lawsuits, the number one threat to business remains a Federal government freed of its Constitutional restraints. After all, the Federal government imposes numerous taxes and regulations on the food industry, often using the same phony ``pro-consumer'' justifications used by the trial lawyers. Furthermore, while small business, such as fast-food franchises, can move to another State to escape flawed State tax, regulatory, or legal policies, they cannot as easily escape destructive Federal regulations. Unconstitutional expansions of Federal power, no matter how just the cause may seem, are not in the interests of the food industry or of lovers of liberty.
In conclusion, while share the concern over the lawsuits against the food industry that inspired H.R. 554, this bill continues the disturbing trend of federalizing tort law. Enhancing the power of the Federal government is in no way in the long-term interests of defenders of the free market and Constitutional liberties. Therefore, I must oppose this bill.
Will the Senator yield? Mr. President, I cannot underscore enough what my colleagues have already stated--that this is a one-time, emergency aid program. All of the authors of the bill have agreed…
Will the Senator yield?
Mr. President, I cannot underscore enough what my colleagues have already stated--that this is a one-time, emergency aid program. All of the authors of the bill have agreed that next school year, in terms of assistance to nonpublic schools, we will go back to the way things are done today. We are reaching out to all of the students affected by Katrina here, no matter what type of school they attend, because it makes sense under these extraordinary conditions, because it gets kids back on their feet as quickly as possible. In no way is this bill meant to undermine or amend current law or set any type of precedent for future legislation.
Of course.
Mr. President, I support the Hurricane Katrina Elementary and Secondary Education Recovery Act introduced by myself, Senator Enzi, Senator Kennedy and Senator Alexander. This bill will provide much needed relief to the children, families and schools devastated by Hurricane Katrina.
Hundreds of thousand of children have been displaced by this disaster. Schools across the country are taking students in offering them some sense of normalcy in an otherwise abnormal situation. We have heard stories of schools all over the country that have opened their doors to new students, including schools in Connecticut. These collective examples point to our education system as an integral part of our communities. Better than any other entity, schools know that children need a safe place to develop and learn in the wake of disaster.
Among the provisions today, is one that will provide financial assistance for displaced students regardless of where they go to school. Public and nonpublic schools will receive assistance that can be used to pay for additional personnel, curricular materials, portable classrooms and even health and mental health services as long as the services provided are secular and neutral in nature and are not used for religious instruction, indoctrination or worship.
This is not a voucher bill. Through a number of mechanisms, this bill maintains public control of public dollars. This bill prohibits Federal dollars from going to religious instruction. And, this bill preserves civil rights protections.
Most important, this bill is temporary in nature. The bill provides temporary emergency impact aid for displaced students. It is temporary in that it sunsets at the end of the current school year, emergency in that it is necessary because of the extraordinary circumstances that we have been presented with, and impact aid as it is assistance for those schools that have been impacted as thousands of children and their families have left the devastated areas.
I cannot underscore this enongh--the provisions in this bill are a departure from Federal law but they are a temporary departure in light of extraordinary events. Next school year, in terms of assistance to nonpublic schools, we will go back to the ways things are. We are reaching out to all students here, today, because it makes sense, because it gets kids back on their feet as quickly as possible. We are not changing the generic laws. As we explicitly state in the bill, the level of assistance we are providing to nonpublic schools is being authorized solely because of the unprecedented nature of the crisis, the massive dislocation of students, and the short duration of the assistance.
Madam Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time. Madam Chairman, in addition to the violation of principles of federalism outlined by my colleague from North Carolina, this piece of…
Madam Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
Madam Chairman, in addition to the violation of principles of federalism outlined by my colleague from North Carolina, this piece of legislation is another piece in which we are taking upon ourselves the right to try a case in the legislative branch instead of respecting the separation of powers by allowing cases to be tried in the judicial branch where they belong.
Instead of respecting separation of powers and honoring the rule of law and standing behind the principle that laws should be applied equally to all, we are once again giving special treatment to special cases.
The majority in Congress has apparently already decided the proper outcome of these cases and is adjusting the law accordingly just for these cases, rather than trusting our laws and our courts to hear evidence from both sides and decide the cases on their merits. If these are losing cases, then let the judicial process make that decision. Even if they are frivolous cases, the judicial branch has ways to sanction people for bringing frivolous cases; but once again, special interests are receiving, in these cases, special treatment.
Instead of having to go through the courts like everybody else, where they do not know the outcome of the case until evidence is presented and the law is applied, these defendants will get to try their cases in the legislative branch, where popularity and politics prevail. Even financial contributions are allowed.
Meanwhile, everyone else without special privileges is stuck trying their cases in the courts, where they have an unbiased judge and jury, instead of favorable politicians, and they are stuck with the same law that applies to everybody else.
This is not the only recent example of special treatment. Just a few months ago, we changed the law for Terri Schiavo because her parents knew how to reach someone in Congress; and we ignored the multitude of judicial decisions that had already been decided, and we changed the law for that case, not cases like that, just for that case.
A few years ago, in a child custody case in the Washington, DC, area that case was decided by special legislative language in a transportation appropriations bill. The Committee on Education and the Workforce likewise considered a case on appeal between the Department of Labor and a bank and voted to retroactively change the law to fix the result on behalf of the bank. Later today, as my colleague from North Carolina has pointed out, the House will probably pass legislation to fix the result in firearms legislation so that the firearms industry will get to try their cases and their issues in the legislative branch, rather than being stuck with the law that applies to everybody else.
Mr. Chairman, trying cases in the legislative branch is bad policy. We should honor the rule of law and apply the law in all cases. There will always be special interests, but we should not make special laws for those who can get to a Congressman to introduce a bill on their behalf. Let us honor and respect the rule of law to be applied equally to all and reject this legislation.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of H.R. 554, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, and I thank the gentleman from Wisconsin for moving this legislation to the floor. This…
Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of H.R. 554, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, and I thank the gentleman from Wisconsin for moving this legislation to the floor. This legislation will help prevent frivolous lawsuits that allege that the consumption of lawful food products caused injuries resulting from obesity or weight gain.
The food service industry employs some 11.7 million people, making it the Nation's largest employer outside of the government. However, this vital industry has recently come under attack by waves of lawsuits arguing that it should be liable for the misuse or ``over-consumption'' of its legal food products by others.
It is common sense that individuals should take responsibility for their own dietary and eating habits. Unfortunately, trial lawyers have ulterior motives for these lawsuits. They have made their intentions quite clear, calling the fast food industry the next tobacco. They estimate potential profits of $40 billion from obesity-related lawsuits. It is crucial that something be done to guard against these aggressive attacks.
These ill-conceived lawsuits require businesses to devote hard-earned dollars to litigate unmerited claims. In order to help ensure that America continues to be a good place to do business, and to help create and maintain American jobs, it is important that we not allow opportunistic trial lawyers to extort money from legitimate companies.
This bill also protects our Nation's farmers and ranchers from the potentially far-reaching effects of these lawsuits. American agriculture produces the safest, most affordable and abundant food supply in the world and should be protected from trial lawyers' attempts to reach as far up the food chain as possible with unfounded claims seeking unjust enrichment.
While preventing frivolous claims, this legislation would protect legitimate lawsuits. It would allow claims to go forward in several circumstances, including cases in which a State or Federal law was broken. Other types of food-related lawsuits not dealing with obesity would also be protected.
The American public understands the importance of this effort. According to a recent Gallup poll, almost 90 percent of Americans oppose holding restaurant owners responsible for the diet-related health problems of regular fast food consumers.
H.R. 554 is a common sense bill that will protect legitimate businesses from frivolous lawsuits, and I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation.
Madam Chairman, encouraging personal responsibility is something we all support in this institution--particularly with respect to rising rates of obesity. With two-thirds of premature deaths in the…
Madam Chairman, encouraging personal responsibility is something we all support in this institution--particularly with respect to rising rates of obesity. With two-thirds of premature deaths in the U.S. due to poor nutrition, physical inactivity and tobacco use, Americans do need to be more mindful of what they put in their bodies.
But with only 12 percent of Americans eating a healthy diet and diabetes rates having risen 61 percent in the last decade alone, it is becoming increasingly clear that Congress is abdicating a responsibility of its own--we are failing to fashion policies that support Americans' efforts to adopt healthier lifestyles.
Instead of shielding companies from litigation, we should be giving people the information they need to make the informed choices that exercise that personal responsibility. Today, Americans are eating out more frequently, spending about half of their food dollars at restaurants--a figure that has doubled since 1970. And everyone knows how much harder it is to eat healthily when they eat out. Little wonder children eat almost twice as many calories when they eat at a restaurant as they do when they eat at home--studies have shown that even trained nutritionists cannot estimate the calorie and fat content in a meal they do not prepare themselves.
We need to be creative. For instance, I will be reintroducing legislation shortly, The Meal Education and Labeling Act, that would extend the kind of nutrition labeling you find on packaged foods at the store to include foods at fast food and other chain restaurants. It would require these chain restaurants to list calories, saturated plus trans fat and sodium on printed menus and calories on menu boards, giving consumers the necessary nutritional information to make healthy choices for themselves.
That is the kind of balanced, innovative approach this body should be considering today to address obesity--that would be a real step toward helping encourage personal responsibility in food consumption while protecting industry and our Mom n' Pop restaurants. Instead, as we have seen countless times before, this majority has again chosen to use a very important public health issue to pursue a narrow and completely unrelated political agenda.
Madam Chairman, we should do something about obesity in this country by empowering people to make informed decisions for themselves. But this bill is not the way to go about it.
Bill Text
4 versions available
[Congressional Bills 109th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H.R. 554 Placed on Calendar Senate (PCS)]
Calendar No. 254
109th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. R. 554
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
October 20, 2005
Received; read the first time
October 21, 2005
Read the second time and placed on the calendar
_______________________________________________________________________
AN ACT
To prevent legislative and regulatory functions from being usurped by
civil liability actions brought or continued against food
manufacturers, marketers, distributors, advertisers, sellers, and trade
associations for claims of injury relating to a person's weight gain,
obesity, or any health condition associated with weight gain or
obesity.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Personal Responsibility in Food
Consumption Act of 2005''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS; PURPOSE.
(a) Findings.--Congress finds that--
(1) the food and beverage industries are a significant part
of our national economy;
(2) the activities of manufacturers and sellers of foods
and beverages substantially affect interstate and foreign
commerce;
(3) a person's weight gain, obesity, or a health condition
associated with a person's weight gain or obesity is based on a
multitude of factors, including genetic factors and the
lifestyle and physical fitness decisions of individuals, such
that a person's weight gain, obesity, or a health condition
associated with a person's weight gain or obesity cannot be
attributed to the consumption of any specific food or beverage;
and
(4) because fostering a culture of acceptance of personal
responsibility is one of the most important ways to promote a
healthier society, lawsuits seeking to blame individual food
and beverage providers for a person's weight gain, obesity, or
a health condition associated with a person's weight gain or
obesity are not only legally frivolous and economically
damaging, but also harmful to a healthy America.
(b) Purpose.--The purpose of this Act is to allow Congress and
regulatory agencies to determine appropriate laws, rules, and
regulations to address the problems of weight gain, obesity, and health
conditions associated with weight gain or obesity.
SEC. 3. PRESERVATION OF SEPARATION OF POWERS.
(a) In General.--A qualified civil liability action may not be
brought in any Federal or State court.
(b) Dismissal of Pending Actions.--A qualified civil liability
action that is pending on the date of the enactment of this Act shall
be dismissed immediately by the court in which the action was brought
or is currently pending.
(c) Discovery.--
(1) Stay.--In any action that is allegedly of the type
described in section 4(5) seeking to impose liability of any
kind based on accumulative acts of consumption of a qualified
product, the obligation of any party or non-party to make
disclosures of any kind under any applicable rule or order, or
to respond to discovery requests of any kind, as well as all
proceedings unrelated to a motion to dismiss, shall be stayed
prior to the time for filing a motion to dismiss and during the
pendency of any such motion, unless the court finds upon motion
of any party that a response to a particularized discovery
request is necessary to preserve evidence or to prevent undue
prejudice to that party.
(2) Responsibility of parties.--During the pendency of any
stay of discovery under paragraph (1), the responsibilities of
the parties with regard to the treatment of all documents, data
compilations (including electronically recorded or stored
data), and tangible objects shall be governed by applicable
Federal or State rules of civil procedure. A party aggrieved by
the failure of an opposing party to comply with this paragraph
shall have the applicable remedies made available by such
applicable rules, provided that no remedy shall be afforded
that conflicts with the terms of paragraph (1).
(d) Pleadings.--In any action that is allegedly of the type
described in section 4(5) seeking to impose liability of any kind based
on accumulative acts of consumption of a qualified product, the
complaint initiating such action shall state with particularity for
each defendant and cause of action--
(1) each element of the cause of action and the specific
facts alleged to satisfy each element of the cause of action;
(2) the Federal and State statutes or other laws that
allegedly create the cause of action; and
(3) the section 4(5)(B) exception being relied upon and the
specific facts that allegedly satisfy the requirements of that
exception.
(e) Rule of Construction.--No provision of this Act shall be
construed to create a public or private cause of action or remedy.
SEC. 4. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Engaged in the business.--The term ``engaged in the
business'' means a person who manufactures, markets,
distributes, advertises, or sells a qualified product in the
person's regular course of trade or business.
(2) Manufacturer.--The term ``manufacturer'' means, with
respect to a qualified product, a person who is lawfully
engaged in the business of manufacturing the product.
(3) Person.--The term ``person'' means any individual,
corporation, company, association, firm, partnership, society,
joint stock company, or any other entity, including any
governmental entity.
(4) Qualified product.--The term ``qualified product''
means a food (as defined in section 201(f) of the Federal Food,
Drug, and Cosmetic Act (21 U.S.C. 321(f))).
(5) Qualified civil liability action.--
(A) In general.--Subject to subparagraph (B), the
term ``qualified civil liability action'' means a civil
action brought by any person against a manufacturer,
marketer, distributor, advertiser, or seller of a
qualified product, or a trade association, for damages,
penalties, declaratory judgment, injunctive or
declaratory relief, restitution, or other relief
arising out of, or related to a person's accumulated
acts of consumption of a qualified product and weight
gain, obesity, or a health condition that is associated
with a person's weight gain or obesity, including an
action brought by a person other than the person on
whose weight gain, obesity, or health condition the
action is based, and any derivative action brought by
or on behalf of any person or any representative,
spouse, parent, child, or other relative of that
person.
(B) Exception.--A qualified civil liability action
shall not include--
(i) an action based on allegations of
breach of express contract or express warranty,
provided that the grounds for recovery being
alleged in such action are unrelated to a
person's weight gain, obesity, or a health
condition associated with a person's weight
gain or obesity;
(ii) an action based on allegations that--
(I) a manufacturer or seller of a
qualified product knowingly violated a
Federal or State statute applicable to
the marketing, advertisement, or
labeling of the qualified product with
intent for a person to rely on that
violation;
(II) such person individually and
justifiably relied on that violation;
and
(III) such reliance was the
proximate cause of injury related to
that person's weight gain, obesity, or
a health condition associated with that
person's weight gain or obesity; or
(iii) an action brought by the Federal
Trade Commission under the Federal Trade
Commission Act (15 U.S.C. 41 et seq.) or by the
Federal Food and Drug Administration under the
Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (21 U.S.C.
301 et seq.).
(6) Seller.--The term ``seller'' means, with respect to a
qualified product, a person lawfully engaged in the business of
marketing, distributing, advertising, or selling a qualified
product.
(7) State.--The term ``State'' includes each of the several
States of the United States, the District of Columbia, the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam, American
Samoa, and the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands,
and any other territory or possession of the United States, and
any political subdivision of any such place.
(8) Trade association.--The term ``trade association''
means any association or business organization (whether or not
incorporated under Federal or State law) that is not operated
for profit, and 2 or more members of which are manufacturers,
marketers, distributors, advertisers, or sellers of a qualified
product.
Passed the House of Representatives October 19, 2005.
Attest:
JEFF TRANDAHL,
Clerk.
Calendar No. 254
109th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. R. 554
_______________________________________________________________________
AN ACT
To prevent legislative and regulatory functions from being usurped by
civil liability actions brought or continued against food
manufacturers, marketers, distributors, advertisers, sellers, and trade
associations for claims of injury relating to a person's weight gain,
obesity, or any health condition associated with weight gain or
obesity.
_______________________________________________________________________
October 20, 2005
Received; read the first time
October 21, 2005
Read the second time and placed on the calendar