To amend the Immigration and Nationality Act to give priority in the issuance of immigrant visas to the sons and daughters of Filipino World War II veterans who are or were naturalized citizens of the United States, and for other purposes.
Legislative Activity
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Referred to the Subcommittee on Immigration, Border Security, and Claims.
April 4, 2005
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Introduced in House
February 17, 2005
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR E271)
February 17, 2005
Referred to the House Committee on the Judiciary.
February 17, 2005
Sponsor introductory remarks on measure. (CR E275-276)
February 18, 2005
Referred to the Subcommittee on Immigration, Border Security, and Claims.
April 4, 2005
Floor Debate
24 membersWhat members said about H.R. 901 on the floor
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Floor Debate
24 membersWhat members said about H.R. 901 on the floor
Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague and dear friend, the gentleman from California, Mr. Honda, who is managing this Special Order, but more especially also as an outstanding leader in our…
Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague and dear friend, the gentleman from California, Mr. Honda, who is managing this Special Order, but more especially also as an outstanding leader in our Asian Pacific American community and currently serving as chairman of our Asian Pacific Congressional Caucus.
I want to also commend our Democratic leader, Ms. Nancy Pelosi, for her outstanding remarks. The fact that she also is a Member who has one of the largest constituencies in not only the State of California of our Asian Pacific American community, but, as Ms. Pelosi was making her statement, I recalled also her predecessor, someone whom I have had the highest admiration and respect for, a giant of a man not only in his ways but as an example, with a real great sensitivity and compassion for the needs of the Asian Pacific American community people, none other than the late Congressman Phil Burton.
I would also like to commend my colleagues, Congresswoman Juanita Millender-McDonald and Congressman Al Green, for their outstanding remarks this evening in this Special Order.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in celebration of the Asian Pacific American Heritage Month to acknowledge the contributions of our Asian Pacific American individuals and communities to the success of our great Nation. I commend my colleagues who founded this celebration in 1977 by introducing a resolution calling upon the President to proclaim the first 10 days in May Asian Pacific Heritage Week, former Representatives Norm Mineta and Frank Horton, and Senators Daniel K. Inouye and Senator Spark Matsunaga.
I think we need to also understand, Mr. Speaker, the dynamics. Those of us who are Americans, and we are very, very proud of being Americans, but whose roots are from the Asian Pacific region, and the dynamics of why the Asian Pacific region is so important, it is in our national interests, not only our national security, the economics, just about every phase of what is really critically important in our Nation in dealing with this region of the world which, by the way, two-thirds of the world's population is the Asian Pacific region. Six of the 10 largest armies in the world are in the Asian Pacific region. Our trade with the Asian Pacific region is four times greater than any other region in the world, including especially that of Europe.
I am reminded a couple of years ago what Senator Inouye said, for every one 747 that flies between the Atlantic and the United States, four 747s fly between the Asian Pacific region and our country.
Mr. Speaker, the Asian Pacific American community is vibrant and growing
with an estimated 14 million Asian American residents and another 975,000 Pacific Americans. I am proud to be a member of this Asian Pacific American community, a community that has produced so many inspiring individuals. In government, in the military, in the sciences, sports, entertainment, business, you name it, we have it.
In government, for example, especially from the great State of Hawaii, among the first, I guess you might say, U.S. Senator Hiram Fong, Senator Daniel Inouye, Senator Daniel Akaka, the first elected Asian American Governor of any State, Governor George Ariyoshi, our first native Hawaiian Governor, Governor John Waihee, our first Filipino American Governor, Governor Ben Cayetano.
We also have Mayor Neal Blaisdell, and the newly elected mayor of the city and county of Honolulu, Mufi Hannemann. We also have Lieutenant Governors Jimmy Kealoha and Duke Ainoa. Norm Mineta, a good friend of mine who is not only partly responsible for initiating this Heritage Month, but was always the first Asian Pacific American mayor of a major U.S. city like San Jose, he was also the first Asian Pacific American to be a member of a Presidential Cabinet when he was appointed as Secretary of Commerce in the year 2000 by former President Clinton and now is U.S. Secretary of Transportation appointed by President Bush.
Elaine Chao, another first. Secretary Chao is the first female Asian American Cabinet member, appointed Secretary of Labor by President Bush.
Gary Locke, first Asian American Governor on the mainland United States, elected Governor of the State of Washington in 1996. And I could never forget and my deepest respect to the late Congresswoman Patsy Mink, first Asian American female elected to the U.S. Congress since 1964. Then our late colleague and friend, my dear friend, the late Congressman Bob Matsui, who inspired me and mentored me throughout our time here together as a senior member of the House Committee on Ways and Means.
As a Vietnam veteran, Mr. Speaker, it would be ludicrous for me not to say something to honor the hundreds of thousands of Asian Pacific Americans who have and continue to serve in all the branches of the armed services of our Nation.
I would like to share with you the contributions of tens of thousands of Japanese American soldiers who volunteered to fight our Nation's enemies in Europe during World War II.
Mr. Speaker, we are all aware of the fact that after the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, by the Imperial Army of Japan, there was such an outrage and cry for an all-out war against Japan. In days afterwards, our President and the Congress formally declared war. But caught in this crossfire were hundreds of thousands of Americans, mind you Americans, who happened to be of Japanese ancestry.
Our national government immediately implemented a policy whereby over 100,000 Americans of Japanese ancestry were forced to live in what were called, supposedly, ``relocation camps''; I call them ``concentration camps.'' Their lands, their homes, and their properties were confiscated without due process of law.
It was also a time in our Nation's history that there was so much hatred and bigotry and racism against our Japanese American community. And yet despite all of this, leaving their wives, their parents, their brothers and sisters behind barbed-wire fences in these prison camps, the White House accepted the requests from tens of thousands of Japanese Americans who volunteered to join the Army, and as a result, two combat units were organized.
One was called the 100th Battalion, and the other was known as the 442nd Infantry Combat Group. Both were sent to Europe to fight. And I might say that I am very, very proud to have been associated and been a former member of the 100th Battalion, 442nd Infantry Combat Group out of the State of Hawaii.
Mr. Speaker, in my humble opinion, history speaks for itself in documenting that none have shed their blood more valiantly for our Nation than the Japanese American solders who served in those two combat units while fighting enemy forces in Europe during World War II.
The military records of the 100th Battalion and the 442nd Infantry are without equal. Those Japanese American units suffered an unprecedented casualty rate of 314 percent, and received over 18,000 individual decorations, many awarded posthumously for bravery and courage in the field of battle.
For your information, Mr. Speaker, 52 Distinguished Service Crosses, 560 Silver Stars, and 9,480 Purple Hearts were awarded to the Japanese American soldiers of the 100th Battalion and 442nd Infantry Group. I find it unusual, however, that only one Medal of Honor was given. Nonetheless, the 442nd Combat Group emerged as the most decorated combat unit of its size in the history of the United States Army.
President Truman was so moved by their bravery in the field of battle, as well as the tremendous sacrifices of the African American soldiers in World War II, that he issued an executive order to finally desegregate all of the branches of the armed services.
Senator Inouye lost his arm while engaged in battle against two German machine gun posts, and he was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross. After a congressional mandate to review again the military records of these two combat units some 5 years ago, I was privileged to attend a White House ceremony where President Clinton presented 19, 19 Congressional Medals of Honor to the Japanese American soldiers who were members of the 100th Battalion and 442nd Combat Infantry. Senator Inouye was one of those recipients of the Congressional Medal of Honor.
I submit, Mr. Speaker, these Japanese Americans paid their dues in blood to protect our Nation from its enemies. It is a shameful mark on the history of our country that when the patriotic survivors of the 100th Battalion and the 442nd Infantry returned to the United States to be reunited with their families, who were locked up behind barbed wire fences, living in prison camps, and could not even get a haircut in downtown San Francisco, simply because they looked Japanese, they were Japanese, and for that reason alone, even with their uniforms on, they were not given the privilege of getting a haircut.
My former colleague and now U.S. Secretary of Transportation, Norm Mineta, and the late Congressman Bob Matsui from Sacramento both spent some of the early years of their lives in these prison camps. Secretary Mineta told me one of the interesting features of these prison camps was posting of machine gun nests all around the camp, and everyone was told that these machine guns were posted to protect them against rioters. But then Secretary Mineta observed, if these machine guns were posted to guard us, why is it that they are all directed inside the prison camp rather than outside it?
I submit, ladies and gentlemen, my good friends, my colleagues, the wholesale and arbitrary abolishment of the constitutional rights of these loyal Japanese Americans should forever serve as a reminder and testament that this must never be allowed to occur again.
When this miscarriage of justice unfolded during World War II, Americans of German and Italian ancestry were not similarly jailed en masse. Some declared the incident as an outright example of racism and bigotry in its ugliest form.
After viewing the Holocaust Museum in Washington, I understand better why the genocide of some 6 million Jews has prompted the cry ``Never again, never again.'' Likewise, I sincerely hope that mass internments on the basis of race alone will never again darken the pages of the history of this great Nation.
Now, to those who say, Well, that happened decades ago, we must say that we have to continue to be on our guard for this kind of thing to happen again. I remember years ago the case of Bruce Yamashita, the Japanese American born and raised in the State of Hawaii, who was discharged from the Marine Corps after a training program as an officer candidate and an ugly display of racial discrimination.
The Marine Corps superiors taunted Yamashita with ethnic slurs and told him, We do not want your kind around here, go back to your own country. The
situation was made worse when a leading officer of the Marine Corps made a statement on the 60 Minutes program who said, Marine officers who are minorities do not shoot, swim or use compasses as well as white officers.
The Commandant later apologized for his remarks, but it was a little too late. And I am really happy to know that after all of the investigations that the Secretary of the Navy finally awarded Mr. Yamashita his commission as an officer and a captain in the United States Marine Corps.
The tradition continues today of the thousands of Asian Pacific Americans who served in the armed services. Retired General Eric Shinseki was the first Asian Pacific American four-star general who served as U.S. Army Chief of Staff.
Our Asian American Pacific Island soldiers are fighting for freedom in Iraq even as I speak. Just this past weekend I was privileged to witness in Germany the swearing in of a Samoan soldier by the name of Command Sergeant Major Iuniasolua Savusa as the Command Sergeant Major for U.S. Army Europe and the 7th Army.
I am very proud of Command Sergeant Major Savusa for his accomplishments. He is an inspiration and a great role model for our youth and other Asian Pacific Americans who currently serve in the military.
Mr. Speaker, I think at this point I want to defer to my good friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. Honda) the manager of this special order this evening. And I am sure that he may want to continue portions of his statement as well.
Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have remaining?
Mr. Speaker, I would like to offer my closing remarks. I say, Mr. Speaker, when I envision America I do not see a melting pot designed to reduce or removal racial differences. The America I see is a brilliant rainbow, a rainbow of ethnicities and cultures with each people proudly contributing in their own distinctive and unique way a better America for generations to come.
Asian Pacific Americans wish to find a just and equitable place in our society that will allow, like all Americans, to grow, to succeed, to achieve and to contribute to the advancements of this great Nation.
I would like to close my remarks by asking all of us here this evening, What is America all about?
I cannot think of it said better than on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in the summer of 1963 when an African American minister by the name of Martin Luther King, Jr., poured out his heart and soul to every American who could hear his voice when he uttered these famous words, ``I have a dream. My dream is that one day my children will be judged not by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.''
That is what I believe America is all about, Mr. Speaker. Again, I thank my colleague and my good friend, the gentleman from California, for his management of this Special Order honoring all of the Asian Pacific American community in our country and the contributions that they have made to make our country to form a more perfect union.
I rise today in celebration of Asian Pacific American Heritage Month, to acknowledge the contributions of our Asian Pacific American individuals and communities to the success of our great Nation.
I commend my colleagues who founded this celebration in 1977 by introducing a resolution calling upon the President to proclaim the first ten days in May Asian/Pacific Heritage week--Representatives Norm Mineta and Frank Horton, and Senators Daniel K. Inouye and Spark Matsunaga.
The Asian Pacific American community is vibrant and growing, with an estimated 14 million Asian American residents and another 975,000 Pacific Americans.
I am proud to be a member of this Asian Pacific American community, a community that has produced so many inspiring individuals in government, the military, the sciences, sports, entertainment, and business. In government, for example: from Hawaii
Senators Hyrum Fong, Daniel Inouye, Daniel Akaka.
Governors George Ariyoshi, John Waihee, Ben Cayetano.
Mayors Neal Blaisdell and Mufi Hannemann, Lt. Governors Jimmy Kealoha and Duke Aiona.
Norm Mineta--my good friend was not only partly responsible for initiating APA Heritage Month, but was also the first Asian Pacific American mayor of a major U.S. city (San Jose). He was also the first Asian Pacific American to be a member of the Presidential Cabinet, when he was appointed as Secretary of Commerce in 2000 by former President Clinton and five years ago Mr. Mineta was appointed by President Bush as U.S. Secretary of Transportation.
Elaine Chao--another first, Secretary Chao is the first female Asian- American cabinet member, appointed Secretary of Labor in 2001, also appointed by President Bush.
Gary Locke--the first Asian-American governor on the mainland U.S., elected governor of Washington, 1996.
Patsy Mink--the first Asian-American female elected to Congress, in 1964 from Hawaii.
Bob Matsui--my dear friend and colleague who inspired me and mentored me throughout our time together here as a senior member of the House Committee on Ways and Means.
As a Vietnam Veteran, it would be ludicrous for me not to say something to honor the hundreds of thousands of Asian-Pacific Americans who have and continue to serve in all the branches of armed services of our Nation. I would like to share with you the contributions of the tens of thousands of Japanese-American soldiers who volunteered to fight our Nation's enemies in Europe during World War II.
Mr. Speaker, we are well aware of the fact that after the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, by the Imperial Army of Japan--there was such an outrage and cry for all-out war against Japan, and days afterward, our President and the Congress formally declared war--but caught in this cross-fire were hundreds of thousands of Americans--Americans mind you who happened to be of Japanese ancestry.
Our national government immediately implemented a policy whereby over one-hundred thousand Americans of Japanese ancestry, were forced to live in what were called relocations camps--but were actually more like prison or concentration camps. Their lands, homes and properties were confiscated without due process of law.
It was also a time in our Nation's history that there was so much hatred, bigotry and racism against our Japanese-American community--and yet despite all this--leaving their wives, their parents, their brothers and sisters behind barbed wire fences in these prison camps-- the White House accepted the request from tens of thousands of the Japanese-Americans who volunteered to join the Army. And as a result two combat units were organized--one was the 100th Battalion and the other known as the 442nd Infantry Combat Group--both were sent to fight in Europe.
In my humble opinion, history speaks for itself in documenting that none have shed their blood more valiantly for our Nation than the Japanese-Americans soldiers who served in these two combat units while fighting enemy forces in Europe during World War II.
The military records of the 100th Battalion and 442nd Infantry are without equal. These Japanese-American units suffered an unprecedented casualty rate of 314 percent and received over 18,000 individual decorations, many awarded posthumously, for bravery and courage in the field of battle.
For your information Mr, Speaker, 52 Distinguished Service Crosses, 560 Silver Stars, and 9,480 Purple Hearts, were awarded to the Japanese-American soldiers of the 100th Battalion and 442nd Infantry Group. I find it unusual; however, that only one Medal of Honor was ever given. Nonetheless, the 442nd Combat Group emerged as the most decorated combat unit of its size in the history of the United States Army.
President Truman was so moved by their bravery in the field of battle, as well as that of African-American soldiers during World War II, that he issued an executive order to finally desegregate all branches of the Armed Services.
Senator Inouye lost his arm while engaged in battle against two German machine gun posts and he was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross. After a Congressional mandate to review again the military records of these two combat units 5 years ago--I was privileged to attend the White House ceremony where President Clinton presented nineteen Congressional Medals of Honor to the Japanese-American soldiers who were members of 100th Battalion and 442nd Combat Infantry group--Senator Inouye was one of those recipients of the Medal of Honor.
I submit, Mr. Speaker, these Japanese-Americans paid their dues in blood to protect our Nation from its enemies. It is a shameful mark on the history of our country that when the patriotic survivors of the 100th Battalion and the 442nd Infantry returned to the United States to be reunited with their families who were locked-up behind barbed wire fences, living in prison camps--and could not even get a haircut in downtown San Francisco because they all looked Japanese--despite the fact that they too were Americans.
My former colleague and now U.S. Secretary of Transportation, Norman Mineta, and the late Congressman Bob Matsui from Sacramento both spent some of the early years of their lives in these prison camps.
Secretary Mineta told of one of the interesting features of these prison camps were postings of machine gun nests all around the camp and everyone was told that these machine guns were posted to protect them against rioters.
But then Secretary Mineta observed--if these machine guns are posted to guard us, why is it that they are all directed inside the prison camp compound and not outside?
I submit, ladies and gentlemen, the wholesale and arbitrary abolishment of the constitutional rights of these loyal Japanese- Americans should forever serve as a reminder and testament that this must never be allowed to occur again. When this miscarriage of justice unfolded during World War II, Americans of German and Italian ancestry were not similarly jailed en masse. Some declare the incident as an example of outright racism and bigotry in its ugliest form. After viewing the Holocaust Museum in Washington, I understand better why the genocide of some 6 million Jews has prompted the cry, ``Never Again, Never Again!'' Likewise, I sincerely hope that mass internments of the basis of race alone will never again darken the history of our great nation.
To those that say, well, that occurred decades ago, I say we must continue to be vigilant in guarding against such evil today.
Not long ago, we had the case of Bruce Yamashita, a Japanese-American from Hawaii who was discharged from the Marine Corps officer training program in an ugly display of racial discrimination. Marine Corps superiors taunted Yamashita with ethnic slurs and told him, ``We don't want your kind around here. Go back to your own country.'' The situation was made worse by the Commandant of the Marine Corps, a four star general, who appeared on television's ``Sixty Minutes'' and stated: ``Marine officers who are minorities do not shoot, swim, or use compasses as well as white officers.'' The Commandant later apologized for his remarks, but it was a little too late.
After years of perseverance and appeals, Mr. Yamashita was vindicated after proving he was the target of vicious racial harassment during his officer training program. The Secretary of the Navy's investigation into whether minorities were deliberately being discouraged from becoming officers resulted in Bruce Yamashita receiving is commission as a captain in the Marine Corps.
The tradition continues today of the thousands of Asian-Pacific Americans who serve in the armed services. Retired General Eric Shinseki was the first Asian-American four-star general who served as U.S. Army Chief of Staff. Our Asian-American and Pacific Island soldiers are fighting for freedom in Iraq even as I speak.
Just this past weekend, I was privileged to witness the swearing in of the Samoan soldier CSM Iuniasolua Savusa as the Command Sergeant Major for U.S. Army Europe and the 7th Army. I am very proud of Command Sergeant Major Iuni Savusa for his accomplishments. He is an inspiration and a great role model for our youth and other Asian- Pacific Americans who currently serving in the military.
Other outstanding Asian-Pacific Americans who have made significant contributions to our nation:
Dr. David Ho--pioneered treatment for HIV/AIDS and named by Time Magazine as its ``Man of the Year'' in 1996.
Dr. Hideyo Noguchi--isolated the syphilis germ in 1911, leading to a cure for the deadly disease.
Dr. Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar--Nobel Prize winner, evolution of stars, led to modern astrophysics.
Ellison Onizuka--the first Asian-American astronaut, 1985, Died aboard the Space shuttle Challenger in 1986.
Kalpana Chawla--Astronaut, first Indian American woman in space.
News, Sports, and Entertainment--
Ellen Nakashima--chief reporter for the Washington Post in Southeast Asia.
Connie Chung--in 1993, became the first Asian American to be a nightly news anchor for a major network.
Keanu Reeves--internationally renown actor.
Apolo Ohno--Olympic Gold & Silver Medalist, speed skating.
Jet Li--movie actor.
Kristi Yamaguchi--Olympic Gold Medalist, figure skating.
Dwayne Johnson--also known as the ``Rock,'' professional wrestler and movie star--Scorpine King, Walking Tell, Doomed.
Dr. Sammy Lee, Olympic gold medalist high diver.
Greg Louganis--Olympic gold.
Michelle Kwan: Olympic Silver and Bronze medalist, Figure skating.
Duke Kahanamokee, gold medalist swimmer.
Angela Perez Baraquio: First Asian American Miss America 2001 (Miss Hawaii).
Sarah Chang: world famous violinist.
Lucy Liu: Actress.
Bruce Lee: Martial Artist and Actor.
Tiger Woods: Golf Professional.
Michelle Wie: Professional Golfer.
Akebono (Chad Rowan): Sumo Wrestler (retired), yokozuna.
Konishiki Salevaia Afigaroe: Sumo wrestler, oyeki.
Musashimaru Peitari, Sumo wrestler, retired, yokozuna.
24 Samoan NFL football players in 2005/2006 season.
9 Native Hawaiian NFL football players.
5 Tongan Americans--NFL football players.
Mr. Speaker, when I envision America, I don't see a melting pot designed to reduce and remove racial differences. The America I see is a brilliant rainbow--a rainbow of ethnicities and cultures, with each people proudly contributing in their own distinctive and unique way--a better America for a generation of Americans yet unborn.
Asian-Pacific Americans wish to find a just and equitable place in our society that will allow them--like all Americans--to grow, to succeed, to achieve and to contribute to the advancement of this great nation.
Mr. Speaker, first as an American, whose roots are from the Asian Pacific Region, I would like to close my remarks by asking all of us here tonight, what is America about? I think it could not have been said better than on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in the summer of 1963 when an African-American minister named Martin Luther King Jr. poured out his heart and soul to every American who could hear his voice, when he uttered these words: ``I have a dream. My dream is that one day my children will be judged not by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.''
That is what I believe America is all about.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending amendment be set aside. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending amendment be set aside.
Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, this bill we are debating today, the immigration bill, will place a significant cost on the American taxpayers. I am particularly concerned that the provisions of this bill will impose a heavy strain on our social security system. That concern is why I am offering amendment number 3985.
The American public needs to understands what this bill would do. If enacted, it would allow the immigrants who receive amnesty to qualify for social security based on work performed prior to their amnesty. It allows people to qualify for social security based on work they did while they were illegally present in the United States and illegally working in the United States. Let me repeat that.
People who broke the law to come here and broke the law to work here can benefit from their conduct to collect social security. This bill is the pathway that allows that.
In some cases, illegal immigrants may have stolen an American citizen's identity. They may have stolen an American's social security number to fraudulently work. But it is that illegal conduct and fraudulent work that they will be allowed to use to qualify for social security.
Does this bill punish the people who stole an American citizen's identity? No, it does not. It rewards them. Does this bill consider the impact that the crime of identify theft had on the victim whose social security number was stolen? No, it does not. This bill gives them the full benefit of citizenship, with respect to social security benefits and rewards criminal conduct without any consideration for the victim.
There have been many media reports recently about illegal immigrants stealing Americans' social security numbers. To understand the potential scope of this problem, you have to un1erstand that every year employers are advised that nearly 800,000 employees do not have valid, I matching social security numbers. In too many cases, the number used belongs to someone else. And so, for a moment, I want the Senate to stop. I want my colleagues to think. And to consider the impact this theft and fraud has on the victims.
Rarely, does the Senate ever really consider the impact that crime has on the victim. Today Should be different. And so I am going to take a few moments to share with my colleagues a few of the stories of the victims of identity theft. In order to protect their privacy, I will only use the victim's first name.
Identify theft by illegal aliens has created many problems for Americans. Sometimes those problems involve the Internal Revenue Service. For example, Audra has been a stay-at-home mom since 2000. Over the last 3 years, the IRS has accused her of owing $1 million in back taxes. This is a picture of the first letter she received from the IRS saying she owed back taxes. Since that first letter, she has received many more.
Her story is clear. She has not worked in 6 years. Yet the IRS says she owes taxes for working the last three years. What she first thought was a mistake, later became clear. It was a case of identity theft. Her social security number was being used by at least 218 illegal immigrants, mostly in Texas, to obtain jobs.
Audra has obtained copies of the 218 W-2s that were used in 2004 by illegal immigrants using her Social Security number. This is a picture of the stack of those W-2s. In Audra's own words, she said, ``It was so overwhelming I couldn't be frustrated--I was just completely beyond that.'' She filed a complaint with the Federal Trade Commission. Her file at the Federal Trade Commission is very thick. Here is a picture of many of the documents in her file on this chart.
Identity theft by illegal immigrants has made it hard for some Americans to find a job of their own. When my staff spoke to Audra, she explained to them that she was not able to find a job of her own because of the theft of her Social Security number. This is a photo of the letter Audra received denying her employment because she is actually already employed by that same employer. Obviously, she is not, but someone else with her Social Security number is employed at that place of employment.
Audra is not the only American affected in this way. A few years ago, a woman named Linda applied for a job at a chain retailer, but her job application was turned down. Why? Because her potential employer told her that she was already working for that very same retailer. She, of course, knew better. She could not get a job because someone else had stolen her identity. Without knowing it, the thief also stole the job she could have been hired to do.
That is not what America should be about. People who want to work should be able to work. Identity theft by illegal immigrants has damaged many Americans' credit, making it hard for them to buy the basic necessities. In some cases, the victims of identity theft are denied social service benefits such as unemployment because records show they already have a job even though they are not working. In some cases, government records show they have many jobs all across the country.
I want to tell my colleagues about Caleb, who works in northern Nevada. He lives there with his wife and two children. Caleb is actually one of my constituents. This is a picture of Caleb and his daughter at the kitchen table. Caleb works hard as a construction worker to take care of his family. In December of 2003, Caleb was unable to find work because of the seasonal difficulties northern Nevada's construction industry faces. So Caleb applied for unemployment benefits. He was denied unemployment benefits. Why? Because he was told he was already working as a landscaper in Las Vegas. Many of my colleagues are probably not aware of the geography of Nevada. I am pretty confident that Caleb was not living in Reno and working in Las Vegas because that would mean he would have over a 1,000-mile commute every single day. Caleb and his wife contacted the employer of the identity thief. They learned that the person who used his Social Security number had previously given the employer at least 10 different Social Security numbers, and that person's resident alien card had expired.
In this picture, Caleb has many of the documents, including a copy of the expired resident alien card used by the person who stole his identity.
Not only does identity theft by illegal immigrants create problems for adults, it is also creates problems for young children, children who will likely have to deal with the consequences of someone stealing their Social Security number well into adulthood.
For example, Kelly's daughter is quite ambitious. Based on where she lives, and on where she works, she drives 80 miles each day to work at a steakhouse. I am sure her parents were surprised to learn about her commute since she does not even have a driver's license yet. In fact, Kelly's daughter has gotten off to quite an early start in life in the work world--considering she is only 5 years of age. Her Social Security number was being used by an illegal immigrant to work.
Stories like this are all too common. Many Southwest States such as Utah and Arizona, and even my home State of Nevada, have experienced a crime spree involving illegal immigrants using stolen identities of children. In one case in Utah, a child apparently owns a cleaning company and works as a prep cook at two restaurants in Salt Lake City. That is a lot of responsibility, especially for an 8-year-old boy. Another boy from Salt Lake City supposedly works for an express air freight company, quite an important job for an 11-year-old.
These stories are shocking. It is clear that illegal immigrants are purchasing false papers and using stolen Social Security numbers to obtain jobs. They are victimizing hard-working Americans, Americans who want to work. They are also victimizing these young children. The current Social Security policy and this bill will only make matters worse by granting benefits to those who are working here illegally.
I am offering an amendment to correct this problem. My amendment will help reduce this kind of document fraud. My amendment will also preserve the integrity of the Social Security system by ensuring that people are not able to receive Social Security benefits based on their prior unlawful activity.
I will explain my amendment to the American people and to the Senate. Under current law, individuals who work in the United States illegally and later obtain legal employment status can use their illegal work history to qualify for benefits. For example, if an illegal immigrant works in the United States for 9 years, and then receives legal status under this bill, the immigrant would qualify for full Social Security benefits after just 1 year of legal work. Essentially, the illegal immigrants can go back to the Social Security Administration and ask them for credit for his or her illegal work.
What is important to understand is that in order to go back to the Social Security system, the illegal immigrant must get legal status in some way. This bill is an avenue that gives them that legal status. This bill opens the door for illegal immigrants to get Social Security based on their illegal work history. My amendment closes that door.
I know some of my colleagues may argue that the illegal immigrants paid into the system, and as a result they should be able to collect benefits based on paying into the system. To those colleagues who feel that way, I say this: First, the crime of identity theft and Social Security fraud are not victimless crimes. The victims of these crimes are American citizens and legal immigrants. My staff has spoken to
some of these victims. Some victims' Social Security records are such a mess that the Social Security Administration has wiped out all of the work history from the victim's account. That is the only way they believed they could get a handle on the fraud associated with these folks' accounts. By wiping out all work history, the victim's own legal work history is also deleted. Basically, the victims is forced to start over to qualify for future Social Security benefits.
The Social Security Administration advised the victim that the victim's records are so bad that their only option was to erase the victim's work history. The victims can rebuild their accounts if they can produce their old W-2s. How many people in America can produce them? Some, maybe. If you are like me, and keep records forever, you will not have a problem. But for most Americans, who do not keep their past W-2s and old records, it will be impossible to prove their work history. As a result, some victims end up losing their ability to collect their Social Security based on their own legal work history.
At the same time, this bill would open the door to give Social Security benefits based on illegal work history. If Members oppose this amendment, Members are saying they want to reward illegal conduct with Social Security benefits while American citizens cannot collect their rightly earned benefits. This is simply unfair. That is not what America is about.
Second, Social Security is a system based on expectancy. For the illegal immigrants who paid into the system using a stolen Social Security card, they never did so thinking they would earn a retirement benefit. They did so, and I don't blame them, simply to get a job. They could not have possibly ever envisioned we would pass this bill in the Senate. They could not ever have thought that the Senate would let them go back and petition for Social Security benefits. They never had a reasonable expectation we would do this and, as a result, that they would be able to receive those benefits in the first place.
Third, for the vast majority of perpetrators who engaged in this kind of identity theft, the only way they would ever be able to petition the Social Security Administration is if we pass this bill. It is reasonable to oppose, as a condition to amnesty, a requirement that the people receiving amnesty give up or surrender their rights to petition for Social Security benefits for their previous illegal work.
I ask my colleagues to consider the message the Senate is sending to the victims if we do not agree to my amendment. The victim has already paid a heavy price. If the Senate does not agree to my amendment, the government will be saying: We reward the criminal and want to continue to punish the victim.
We will also be inviting future fraud. How, you might ask? If my amendment is not agreed to, there will be no way, none, for the Social Security Administration to determine who actually did the work associated with a particular Social Security number. If my amendment is not agreed to, this bill will create an incentive for people to engage in a second kind of fraud, one that is based on fraudulent use of W-2s to petition for illegal work credit. There would be no way for the Social Security Administration to give proper credit for that work if more than one person petitions for that credit.
I ask my colleagues to consider the burden this will place on the Social Security Administration itself. As of 2003, there were 255 million records in the Earnings Suspense File. That file is where Social Security places records when the name and social security number that is used do not match. How can the Social Security Administration process tens of millions of petitions to receive credit for illegally performed work? Without my amendment, the Social Security Administration will be inundated with petitions with no way to know how to handle them.
The promise of Social Security is for citizens and legal residents of the United States. Social Security was not intended for individuals who enter our country illegally, purchase fraudulent green cards and documentation on the black market, and use them to get jobs. It is wrong to allow people who have broken our laws to receive such a reward, especially when such activity places such a heavy toll on victims.
We should not now reward individuals who have knowingly engaged in illegal activity. We should not adopt a policy that will reward this illegal behavior while at the same time continuing to subject the innocent to further victimization. Rewarding illegal behavior is insulting to those immigrants who have played by the rules to qualify for benefits. It is also insulting to hard-working Americans who are paying into the Social Security system.
My amendment allows immigrants to begin accumulating credit to qualify for Social Security only after they have been assigned a valid Social Security number. It does not allow illegal immigrants to receive credit for their past illegal work. This approach is responsible and it is common sense. Especially when it comes to how the Social Security Administration will function.
I hope one of the principles we can reach consensus on is that illegal behavior should not be rewarded at the expense of victimizing American citizens. I cannot go home to Nevada and tell the people we allowed Social Security benefits to go to people who have worked in the United States illegally, especially when Nevadans are too often the victims of this kind of crime.
Mr. President, I will close now by making one additional observation. Under current law, it is a felony to steal and use somebody's Social Security number. Under this bill, we are waiving that felony. That, in and of itself, is amnesty for the crime of identity theft. I do not think that the Senate should go beyond granting amnesty for criminal identity theft. It is one thing to say that the perpetrator of the crime cannot be prosecuted for that felony, but it is quite another to allow the perpetrator to collect Social Security benefits. It is fundamentally unfair to do both when there are victims, like the ones I have talked about today.
So I hope people will see the common sense of this amendment and will, in a bipartisan fashion, overwhelmingly adopt this amendment. I urge my colleagues to adopt this amendment.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I say to the Senator, could I spend 5 minutes responding to a couple things, and then I would be willing to yield to the Senator for 5 minutes in morning business.
Just to respond to a couple of things the Senator from Massachusetts talked about, that section 614 and a provision in section 601 in this legislation on page 395 would ensure that aliens who received legal status, amnesty, whatever you want to call it, cannot be prosecuted for document fraud. He said they weren't receiving amnesty. If there was a felony they were committing, and now they can't be prosecuted, that sounds like amnesty to me.
A couple other points he brought up: Legal aliens who were here and who overstayed their visas have a legal Social Security number. They are paying into the system with a legal Social Security number. Even though they are here illegally, they would still be able to collect benefits.
Another point I want to address that the Senator from Massachusetts brought up concerned the Social Security Administration. These illegal workers would come to them and petition for the benefits, and they would have to prove that they actually worked where they worked, they paid in the taxes, and things like that. Let's try to think about the burden that this would place on the Social Security Administration itself.
Currently, there are 255 million earning suspense files. Those are the ones where the Social Security number and the work don't match, 255 million. Try to imagine how many of these are going to come forward with the Social Security Administration where people are trying to prove something to gain benefits. They are going to be overwhelmed. What is that going to do to the normal processing for people who have problems with their Social Security benefits? All of us have case workers back in our States who deal with seniors who have legitimate Social Security problems. Sometimes there are mistakes made. We have had people who have actually received a letter where the Social Security Administration told them that they had died. It was kind of a surprise to them. But they called us, and we were able to bring them back to life. We jokingly refer to these cases as Lazarus cases. It is a situation where they need speedy help. If the Social Security Administration is burdened with all of these millions of potential cases, it just boggles the mind how people could be against this amendment.
The next point I want to make is that the Senator from Massachusetts said that this illegal immigrant who is now legalized or regularized, whatever term you want to put on it, cannot go to the Social Security Administration, and they have to prove with documents. We have seen the kind of fraudulent documents used in the country today. These documents are not that difficult to produce, to defraud. There is a great incentive for them to do that. Once again, it will be an extra burden on the Social Security Administration trying to prove or disprove whether these documents are real.
The last point I want to make, the Senator said the people they are regularizing in this bill have to pay a fine. They have to pay back taxes. We have heard that over and over again: They have to pay back income taxes. They don't have to pay back Social Security taxes, the FICA taxes they didn't pay, only the income taxes. So let's be completely open and honest about what this bill does and about what my amendment seeks to correct.
When we are considering this amendment, we absolutely must consider what it is going to do to the Social Security Administration, what it is going to do to the trust fund and, mostly, what it is going to do to the victims. Rewarding illegal behavior while we are not taking care of the victims in the United States fundamentally is unfair.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, will the Senator yield?
Mr. President, I wish to ask my friend from Arizona a couple of questions about the bill and about my amendment in particular. The bill does not require that the people whose status is adjusted pay all back taxes. The bill only requires that people pay any back income taxes. There is no mention of FICA taxes in the bill. Is the Senator aware of that distinction?
First, if the alien is self-employed, that is not correct. Remember, the employer pays half and sends in those funds.
That is correct. But the bottom line is if they owe back FICA taxes under this bill, they do not have to pay those back taxes.
I have another question for my friend from Arizona. Is he aware that it is a felony to use someone's Social Security number?
Under this legislation, we forgive that felony. We grant amnesty for that felony.
Right. But, Mr. President, in Sections 601 and 614 of the legislation, it actually ensures that aliens who receive legal status cannot be prosecuted for document fraud, including the false use of Social Security numbers. Is the Senator aware of that?
Mr. President, I agree with the Senator from Arizona that many people are paying into the system. They paid into the system with no expectation of getting social security's benefit because they didn't know we would be enacting a bill like this. They paid into the system simply because that was the price to pay to get a job in the United States. The immigrant knew they were using an illegal Social Security number but without regards of the impact of the victim. I have reviewed case after case related to identity theft and Social Security fraud. These cases are occurring all over the United States. In every case, in every State, where someone's Social Security number was stolen by an illegal immigrant to use to find work, the victim's credit history is destroyed. Sometimes their work history is too. Earlier I talked about Caleb, a gentleman in Nevada. The illegal immigrant who used Caleb's Social Security number was not trying to harm that person but he did. Caleb applied for unemployment but couldn't get it because the agency said he was working when, in fact, he wasn't. He lives in Reno. They said he was working in Las Vegas. It was an illegal immigrant using his Social Security number in Las Vegas.
I never said this amendment is going to prevent identity theft. What I have said is that it is not right for somebody to steal somebody else's identity--granted for the noble purpose of getting a job--and reward the theft by giving work credit that counts towards Social Security. We should consider the victims who are forced to deal with the terrible consequences of the crime.
I will make two other points. The chairman of the Finance Committee supports this amendment. One of the reasons the chairman of the Finance Committee supports this amendment is because the Social Security Administration will not be able to make determinations with respect to the earnings suspense files that the Senator from Arizona referenced. As of 2003, there were 255 million instances where the social security number did not match the name given the employer. This bill will legalize those who are in the workforce today--the 7 million or so in the workforce out of the 12 million who are in the country. The effect of this amnesty over the next 10 years, will require the Social Security Administration to hire nearly an additional 2,000 employees to handle the cases of people who worked illegally, received amnesty under this bill, and are now applying for this benefit. A benefit they earned illegally.
Point No. 2 is, it is going to cost $1.7 billion in administrative costs--$1.7 billion in administrative costs. It does not include any future costs in benefits that the United States will have to pay. Some may say that the immigrants will have earned the benefit. But the Senate does not even know what amnesty will cost. The cost estimates for these policies are not known. My amendment is absolutely the right thing to do. Illegal immigrants did not expect to ever receive this benefit. They were using somebody's Social Security number or a made up one. They did so to get a job. I can appreciate that. I appreciate somebody trying to come to this country to better themselves. I don't believe we should reward the conduct of identity theft by giving people the right to claim the work history for purposes of Social Security.
Our Social Security trust fund is already in trouble. We all know that. This will further put the Social Security trust fund in trouble. The costs could be potentially huge. We don't even know that in this bill. That is why I think we should adopt this amendment.
Mr. President, we look forward to this. What was, then, the time allocation requested? Is it 25, 10, 10, 5? Is that what the Senator suggested? So that is 25. Then I think we would get 15. Have we…
Mr. President, we look forward to this. What was, then, the time allocation requested? Is it 25, 10, 10, 5? Is that what the Senator suggested?
So that is 25.
Then I think we would get 15.
Have we added all that up?
We have until 10 o'clock, and that time is divided.
If the Senator wants to speak for a few minutes, we can arrange that. I will withhold.
Can I ask unanimous consent we defer the vote at 10 clock until 10:05?
Fine.
Mr. President, we send an amendment to the desk on behalf of myself, Senator McCain, and Senator Graham.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
How much time remains?
We have 11 minutes?
I yield myself 4 minutes.
Mr. President, as we all know, yesterday the Senate voted to eliminate the H-2C immigrant's ability to self-petition for green cards after 4 years. I believe that vote was a mistake because it will have a devastating effect not just for temporary workers but for all workers and, basically, for all Americans.
The amendment we offer today would correct the mistake and take the good language from the Cornyn amendment to improve the underlying bill. This amendment will require that the Labor Department certify that no U.S. worker will be displaced by H-2C workers when they adjust to permanent status, as the Cornyn amendment requires. This amendment also restores the ability of H-2C workers to obtain a green card without being dependent on the generosity of the employers.
The self-petition feature of our temporary worker program is innovative and essential to workers' rights. All Americans lose if it is eliminated from the bill.
The reason temporary worker programs failed in the past, going back to the time of the Bracero Program, is because they did not protect workers' rights. For this new program to work without harming U.S. workers, H-2C workers must have the full set of rights. That is why our bill includes extensive labor protections for temporary workers.
Effectively, then, at the time after the 4 years, the individual will be able to make the petition for the green card, and they will also have to have a certification by the Department of Labor that there is no American able and willing to perform that job. There will have to be that kind of a finding. The self-petition gives that worker some rights and respect as an employee instead of being subject to the dangers we have seen in the past of exploitation by an employer that knows that worker can never get a chance to have a petition and can never get on the path for a green card without the employer giving the thumbs-up signal.
When that power relationship between the employer and the employee exists, we have seen exploitation in terms of wages, working conditions, and other unfortunate problems with regard to women.
This seems to be a solid compromise. It takes the framework of the Cornyn amendment, but it will also ensure that these petitioners are going to have to demonstrate there is that gap in terms of the labor market that they are able to fill and that there is not someone out there in the American labor market prepared to take that job. It seems to me to be a very important principle, a very concrete proposal, one I hope we can have accepted this morning.
I withhold the remainder of my time.
I will take 3 minutes for the membership, if they have a chance to review the amendment.
On page 1, second paragraph:
The Secretary of Labor determines and certifies that there
are not sufficient United States workers who are able,
willing, qualified, and available to fill the position in
which the alien is, or will be employed. . . .
So the Secretary of Labor has to make the certification that they will not be replacing an American worker.
Then, how are they going to be able to give the assurance they have had the 4 years that are included in the first paragraph, that ``the alien has maintained such nonimmigrant status in the United States for a cumulative period of not less than 4 years of employment''?
These are listed and include: records maintained by Social Security, records maintained by the employer, employment work verification, records maintained by the Internal Revenue Service, records maintained by other government agencies.
What we are saying, in the four different categories, those categories are government-held records or the employer-held records, not the employee-held records.
I don't know how it could be much clearer exactly what this amendment does. It is very clear. It is the certification that there is no American that is able, willing, and qualified. And to be able to prove it, there are government-held records or employer-held records, not the petitioner's records, not his stubs, but government-held records.
We have tried to craft this in a way which is going to be fair. We are not interested in people trying to ``jimmy'' the system. We have had too much of that in the past.
I get back to the final theme. This legislation tries to learn from past experience. In 1986, we had amnesty but there was supposed to be tough employer sanctions if they hired unemployed. We had vast industries that produced fake identification cards. The system never functioned. It never worked.
What we have tried to do is avoid that. We have a tamper-proof card. We will have vigorous employment. But, also, to learn the lessons of the Bracero Program, we are not going to have the exploitation of these workers by their employers. That is what we do when we deny the opportunity of an employee ever to be able to make a petition. We say you have to be in there for 4 years, with solid record of employment, solid record of achievement, solid record of commitment to work. Then you can make your petition. You have to meet that requirement.
What time is left?
I yield that time to the Senator from Arizona.
Mr. President, I have tried to point out this will be a judgment decision that will be made by the Secretary of Labor as to whether there is an American fit, willing, and able. And if there is, they cannot petition.
Now, the Senator says: Well, it is all then up to the employee. But the idea of the whole guest worker is the employer. Why is it good for the employer, who is going to go out and petition and say: Look, I need someone to come work for me. They advertise for 45 days. Then they find out they have someone from overseas who will do that. So the employer is the one who is petitioning there. Didn't have any problem with that.
Now, when we get into the situation after 4 years, they can make the petition on this, if there is a vacancy, according to this proposal, but if there is not a green card available, they do not get it. They might have to wait a year. They might have to indicate 2 years. This is not automatic. There are only a certain number of green cards that are available under this category. They may wait 1 year. They may have to wait 2 years. So it is much more difficult. This is still weighted far against the worker than the employer.
What we were always trying to do in the development of the legislation is to have balance and fairness in terms of the authority and responsibility and the legality on this. I think what we have offered addresses what I understood to be the Senator's concern; that is, that there are going to be American workers out there when this person is getting a green card. Therefore, it is going to be adverse to the American workers. We say, if there is one, they don't get it. That is decided by the Secretary of Labor. And they have to be able to prove their work history through documents and records that are either held by the Government or by the employer. It seems to me that is about as lock safe and secure as you can have in this business. I would hope we would accept this amendment.
Mr. President, I think my time has expired.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
Madam President, I move to reconsider the vote, and I move to lay that motion on the table.
Madam President, we are trying to move along. I see my colleague and friend behind me, the Senator from West Virginia, Mr. Byrd, who has been here patiently waiting to address the Senate on this issue generally. That might work, as we are just trying to reaffirm the language on this Inhofe amendment.
Madam President, the Inhofe amendment is enormously important. It is complicated. Members on both sides, including the author of the amendment, are working in good faith to try to work this out. To my knowledge, it has not been worked out. Hopefully, after 25 minutes we will be able to tell the Senate whether it is worked out, whether we will have to have side-by-side amendments. But at this time, we will not enter into a short time agreement.
Hopefully, as we have been making progress in other areas, we will have a chance to do that in this area as well.
Mr. President, I want to cooperate and have cooperated with the Senator. I think it is premature to establish a time on the Ensign amendment. I don't think it will be an undue period of time. But it would be difficult now to agree to a specific time. I hope we would be able to agree after a while. I welcome the chance to continue this. I think this discussion has been enormously valuable and helpful. We can proceed in whatever way the leader wants to proceed. Right now, we would not be in a position to agree to a 1-hour time limitation on the Ensign amendment, half an hour on each side. But we will well work to try to get a reasonable time, if that is the decision.
Mr. President, identity fraud is a major problem, a major issue in this country, and it ought to be dealt with. We ought to do whatever is necessary to make sure we are going to deal with this issue. I think most of us have seen the various national publications and magazines talking about identity fraud. It is there with the use of credit cards. We have it on telephone calling. We have it for purchasing over the Internet, obtaining access of financial records, and with individuals making illegal withdrawals.
All of that is bad and wrong and violates the law, and we ought to deal with that. But we are talking about individuals who are not involved in identity fraud and have paid into the Social Security fund. Should they have that payment they have made into the fund denied to them? So I am with the Senator from Nevada in trying to deal with identity fraud, but I separate myself from him when he says all illegal immigrants are involved in the identity fraud and, therefore, they should not get credit for what they have paid in in terms of Social Security.
Now, who are we talking about? Basically, we are talking about individuals who have the opportunity to try to earn their position, the opportunity to be an American citizen, who have to pay a fine, have to go to the end of the line for those who are coming into the United States currently, who have to demonstrate they have paid all of their taxes, who have to demonstrate they have been free from violating the law. There are all of those conditions that are set up. But once they have achieved all of those conditions, then they have the possibility of citizenship 11 years from now.
So the issue is, should they be denied the credits they have paid into Social Security? The Senator from Nevada thinks they should.
Well, first of all, who are these people? First of all, his proposal would deprive, for example, widows and surviving children of needed Social Security benefits, even if the widows and children are U.S. born. We will have circumstances where the children are American citizens. The widows might be American citizens.
Now, let's say this individual regularizes their position and has paid into Social Security. If that person dies, their survivors would be eligible for survivor benefits, but not under the Ensign amendment. It is interesting, some 85 percent of immigrant-headed households include at least one U.S. citizen. Under the Ensign proposal, citizen children may not be eligible for survivor benefits if their parents had gained legal status or even citizenship but die before they gained the 40 hours of coverage.
The Ensign amendment effectively would deprive the immigrants who have become legal residents of the right to receive Social Security credits for the payroll tax payments they made on the work they performed when they were undocumented. Some do now.
The 1986 act permitted 3 million people--they received the amnesty. That was amnesty. We did not move ahead in terms of the enforcement against the undocumented afterwards. But that was amnesty. Now they are able to receive the benefits today. We are going to say to them, we are evidently going to cut you off from being able to get any credit because I don't see in the Ensign amendment where they are going to respect their position.
It is important to focus on who would be hurt by this highly punitive proposal. Only immigrants who have attained legal status are eligible to receive Social Security. So everyone this amendment would affect will be legal residents under the terms of the bill. Many of them will even be citizens by the time they apply for Social Security. Those are the hard-working men and women this amendment seeks to penalize.
Those are the individuals who really want to be Americans, be part of the American family. They are going to have to pay the penalty, pay their back taxes, abide by all of the laws, continue to believe in their faith. And then they will have the opportunity to go to the end of the line. And then, in 11 years, they will be able to achieve citizenship. They will be working during this period of time.
They are paying into Social Security. And, finally, when they become citizens--11 years from now--the Ensign amendment is going to say: Well, all right, you paid. You have waited your turn. You paid the penalties all the way along. But you are not going to be able to benefit from paying into Social Security because of identity fraud. Well, I have difficulty assuming that all of those who have paid into Social Security have been a part of identity fraud.
Before this bill passed, these workers were undocumented. But once in the country, they complied with the rules of the workplace and paid Social Security taxes on their earnings. Their payroll tax payments and the matching contributions of their employers were paid to the Social Security Administration on a timely basis. Those dollars are sitting in an account at the Social Security Administration today. Social Security has a record of receiving these payments. There is no dispute about that.
The issue raised by this amendment is whether these workers should be given credit in Social Security for the hard-earned dollars they paid into the system. Shouldn't the payroll tax payments they made count toward determining the level of retirement benefits and disability benefits they have earned when they reach retirement age or become disabled?
Now, the amount of benefits a worker receives depends on how many years the individual worked and how much payroll tax he or she paid in. I believe it would be terribly wrong to arbitrarily deny these hard- working men and women credit for all the payroll tax dollars they paid into Social Security on the wages they earned. But that is exactly what the Ensign amendment would do.
Most undocumented workers do pay Social Security taxes. Stephen Goss, Social Security's chief actuary, estimates that ``about three-quarters of other-than-legal immigrants pay payroll taxes''--three-quarters of them.
The amounts paid in by them are substantial. Payments into the Social Security system by undocumented workers total $7 billion a year. Unfortunately, most of these workers do not have genuine Social Security numbers, so the money goes into what they call the Social Security Administration's earnings suspense file. This money is identified by the employer who submitted it but not by the individual worker it belongs to.
Each year, Social Security identifies approximately 130,000 employers who submitted W-2s that cannot be matched to a worker. So the undocumented immigrants account for the vast majority of the funds in the suspense file. The unidentified W-2s closely track their geographic distribution and types of employment to that which undocumented workers typically hold. According to an analysis by the GAO, three of the categories of business with the largest numbers of inaccurate W-2s were restaurants, construction companies, and farm operations.
In order to get credit for the payroll taxes he paid in when he was undocumented, a worker would have to prove how much he paid in while working for a particular employer and when it was paid. The burden of proof would be on the worker, and the worker would only receive credit for payments that the Social Security Administration could verify.
Whatever rules and regulations Social Security established, we are for. They ought to be accurate. They ought to be tough. They ought to be fair. But we are not prepared to say that every individual who paid in, who is now in the process, over this 11 years--here, they are paying in. I want to be a citizen. I am paying my fine. I paid my back taxes. My sons have joined the military serving in Afghanistan. We are going to church every single week. And I am paying into Social Security. I wait 11 years, and I finally become a citizen. Under the Ensign amendment, no, no, you are not going to receive any of that. You are not going to receive a cent of that.
So we are all for Social Security establishing whatever requirements are necessary to ensure the integrity of the fund and the accuracy of the work effort by individuals. But I think the only reason for the Ensign amendment is to deny the legal residents the Social Security benefits they have earned and paid for. Their money sits in the Social Security Administration waiting to be matched with an eligible beneficiary. Once those workers establish eligibility, how, in all fairness, can we deny them credit for their past contributions?
This legislation before the Senate sets out a difficult process for undocumented workers seeking to become legal residents. Most of them have very little money. Yet the legislation will require them to pay thousands in fines and fees. It would be wrong to deny them credit for the Social Security tax dollars they have paid from their often meager wages.
Once these workers are legal residents, if they become disabled, shouldn't they be entitled to receive disability benefits based on the payroll taxes they contributed to Social Security? And if they die prematurely, leaving minor children, shouldn't those children--who in many instances are American children--shouldn't those American children be eligible to receive survivor benefits based on the payroll taxes they contributed to Social Security? And when, after a lifetime of hard work, they reach retirement age, shouldn't they be able to receive a retirement benefit based on all the years of payroll tax payments they contributed to Social Security?
This is not a handout. This is not welfare. Social Security is an earned benefit. If these immigrant workers earned it, they should receive it like everyone else. The Ensign amendment would take their hard-earned money and give them nothing in return. That is not the way America operates.
Allowing these workers to receive the Social Security benefits they have earned not only helps them, it serves the interests of the larger American community. They are living amongst us. As I say, many of the children were born here. If they cannot rely on the Social Security benefits they have earned when they become elderly or disabled, on what source of support will they rely? Certainly, the people of this great Nation would not leave them destitute. We all benefit when the earned benefits of Social Security are there for those in need.
So I urge my colleagues to reject this amendment.
Mr. President, I have been here on the floor since the Senator started, and in response, I would be glad to inquire of those who are interested. I think there are some members of the Finance Committee who are interested in this amendment and want to be heard since it deals with the Finance Committee jurisdiction. So I will inquire and report back to the floor manager.
Several Senators addressed the Chair.
Mr. President, if the Senator will yield, if there is offered side-by-side, that would be voted on after the Inhofe amendment at 4 o'clock. So there is an hour and a half allocated time for debate on the Inhofe amendment, and as I understand, there would be approximately 45 minutes evenly divided.
I thought Senator Akaka's amendment was agreeable or acceptable.
Senator Akaka would like 25 minutes.
If I could suggest, why don't we vote at 4:15. That gives 45 minutes to Vitter.
Mr. President, will the Senator withhold for a moment.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the gentleman from Texas, Congressman Al Green. I want to thank the gentleman from Texas for his wonderful words, and we shall be there. Mr. Speaker, I would…
Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the gentleman from Texas, Congressman Al Green.
I want to thank the gentleman from Texas for his wonderful words, and we shall be there.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to bring up now the gentlewoman from California, Congresswoman Juanita Millender-McDonald.
I thank my gracious colleague from California for your wonderful words.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to rise today to recognize the Asian and Pacific Islander community and to commemorate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month.
As Chair of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus we call CAPAC, I feel privileged to be here tonight to speak of the Asian and Pacific Islander history and accomplishments. Additionally, I will be highlighting those issues affecting our communities and the priorities for CAPAC.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to take a moment to acknowledge and remember extraordinary community leaders, long-time friends of the APIA community that we have lost this year, Judge Delbert Wong and journalist Sam Chu Lin.
Sam Chu Lin, who began reporting in the 1960s, worked as a correspondent for CBS and Fox. Sam Chu Lin was also a respected print journalist, writing columns and articles on Asian Pacific affairs for Asian Week, Rafu Shimpo and the San Francisco Examiner.
Judge Delbert Wong was the first Chinese American judge in the continental United States. Delbert Wong was a fourth generation American of Chinese heritage. After earning his undergraduate degree in business at U.C. Berkeley, Wong served in World War II as a B-17 navigator and was awarded numerous medals.
After the war, Judge Wong faced a choice between joining his family's grocery business or entering law school. This was not met with much support from his parents, who would say, Who would hire you, a Chinese, they would constantly say. Undeterred, Wong completed his law degree in 1948, becoming the first Chinese American graduate of Stanford Law School.
After graduation, he was appointed deputy legislative counsel, serving the California State legislature in Sacramento and later appointed deputy attorney general, becoming the first Asian American to hold those positions.
In 1992, Congress passed a law that officially designated May of each year as
Asian Pacific American Heritage Month.
I want to thank the following people who have worked to designate May as Asian Pacific Heritage Month: the late Congressman Frank Horton from New York; my good friend, Secretary of Transportation, Norman Mineta; Senators Daniel Inouye and the late Senator Spark, or Sparky, Matsunaga.
Some important dates include the first 10 days of May, which coincide with two important anniversaries, the arrival of Japanese American immigrants on May 7, 1843 to California, settling in El Dorado County; and the completion of the transcontinental railroad on May 10, 1869, by the Chinese laborers.
The first APIA settlement in this country dates to 1763 when Filipinos escaped imprisonment aboard Spanish galleons and established a community near New Orleans.
Today, the APIA community is one of the fastest-growing populations in the country, with over 13 million APIAs living in the U.S. and representing 4.5 percent of the total U.S. population.
My home State of California has both the largest APIA population, approximately 4.6 million, and the largest numerical increase of APIAs since April of 2000.
Mr. Speaker, this year's theme for Asian Pacific American Heritage Month, Dreams and Challenges for Asian Pacific Americans, reflects hardships overcome by the APIA community while highlighting the hope we maintain as we contribute to the prosperity of this great Nation.
This year, I would like to particularly honor the centennial celebration of Filipinos in Hawaii and the 50th year since Dalip Singh Saund became the first Asian American Sikh to be elected to the U.S. Congress.
On December 20, 1906, a group of Filipino plantation workers arrived in Hawaii aboard the Doric, leading the first wave of Filipinos to migrate to Hawaii. The first group of Filipinos was followed by subsequent waves of Filipino immigrants who came to settle in Hawaii and, also, other parts of the United States, contributing to a migration pattern that continues up to this day.
Today, Filipinos with their rich culture and heritage have become a positive influence on mainstream life in Hawaii, with many of them succeeding prominently in their respected professions, in business, politics, government, the academe and the arts.
2006 also marks the 50th year since Dalip Singh Saund became the first Asian American to be elected to the U.S. Congress. While in office, Dalip Singh Saund forged a measure that allowed South Asians to become U.S. citizens.
As our community expands, we must also continue to educate our fellow citizens about the uniqueness of our experiences.
The APIA community is often misperceived as monolithic. Our community is extremely diverse in our languages, ethnicities and culture. Aggregating such a large and diverse group makes it difficult to understand the unique problems faced by the individual and subgroups, such as the Southeast Asian Americans, who are refugees that fled their home countries in the late 1970s and the early 1980s.
As a country, we need to better address the needs of the APIA community when we discuss disaster preparedness, comprehensive immigration reform, voting rights, education, health issues and veterans.
National disasters such as the September 11th terrorist attacks, Hurricane Rita and Hurricane Katrina, exposed serious gaps in the delivery of public services to limited-English-proficient communities, or LEP communities. In fact, the lack of linguistic and culturally competent services within FEMA and related Federal agencies prevented many LEP individuals from accessing critical disaster-relief services such as cash assistance, health care, mental health care, housing and small business loans.
As a result, at least 15,000 families from the gulf coast suffered unnecessary hardships. Many of the Asian Americans in the gulf coast region, hit by Katrina, were shrimpers and fishermen and were significant contributors to the local economy and fishing industry for years.
Plaquemines Parish in southern Louisiana is one of the locations of the main fishing and shrimp sites. Plaquemines Parish commercial landings average $441,181,891 in retail annually. Plaquemines Parish has an average annual landing of 28.8 million pounds of shrimp, valued at $238.3 million in retail value.
Extensive reports from FEMA community relations and local fishermen determined that all but 20 percent of the fishing boats were destroyed in the hurricanes. In order for these families to go back to their old way of life, approximately 430 boats must be repaired and in the water before shrimp season begins May 15.
Many of the fishermen, due to cultural and linguistic barriers, were not accustomed to the American way of accessing public assistance, navigating the intricacies and bureaucracies of public agencies and commercial transactions. The fishermen have been denied Small Business Administration loans, which would help them rebuild their boats, due to the fact that they need to buy insurance prior to getting a loan. But one cannot buy insurance for a boat until it is in a working order.
Fishermen must also prove that they can pay back the loan. But without income, SBA is reluctant to give loans. Due to the complications of the system and of the linguistic and cultural barriers that are posed to them, the Asian Pacific community faces an even bigger struggle.
This month, I will introduce legislation to improve disaster relief and preparedness services for individuals with limited English proficiency by requiring the Federal Emergency Management Agency to bolster Federal resources and outreach to community organizations that serve the limited-English population.
Mr. Speaker, our Nation was founded by immigrants who valued freedom and liberty, who sought to be free from persecution, from a tyrant government. Families fled their home countries to seek refuge in this great Nation, because they too believed in liberty, justice and freedom for all.
APIA families who seek to be reunited with their family members overseas have not seen their dreams come true because of our broken immigration system. Over 1.5 million Asians are caught in the family immigration backlog, and immediate family members from overseas wait as long as 10 years to reunite with their families in the U.S.
Mothers and fathers wait to reunite with their children. But due to the long years of waiting, their children may have already reached the age of 18, and their families will have to start the process all over again.
As we honor the 41st anniversary of the Immigration Nationality Act of 1965 and the 31st anniversary of the Refugee Act of 1975, we need to remember that our country was founded and created to protect our freedom and civil liberties.
I believe we need comprehensive immigration reform to fix our broken immigration system.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to take a break in my presentation to offer the microphone and the floor to our Democratic leader, a great leader from the State of California, from the great City of San Francisco, someplace where you always leave your heart, our leader, Nancy Pelosi.
Thank you, madam leader.
Mr. Speaker, if I may just suspend my remarks and invite my colleague from American Samoa to share his comments with us, the great Congressman who has been here for quite a few years, Congressman Eni Faleomavaega.
(Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from American Samoa for adding so much information to this presentation, because I think that when people listen and hear what it is that we are sharing with this country, there may be many, many people out there that say, I did not know that.
Although we talk about many firsts, accomplishments from members of our communities, I am sure also, that those who are first expect never to be last, that they would continue, that we would continue to contribute to this country. And in order to contribute to our country, we have to also defend the Constitution.
Defending the Constitution and defending the rights of our people also entails the voting rights. This past week, H.R. 9, the Voting Rights Act reauthorization was introduced.
The right to vote is keenly felt by the Asian and Pacific Islander American community. Chinese Americans could not vote until the Chinese Exclusion Acts of 1882 and 1892 were repealed in 1943. First-generation Japanese Americans could not vote until 1952 because of the racial restrictions contained in the 1790 naturalization law.
With the markup in Judiciary Committee tomorrow, we need to ensure that important provisions such as section 203, which has been very vital to the API community's ability to participate in the electoral process, gets reauthorized in this Congress.
Language-minority citizens were often denied needed assistance at the polls. In the 1975 amendments to the Voting Rights Act, such assistance became required in certain situations, and we need to ensure that these provisions continue to remain in current law.
Mr. Speaker, as Americans, we need to ensure that our children receive a quality education, but also provide adequate teacher training, funds for after-school and extracurricular activities and ensuring that college is affordable for every student that deserves to receive a higher education.
According to the U.S. Census, 50 percent of Asians age 25 and over have a Bachelor's degree or higher level of education. However, I would like to emphasize that when we disaggregate the data, when we tease apart the information for the API subgroups, we find that the model minority stereotype is in fact a myth.
Only 9.1 percent of Cambodian Americans, 7.4 percent Hmong Americans, 7.6 Lao Americans, 19.5 percent Vietnamese Americans and 16 percent of native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders who are 25 years and older have a Bachelor's degree.
These numbers show that we must do a better job of disaggregating data and information about our communities to assess the needs of those hard-working Americans who still falter behind. To address the disparities between subgroups of the larger APIA community, we need Congress to pass the Asian American and Pacific Islander Serving Institutions bill, which my colleague from Oregon, Congressman David Wu, will be introducing later this month.
This legislation will provide Federal grants to colleges and universities that have an enrollment of undergraduate students that is at least 10 percent APIA and at least 50 percent of its degree-seeking students receive financial assistance.
As a caucus, we will work to increase the availability of loan assistance, scholarships and programs to allow APIA students to attend a higher education institution; to ensure full funding for teachers and bilingual education programs under the No Child Left Behind law; to support English language learners; and to support full funding of minority outreach programs for access to higher education, such as the TRIO programs to expand services to serve APIA students.
Mr. Speaker, a common misperception of APIAs is that, as a group, we face fewer health problems than other racial and ethnic groups. In fact, APIAs as a group and specific populations within this group do experience disparities in health and health care.
For example, APIAs have the highest hepatitis B rates of any racial group in the United States. APIAs are also five times more likely to develop cervical and liver cancer than any other ethnic and racial group.
According to the Census Bureau, 18 percent of APIAs went without insurance for the entire year in 2000. This means that the uninsured are not only more likely to go without care for serious medical conditions, they are also more likely to go without routine care, less likely to have a regular source of care, less likely to use preventive services and have fewer visits per year.
At the same time, without appropriate language translation services or properly translated materials, limited-English-proficient immigrants cannot receive adequate care, as well as State and Federal benefits for which they may be eligible.
In the APIA community, 76 percent of Hmong Americans, 61 percent of Vietnamese Americans, 52 percent of Korean Americans and 39 percent of Tongans speak limited English. Therefore, eliminating health care disparities in the APIA community must include data collection, linguistically appropriate and culturally competent services, and access to health insurance.
CAPAC has been working with both the Congressional Hispanic and Black Caucuses on the Health Care Equality and Accountability Act to eliminate ethnic and racial health disparities for all of our communities.
I have introduced the Health Care Equality and Accountability Act, which will address expanding the health care safety net by diversifying the health care workforce, combating diseases that disproportionately affect racial and ethnic minorities, emphasizing prevention and behavioral health and promoting the collection and dissemination of data and enhanced medical research.
Mr. Speaker, I would also like to extend my gratitude to the patriotic men and women serving our country in the military, including the 60,813 APIAs serving on active duty in the U.S. armed services, as well as the 28,066 in the Reserves and the National Guard.
I also commend and thank the 351,000 APIA veterans who fought for this country. I would like to highlight and honor the Filipino veterans as my colleague had done who have not been compensated and recognized for their service, which I believe is a national disservice to these brave veterans.
As a country, it is our duty to ensure that these veterans have equal access to all the benefits and treatment that other veterans receive. We believe that our troops should be taken care of when we send them into battle and that they should be given the respect when they return home. Therefore, I stand with my colleagues, Congressman Issa and Congressman Filner, to support their bipartisan legislation, H.R. 4574, to restore full benefits to
these veterans who fought for our Nation during World War II. With Congressman Issa taking the lead and Congressman Filner in a leadership position in the Veterans' Affairs Committee, we have a great chance to get this bill to the floor in honor of the centennial celebration of Filipinos in Hawaii and to keep the word of Congress that we gave to these brave veterans of World War II.
I am proud of our community's accomplishment, Mr. Speaker, and I would like to recognize many of the APIA firsts in areas of art, film, sports, sciences, academia, and politics. In each effort, these folks, who were first, expect that they are not the last:
In 1847, Yung Wing, the first Chinese American graduated from Yale University and the first APIA to graduate from a U.S. college;
In 1863, William Ah Hang, who was Chinese American, became the first APIA to enlist in the U.S. Navy during the Civil War;
In 1944, An Wang, a Chinese American who invented the magnetic core memory revolutionized computing and served as a standard method for memory retrieval and storage;
In 1946, Wing F. Ong, a Chinese American from Arizona, became the first APIA to be elected to State office;
In 1948, Victoria Manalo Draves, a Filipino American diver, became the first woman to win Olympic gold medals in both the 10 meter platform and the 3 meter spring board events;
In 1956, Dalip Singh Saud, the first Indian American to be elected to Congress;
In 1965, Patsy Takemoto Mink, the first Japanese woman and woman of color elected to Congress who championed title IX;
In 1985, Haing Ngor, a Cambodian American, became the first APIA to win an Academy Award for his role in the movie ``Killing Fields'';
In 1985, Ellison Onizuka, a Japanese American, became the first APIA astronaut whose life was lost in a launching tragedy.
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, the Asian American Pacific Islander American community continues to fight for our civil liberties and our civil rights as Americans.
Even after the internment of the Japanese Americans during World War II, we as a community did not grow embittered or cowed by discrimination; instead, we progressed and moved forward. I am proud to be a member of the APIA community because we continue to serve as positive contributors to our many communities by investing in education, business, and cultural opportunities for all Americans.
In closing, this Asian Pacific American Heritage Month we take pride in our history, accomplishments, and the promise of our future as we continue to pave the way for a better tomorrow in the name of dreams and challenges of Asian Pacific Americans.
Mr. Speaker, the 6 years I have served here I learned that Asian Americans have a unique contribution to make to this body and to this country, and that we because of our history in this country uniquely understand and recognize that our Constitution is never tested in times of tranquility. Our Constitution is always tested in times of trauma, terror, tension and tragedy. And to the point where we can internalize the principles of our Bill of Rights and our Constitution, and to the point where we understand that defending this Constitution and its people will we be able to face as Members of this body, face overwhelming public approval which could be wrong and stand up to them, say it is wrong because it does not follow the Constitution.
These are the kinds of heritage and contributions Asian Americans have made, will make and continue to make in this country so that we may fulfill the phrase in the preamble of our Constitution that says ``to form a more perfect union.''
In the words of Congressman Al Green, ``There will be a tomorrow.''
Mr. Speaker, I yield to my friend.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the reading of the amendment be dispensed with. Mr. President, I ask that Senators Murray and Cantwell be added as cosponsors to my amendment. Mr. President, it…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, I ask that Senators Murray and Cantwell be added as cosponsors to my amendment.
Mr. President, it has long been evident that our immigration system needs reform. The debate on immigration has been a long time in coming, and I am pleased that this body is moving forward on this important topic in such a comprehensive fashion. For our work on immigration to be truly comprehensive, however, we must address those issues that have received less attention in the debate as well as the front page issues.
My amendment is regarding one of those issues that has not received widespread attention but is of great importance. As a World War II veteran, this amendment is important to me personally, to Filipino- Americans, and to veterans. My amendment would grant the children of Filipino World War II veterans special immigrant status for the purpose of family reunification. Making this small change to our nation's immigration policy would go a long way toward making our immigration laws more just, and I am hopeful that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle will join me in supporting this amendment.
Before I begin a discussion on the specifics of my amendment, I would first like to thank my dear friend and colleague, the senior Senator from Hawaii, Daniel Inouye, for cosponsoring this amendment. In the 101st Congress, Senator Inouye authored section 405 of the Immigration Act of 1990, which provided for the naturalization of Filipino World War II veterans. Senator Inouye has a long history of being involved in this important effort and it is an honor to have his support on my amendment today. In addition, Representative Ed Case has introduced a similar bill, H.R. 901, in the House of Representatives.
To understand the significance of this amendment, it is important to first provide some background about the historical circumstances that got us where we are today.
On the basis of 1934 legislation enacted prior to Philippine independence, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt issued a 1941 executive order. Through this order, President Roosevelt invoked his authority to ``call and order into the service of the Armed Forces of the
United States, . . . all of the organized military forces of the Government of the Commonwealth of the Philippines.'' This order drafted over 200,000 Filipino citizens into the United States military. Under the command of General Douglas MacArthur, Filipino soldiers fought alongside American soldiers in the defense of our country.
Throughout the course of World War II, these Filipino soldiers proved themselves to be courageous and honorable as they helped the United States fulfill its mission. There was no question when they were fighting that they would be treated the same as American troops. For example, Filipino soldiers fought side-by-side with American soldiers in the Battle of Bataan and the Battle of Corregidor. When Bataan fell and the Bataan Death March began, Filipino soldiers were forced to march more than a hundred kilometers from Bataan to Tarlac along with their American comrades. Filipino soldiers faced hardships in concentration camps, and they endured 4 years of occupation by the Japanese. In every sense, Filipino soldiers proved their allegiance to our country through thick and thin.
These Filipino soldiers are war heroes, and they deserve to be honored as such. They served active duty service on behalf of the U.S. military, which should qualify them for the same benefits as other veterans of active duty. Congress betrayed these veterans by enacting the First Supplemental Surplus Appropriation Rescission Act in 1946, which included a rider that conditioned an appropriation of $200 million, for the benefit of the postwar Philippine Army, on the basis that service in the Commonwealth Army should not be deemed to have been service in the Armed Forces of the United States.
Commonwealth Army members were those called into the service of the U.S. Armed Forces for the Far East. These members served between July 26, 1941, and June 30, 1946. Similarly, Congress enacted the Second Supplemental Surplus Appropriation Rescission Act, which provided that service in the New Philippine Scouts was not deemed service in the U.S. military.
New Philippine Scouts were Filipino citizens who served with the U.S. Armed Forces with the consent of the Philippine Government. They served between October 6, 1945, and June 30, 1947.
This generation of veterans is predominantly in their eighties. Of the 200,000 Filipino veterans that served in WWII, there are close to 49,000 left. Some of these veterans receive U.S. benefits, some do not. By 2010, it is estimated that the population will have dwindled to 20,000.
With the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990, the courage of the many Filipino soldiers who fought alongside our troops during World War II was finally recognized by our Government, and Filipino veterans were offered the opportunity to obtain U.S. citizenship. According to the former Immigration and Naturalization Service, about 15,000 Filipino veterans live in the U.S. and became citizens between 1991 and 1995 under the authority of the Immigration Act of 1990. Between that time, about 11,000 veterans who live in the Philippines were successfully naturalized. These thousands of Filipino veterans clearly wished to spend their golden years in the United States, and I am pleased that the 1990 Immigration reform efforts offered them the opportunity to do so.
Unfortunately, the offer did not extend to the adult sons and daughters of these veterans. As a result, the brave Filipino veterans who fought on behalf of America, and who now live in America and continue to contribute to America, must do so alone. Due to a backlog in the issuing of visas, many of the children of these veterans have waited more than 20 years before they were able to obtain an immigrant visa. Unfortunately, many more are still waiting.
It is no secret that U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services in the Department of Homeland Security is facing significant backlogs. However, it is not as widely known that prospective family-sponsored immigrants from the Philippines have the most substantial waiting times in the world before a visa is scheduled to become available to them. What this means, is that these honorable Filipino veterans who faced numerous dangers to defend this Nation now face the prospect of spending the last years of their lives without the comfort and care of their families.
It is a shameful disgrace that the sons and daughters of these brave soldiers are now last in line to become citizens of our country. This is no way to honor Filipino soldiers who bravely fought on the front lines with American soldiers during World War II.
As a World War II veteran myself, I am proud to have answered my nation's call to active duty. During my time of active service, I was driven by a love for my country, and I was comforted by the love of my family. The support that a soldier's family offers during military service is an invaluable buoy to a soldier's spirit.
A family's role in caring and supporting for a soldier becomes even more important after active military service is completed. I was lucky to be surrounded by my family after my service. My heart goes out to those who were separated from their family for years and years due to bureaucratic backlogs.
As the ranking member on the U.S. Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs, I have seen firsthand the difficulties that veterans can face when readjusting to civilian life after serving in a war. For many veterans, the difficulty of returning to a home that has changed while at war is eased by being surrounded by the familiar faces of loved ones. While that window of opportunity has unfortunately passed for our World War II Filipino veterans, there are still many important ways that families enrich the lives of veterans after the initial readjustment phase. Being surrounded by the love and care of family, especially for World War II veterans facing their twilight years, offers a special source of support.
Action on this issue is long overdue, and it would be very meaningful for the Senate to pass my amendment during debate on the immigration bill. As you may know, Filipino Americans are celebrating their centennial this year. Late last year, the Senate accepted by UC S. Res. 333, a resolution to recognize the centennial of sustained immigration from the Philippines to the United States, and acknowledge the contributions of the Filipino-American community to our country over the last century.
The Filipino-American community has grown and thrived over the last hundred years. Today, Filipino-Americans are the third largest ethnic group in the State of Hawaii and represent one of the fastest growing immigration groups in the country. Filipinos have made contributions to every segment of our community, ranging from politics and sports, to medicine, the military and business. One of the foremost issues for Filipino Americans is our Nation's commitment to Filipino veterans, and passing my amendment would be a significant way to honor Filipino veterans during a historic year for the Filipino American community.
Over the years, I have listened to the stories of countless Filipino World War II veterans who have been separated from their families and who are patiently waiting in line. Every veteran has a unique story to tell, but those Filipino World War II veterans who have not yet been reunited with their family members share a universal bond of heartache.
Another important commonality among Filipino World War II veterans is hope. Those Filipino World War II veterans still separated from their families are hopeful that we will use this opportunity to rectify the unjust oversight in current law. The poignant truth behind this matter is that if we don't act now, we may not have another opportunity.
This weekend I am participating in the first annual ``A Time of Remembrance'' event, which honors the families of the American fallen. Family members from all 50 States will come to the National Mall at noon this Sunday, May 21, 2006, to recognize the important contributions our fallen heroes have made on behalf of America. I am proud to take part in this event, which points out the very real ways that families are impacted when soldiers courageously leave their family and fight to defend freedom. For those World War II veterans who are still with us, this event points to the importance of honoring them now, before it is too late.
Let us prove those wrong who say that we are waiting until enough veterans die before we right this injustice. These veterans have been waiting for 60 years to have their benefits reinstated. Unfortunately, our efforts to provide them with the benefits they were promised, the benefits they fought for, have been unsuccessful because opponents have cited the payment of such benefits as too costly.
The Filipino Veterans from World War II have already made extreme sacrifices. They should not be forced to endure the further sacrifice of life without their loved ones. It is time that the United States fulfill its responsibility to these veterans. The least we could do is help to unite these aging veterans with their families. We are a nation that keeps its word . . . not a nation that uses people for our own purposes and then casts them aside.
Ensuring that our World War II Filipino Veterans can enjoy and be supported by their family members in their twilight years is a simple yet profound way of honoring these war heroes.
My amendment has received strong support from Filipino veterans, the Filipino-American community, and the Asian-American community. The Japanese American Citizens League, the Organization of Chinese Americans, and the Asian Pacific American Legal Center have all endorsed my amendment. In addition, the American Coalition for Filipino Veterans, which represents over 4,000 Filipino Veterans across the country, has wholeheartedly endorsed my amendment with a letter of support that states:
S. Amdt. 2049 will be a timely benefit to address the
veterans' loneliness and will provide them with a partial
measure of U.S. veterans recognition that they were unjustly
denied in 1946.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the full text of the letter of support be printed in the Record.
My amendment has received a letter of support from the Asian American Justice Center. I ask unanimous consent that the full text of the letter from the Asian American Justice Center to be printed in the Record.
Mr. President, I urge my colleagues to honor their valiant contributions to our Nation by supporting my amendment.
Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.
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Mr. President, less than 24 hours after the Senate voted to protect American workers and to put them first when it comes to competition for jobs in this country, the Senator from Massachusetts has…
Mr. President, less than 24 hours after the Senate voted to protect American workers and to put them first when it comes to competition for jobs in this country, the Senator from Massachusetts has now offered an amendment that would literally gut the amendment that was adopted yesterday and put American workers in the back seat and foreign workers who wanted to come here and participate in a guest worker program in the front seat.
President Bush has spoken time and time again about a guest worker program that matches willing workers with willing employers. But Senator Kennedy's amendment would do nothing of the kind. It would allow people
to come to the United States and to self-petition without having an employer sponsor their petition, and it would not require proof that an American citizen is unavailable to perform that type of job.
Yesterday, the Senate--wisely, in my view--changed the underlying bill to require that American workers be put first before a guest worker could be provided a job and that, under the provisions of this bill, No. 1, they had to identify a job so they would not be here unemployed; and No. 2, that job first be offered to qualified American workers. Then, in that event no American workers were found available to perform that job, of course the guest worker provisions of the bill would kick in.
To make matters worse, the Kennedy amendment would allow an alien who has worked a total of less than 40 days in the United States--yes, that is about 6 days a year--to obtain a green card. That employment, 1 day out of every 60, could be self-employment. For some, that track record of employment should be sufficient evidence that the worker is invaluable to the American economy. What that means is that up to 200,000 unskilled workers a year would be eligible for a green card, irrespective of economic conditions, irrespective of whether that worker has actually been employed for the preceding 4 years and, most importantly, irrespective of whether there are unemployed U.S. workers available to fill those jobs.
Senator Kennedy had suggested that, by requiring an employer to determine that a qualified worker is not available, that would somehow subject foreign workers to exploitation. But let me be clear: Worker exploitation and abuse will not be tolerated under our laws and should not be tolerated under any circumstances. This amendment has nothing to do with protecting foreign workers against exploitation. What it has everything to do with is whether we are protecting American workers first.
With that, I will reserve the remainder of my time and yield the floor.
Mr. President, we split the time between 9 and 10 o'clock, but it was on the pending amendment. The Senator from Massachusetts has yet to call up the amendment. The only speakers who have been heard have been in opposition to the amendment, but the amendment has not yet itself been called up.
I want to make sure the balance of the time reserved is still preserved so we do not lose an opportunity to respond to the debate by the Senator from Massachusetts.
Mr. President, I yield myself 3 minutes.
Mr. President, the amendment Senator Kennedy is proposing guts the worker protection amendment agreed to by the Senate yesterday. It would do so by allowing workers to self-petition for legal permanent residency if they produce some documents which might indicate they are currently employed, but they will be necessarily retrospective in nature. In other words, you do not have a document necessarily that shows you are employed today or will be employed tomorrow. You may have a pay stub from the last week or the last month. So there is no way to determine whether the individuals who are self-petitioning, under this proposal by the Senator from Massachusetts, are actually going to be working.
No. 2, if they are working, there is no protection for American workers--first, that the Secretary of Labor certify that there were no sufficient U.S. workers willing, able, and qualified to perform those jobs.
If the proponents of this bill are serious when they say that certain provisions are needed because immigrants will do work that Americans won't do, then they should support the amendment agreed to yesterday and vote against the amendment that has been proposed this morning.
President Bush, again, has said the concept of a temporary worker program is to provide additional legal workforce for jobs that there are not enough Americans to perform. Yet this proposed amendment simply sidesteps that requirement entirely.
It further represents a shell game insofar as it would only require those workers in this country during an initial 4-year period to work about 6 days a year in order to obtain a green card.
This is about truth in advertising. If, in fact, the bill is going to represent something even close to what we have been told the purpose of it is, as represented, we need to make sure the actual language of the bill conforms to that and not pull a fast one on the American people by taking away the
very protection for American workers that the proponents of this bill have said are an important part of their legislation.
I yield the floor and retain the remainder of my time.
Mr. President, may I inquire how much time I have remaining?
Mr. President, I appreciate the clarification that the Senator from Massachusetts and the Senator from Arizona have made. This language has been somewhat fluid, and now I have it in front of me. I think I understand it, and I think I understand what the differences are between our two arguments.
Basically, it does retain a certification requirement by the Department of Labor. But the one who decides what the job requirements are and whether the foreign worker actually meets those job requirements is the worker him or herself and not an employer. This is, I believe, insufficient to protect American workers because, essentially, the foreign worker is the judge of his own abilities and also the judge of the job requirement for which the Department of Labor is supposed to certify there are not sufficient Americans available to perform. I think it bears, if not the same, I would say similar defects to the original underlying bill that was amended yesterday to reinsert American worker protections.
Let me speak a minute or two about the nature of what this position is. We are now talking, as Senator Dorgan said, about the so-called future flow, people who are not here yet. This has been described as a guest worker program. Senator Kyl and I will be offering an alternative to this so-called guest worker program which we describe as a temporary worker program because I believe this guest worker program is misnamed, mischaracterized, and is in no sense a guest worker program. That is because when you invite guests into your home, you expect at some point they might actually leave.
Under this guest worker program, as designed, that never happens. It invites as many as 200,000 individuals a year, under the Bingaman amendment, who can then come into the United States and work for a period of 4 years, and then, under the approach by the Senator from Massachusetts, self-petition for legal permanent residency and then get in line for American citizenship without regard to whether the American economy is in a boom or a bust. In times when the economy is very flat or when we are in recession, it is much more likely that American workers are going to be competing with foreign workers admitted under this so-called guest worker program.
I do believe calling this a guest worker program, when in fact it is a path to a legal permanent residency and citizenship, is a misnomer. In addition to damaging the prospects of American workers during times when our economy is not doing well and when there are not a lot of jobs available, it also hurts countries such as Mexico and Central American countries that have seen a massive exodus of their hard-working citizens to the United States, never to return.
What we need to do, for the benefit of America as well as the benefit of countries such as Mexico and those in Central America, is to reinstate this historical notion of circular migration; in other words, create a framework where people can come to the United States, qualify to work for a period of time, and then return home with the savings and skills they have acquired working in the United States.
A person who works at even modest pay in the United States under a temporary worker program can, in many
instances, go back home and live like a king in some of these countries, where their money goes a lot further and where their investment in a home or a small business will thereby create opportunity not just for them but also other citizens in those other countries.
I believe if we are ever going to narrow the gap between opportunities available in countries such as Mexico and those in Central America and South America and other countries--which is the basic reason why people leave to come to the United States, to find jobs and work, and we all understand why--we need to find some way of reinstating this pattern of circular migration so people do maintain their contacts and ties with their country and their culture and their family because otherwise we will never be able to satisfactorily address this phenomenon of illegal immigration, no matter what kind of caps we put on it, no matter how many folks we put on the border, no matter whether we build an actual wall or a virtual wall.
Unless we find some way of reducing the development gap between countries that are the net exporters of human labor and a country such as America, which is the importer of human labor from all over the world, we are never going to get to the bottom of this problem.
So that is another reason why I believe this amendment should be defeated. We will have further discussion later on transforming, I hope, the so-called guest worker program to a true temporary worker program and reinstating circular migration in a way that both benefits America and benefits those countries from which those workers come.
Mr. President, I reserve the remainder of our time and yield the floor.
Mr. President, I yield to the Senator from Arizona 5 minutes.
Mr. President, is it correct we have 3 minutes remaining?
Mr. President, where we have come from since yesterday afternoon is, we had a basic bill that provided no protection for American workers because it allowed foreign workers to self-petition without a job, without any type of certification there were no Americans available to fill the job, and we then adopted an amendment that would install some worker protections by requiring both of those things: that, No. 1, there is a job available; and, No. 2, there are not sufficient Americans to fill that type of job.
Now, under the amendment of the Senator from Massachusetts, we have gone from no worker protection to what I would call illusory worker protection--illusory worker protection--because this puts the decision to define the job requirements in the hands of the foreign worker. It also puts in the hands of the foreign worker--the self-interested individual, by the way, who is going to be staying or leaving depending on whether they meet these requirements--it puts in that foreign worker's hands the total and unilateral determination of what the job requirements are and, No. 2, whether that same foreign worker meets those job requirements; whereas, for everyone else in America, it is the employer who determines whether the prospective employee meets the job requirements.
The last thing I would say is, for every other category of visa, worker visa in America, under our naturalization and immigration system, there has to be some form of employer sponsorship. And this deviates from that pattern which I believe is important, and this represents an unprecedented break with that in a way that I think damages the prospects of American workers.
So I urge my colleagues to vote against the amendment.
I yield the floor and yield the remainder of our time.
Mr. President, the discussion this morning is once again on a subject called guest workers. I don't happen to think we ought to have a guest worker provision in this legislation. The discussion now…
Mr. President, the discussion this morning is once again on a subject called guest workers. I don't happen to think we ought to have a guest worker provision in this legislation. The discussion now is, if it exists in the legislation, what are the conditions under which guest workers can petition for citizenship, and so on and so forth. I hope we are not done with the question of whether there should be so-called guest workers or, as some call it, future flow, the soft- sounding words. They could call it tourism for all that matters.
What this is about is grafting onto this bill to deal with the question of illegal immigrants coming into this country--because we have quotas, and those who come in illegally are a pretty serious problem, the 11 million or 12 million people we think are here illegally--this is grafting onto this bill that deals with illegal immigration a proposal that people who live outside this country and have not come to this country before now are to come into this country as so-called guest workers or future flow. What are those people going to do? They are going to come into this country and they are going to work. It is as if the 11 million or 12 million are not enough, we need more.
The original proposition by the President was an unlimited number. The original proposition in the bill brought to the floor of the Senate was 400,000 a year, plus a 20-percent escalator. I tried to knock that out, and my amendment got clobbered, so I was unsuccessful. My colleague from New Mexico took the 400,000 down to 200,000. Actually, the substitute bill took it down to 325,000, then down to 200,000. However you calculate it, we are talking about millions of people who do not live in this country, who live outside of this country, who will come into this country for the purpose of taking jobs.
Here is the strategy. The strategy in the country these days, and it is a strategy embraced on the floor of this Chamber, is to export good jobs and import cheap labor. I don't hear any discussion on the floor of this Senate about American workers--none. You can go to the newspapers and see a discussion. You can see the headlines about American workers who are losing their jobs because their employers are moving the jobs to China or Bangladesh or Indonesia or Sri Lanka; and yes, some of those Americans are finding other jobs, and the headlines also tell us those jobs pay less than the jobs we used to have. We lost 3 million to 4 million jobs in just the last 4 or 5 years.
Alan Blinder, a very respectable mainstream economist, former Vice Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, has just written a piece and said this: This issue of exporting American jobs even as there is this urge to import cheap labor--he said this about exporting American jobs--he said there are 42 to 54 million American jobs subject to offshoring.
He said 41 to 54 million American jobs are subject to being moved out of this country in search of cheaper labor--at 33 cents an hour in China, perhaps Indonesia, Sri Lanka, wherever they would move to. He said that not all of the 40 million to 50 million jobs will leave this country by employers, not all will be moved out of this country by employers, but even those who stay are subject to the competition of lower wages abroad. Therefore, there will be lower wages, less health care, less benefits, and less retirement benefits.
That future for the American worker on one side, and on the other side we have this urge to import cheap labor.
Where does that urge come from? My understanding is the price the Chamber of Commerce requires to support this bill is that there be additional guest workers attached to it.
What is the purpose of that? That is the purpose of bringing in the back door folks who are willing to assume the bottom-end jobs.
The President and others say these are jobs the American people will not take. I don't think that is the case at all. They may not want to take them at current wages, at the bottom of the economic scale. We haven't changed the minimum wage for nearly 9 years. This Congress will not change the minimum wage. The President doesn't support it. If we change the minimum wage and perhaps pay what the jobs are worth at the lower economic level, at the bottom of the economic ladder, perhaps then we wouldn't need to import cheap labor. This is about importing cheap labor on the back side. That is what guest workers is all about. I know they call it ``future flow'' and guest workers. It is not about making 11 million to 12 million people legal
who are already here illegally. But more needs to be done. Allowing people who would normally be illegal and stamping them as ``legal'' is kind of a ``let's pretend'' approach.
I understand the Senate has already voted on my amendment, and I lost pretty handily, as a matter of fact. But I think there is more to do on this. The bill is still open for amendment. For example, we have a so- called guest worker provision which says let's pretend that illegal immigration is legal immigration. Should we have that provision that lasts forever and is permanent, or should we sunset it after a few years and have a real honest study by people who might evaluate how many Americans are losing their jobs as a result of this back door, cheap labor coming as replacement workers?
How many Americans are losing their jobs? I see very little discussion on the floor of this Senate in this debate about immigration which, after all, is all about jobs, among other things. I see very little discussion and Members standing up on the floor of the Senate saying: Let us wonder what this means to American workers. What does it mean to the steel worker? What does it mean to the punch press operator, to the fabricator or how about the farmer? What does it mean to manufacturing? Very few people are talking about American workers. It is all about immigration and how many additional guest workers we can bring into this country under this piece of legislation.
My understanding is that we will be on this bill for another week. That will give us time to revisit this so-called guest worker provision and see if we can write a piece of legislation--yes--which deals sensitively, without diminishing the dignity and worth of others who have been here some long while. Some have been here for 25 years. Some immigrants came here many years ago. They have children and grandchildren here. I don't want to, in any way, diminish their worth or their dignity or their value. We should deal with them in a way that is sensitive.
I don't think this Senate should jump on the notion advanced by business interests and the Chamber and others that we don't have enough cheap labor in this country, and we need to bring more through the back door as we are exporting good jobs abroad.
You talk about a recipe for economic trouble ahead, probably not for the people who wear blue suits in the morning and wear neckties all day and have jobs such as Senators and Congressmen. I do not know of anybody in this Chamber who has lost a job because their job was outsourced. Nobody here has lost their job because their job has been outsourced. It is other folks--folks working on the manufacturing line someplace, and they are called up one day and are told: You know what, our entire company is leaving. We are going to China because you can produce an Etch A Sketch in China for much less money. But the jobs have gone to China. Etch A Sketch is one example of hundreds of examples of jobs that go to China.
Those are the folks who pay the price. Those are the folks who have the burden of this sort of new economy. The ``world is flat'' economy-- move American jobs to China. The other folks who stay here, the folks who work at the bottom rung of the economic ladder, struggling to advance and pay their bills and take care of their families, they are now told: By the way, we also need to not just export jobs, but we need to import cheap labor.
I think is a recipe for disaster for this country. I don't think it works.
Our country became a great country and a world economic power because we built a burgeoning middle class, and that middle class had good jobs that paid well. There is no social program in this country as important as the good job that pays well, which allows people to work and take care of their families. There is no social program as important as that. These good jobs are shrinking away. You can go through the entire list, industry after industry, telling workers: We are going to move your job elsewhere, and we are going to shrink the jobs that remain here to $8 or $10 an hour. And by the way, what we would like to do is bring people through the back door whom we might be able to employ for $6 or $7 an hour.
That is the construct which is occurring throughout the country today, and I think it is fundamentally wrong.
My hope is we continue these discussions about guest workers. We will have other opportunities to offer amendments. I will have some, and perhaps we can get back to where we should be and that is dealing with the central question of our country's border; protect us first against terrorism; and, second, to enforce the quotas we have that allow people to come into this country legally. We have quotas with which we accomplish that. Seal this country's border so we have border protection and an orderly flow of people in and out of this country; and, second, enforce standards against employers that routinely and knowingly hire illegal workers.
I was here when we passed Simpson-Mazzoli. In fact, I went back and reread some of the debate on the floor of the Senate and House.
What was said was we are fixing immigration. Back then, there really was amnesty. Amnesty was given to a good number of millions of illegal immigrants. We said to employers: Don't you dare hire illegal workers. If people come into this country illegally to take Americans' jobs, don't you dare hire them. If you do, you will be subject to fines and penalties that are significant.
Guess what. There has been no enforcement at all. Last year, one company was subject to enforcement action in the entire United States of America; the year before, three companies in the entire United States. The message implies Katy bar the door; hire illegals if you like; pay substandard wages because they are illegal; don't worry, nobody is going to look; nobody is going to fine you; and nobody is going to enforce the law.
That is why this entire thing has failed. Twenty years later, we have the same language. You can change the names and it is the same language--going to get tough, going to fix this issue.
The fact is, if we don't decide, first, to secure our borders and, second, to have real sanctions against those who want to hire illegal immigrants for substandard wages, this will not work. All we are doing is playing let's pretend. We play that often around here. It is not going to work.
What we ought to do is stare truth in the eye on this issue and decide that we are going to do what is necessary to evaluate what the immigration issue is, how to fix it and go about the business of doing it. Instead, there is all this energy to see not only how we deal with the immigration issue but how we add a new guest worker program to bring people into this country who otherwise would be illegal and how do we bring new people into this country to take the jobs that American workers need. That doesn't make much sense to me, and it is not a proposition that I can support.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Probably 20 minutes. Madam President, today the Senate finds itself considering yet another amnesty for illegal aliens. After the defeat of a similar amnesty proposal last month, I had hoped that the…
Probably 20 minutes.
Madam President, today the Senate finds itself considering yet another amnesty for illegal aliens. After the defeat of a similar amnesty proposal last month, I had hoped that the Senate had seen the last of these efforts. I had hoped that the Senate, when given the time to consider the overwhelming opposition of the American people to amnesty, would pass a clean border security bill like the House did without amnesty, without a guest worker program, and without an increase in the annual allotment of permanent immigrant visas.
Sadly, the Senate is embarking on a path that contradicts everything we know--everything we know--about the position of the American people on this issue. It is an unpopular approach. It is the wrong approach.
The other night in his address to the Nation, the President endorsed the Senate amnesty plan to award U.S. citizenship to illegal aliens, and he announced the deployment of up to 6,000 guardsmen to the U.S. border with Mexico. The deployment of U.S. troops is intended to suggest an urgency about gaining control of the border that has been missing for many years, even since the September 11 attacks. Nevertheless, I have my doubts and concerns.
Guardsmen have been sent overseas two times, even three times--no, even
four times--and have come home fatigued and stressed out. They have been forced to sell businesses and to endure financial hardships because of their long absences.
Just a few months ago, the White House proposed to cut the National Guard by nearly 18,000 soldiers. The adjutants general of many States are reporting that they were not involved in discussions about the deployment of the Guard to our borders. So what assurances are there that sending troops to the border won't hamper our ability to respond to the floods in New England, another Hurricane Katrina, or another natural disaster?
The National Guard might be able to lend support to our border security, but that role must not be at the expense of the thousands of communities around the country that also depend on our Guard should disasters strike those towns or counties.
Press reports indicate that the Guard men and women will not be empowered to arrest aliens who attempt to cross our borders. I cannot help but wonder if this move to detail guardsmen to our borders is a political stunt to look tough at the expense of the brave citizen- soldiers who serve in the Guard.
The President would not have to call out the National Guard to secure the borders if he had supported even some--even some--of the nine-- nine, nine--separate amendments that I have offered since September 11 to hire and train more Border Patrol agents. If these amendments had been adopted--I say, if they had been adopted--the law enforcement agents would be in place right now helping to secure the borders.
Instead, the administration has consistently opposed these efforts as unnecessary and extraneous spending, saying that those funds would expand the size of Government. When I included $400 million in the fiscal year 2002 Supplemental Appropriations Act for border security, the President refused to spend it saying:
I made my opposition clear . . . We'll spend none of it.
That is what he said. That is what the President said. He said:
I made my opposition clear . . . We'll spend none of it.
As recently as last September, on a party-line vote, the majority defeated an Obey-Byrd-Sabo motion in conference on the fiscal year 2006 Homeland Security appropriations bill to add $100 million for border security. The administration opposed--yes, you heard me correctly--the administration opposed the Byrd-Craig amendment to the fiscal year 2005 supplemental appropriations bill to add $389 million for, what? For border security--border security. Fortunately, the amendment was approved and subsequently, despite administration opposition, the conferees approved $274 million. And as a result, there are now 500 more Border Patrol agents, 218 more immigration agents and investigators, and 1,950 more detention beds in place helping to secure our borders.
I will support any realistic effort to secure our borders, but I have to question the sincerity behind sham attempts that accomplish a token presence which only impose further hardship on our National Guard and may put communities at risk from natural disasters.
The sense of urgency that comes with deploying the National Guard is belied by the administration's consistent opposition to providing the necessary resources that our border security agencies need to do their job. Last month, I joined Senator Gregg in offering an amendment to the supplemental appropriations bill for Iraq to provide $1.9 billion for the Border Patrol to hire the agents and secure the equipment that they need to better secure the border. The President has threatened to veto the supplemental bill. It is difficult to believe that the President would oppose funding our border agencies sufficiently to do the job they were created to do, but that is the situation.
Immigration enforcement in our country remains a decidedly half- hearted effort. The administration claims to strengthen border security in one area, and then completely undermines it in another with amnesty proposals. That dangerous inconsistency is at the root of my opposition to the misguided amnesty proposal before the Senate.
I oppose this amnesty bill. I oppose it absolutely. I oppose it unequivocally. I oppose this effort to waive the rules for lawbreakers and to legalize the unlawful actions of undocumented workers and the businesses that illegally employ them.
Amnesties are the dark underbelly of our immigration process. They tarnish the magnanimous promise enshrined on the base of the Statue of Liberty. Amnesties undermine that great egalitarian and American principle that the law should apply equally and should apply fairly to everyone. Amnesties perniciously decree that the law shall apply to some but not to all.
This bill would create a separate set of immigration laws for those who choose not to follow the regular process that everybody else had to go through. It is a slap in the face to every immigrant who had to wait abroad to come to American shores, and to every immigrant who had to struggle and work to become a U.S. citizen.
It is a false promise to the many tens of millions of immigrants who would be authorized to settle in the United States under this bill with the infrastructure of our Nation--our schools, our health care system, our transportation and energy networks--increasingly unable to absorb this untenable surge in the population. Many employers are more than willing to take advantage of the cheap labor that this bill would provide, but the responsibility would fall on the Nation as a whole to make the public investments necessary to ensure that these workers do not fall into a state of poverty once they have arrived. We have our own problems to address without having to assume this additional burden to help American businesses find cheaper labor.
Amnesties beget more illegal immigration--hurtful, destructive illegal immigration. They encourage other undocumented aliens to circumvent our immigration process in the hope that they, too, can achieve temporary worker status. Amnesties sanction the exploitation of illegal foreign labor by U.S. businesses and encourage other businesses to hire cheap and illegal labor in order to compete.
President Reagan signed his amnesty proposal into law in 1986. At the time, I supported amnesty based on the same promises that we hear today; namely, that legalizing undocumented workers and increasing enforcement would stem the flow of illegal immigration. It didn't work then; it won't work today. The 1986 amnesty failed miserably. After 1986, the illegal immigrant population more than quadrupled from 2.7 million aliens to 4 million aliens in 1996, to 8 million aliens in 2000, to an estimated 12 million illegal aliens today.
In that time, the Congress continued to enact amnesty after amnesty, waiving the Immigration Act for lawbreakers. The result is always the same: For every group of illegal aliens granted amnesty, a bigger group enters the country hoping to be similarly rewarded. This bill encourages individuals on both sides of the border to flout the law. It is a congressional pardon for lawbreakers--both for illegal aliens and the unscrupulous employers who hire them.
What is backward about the pending bill is that it would actually expand benefits to illegal aliens rather than curtail them. It authorizes illegal aliens to work in the country. It grants illegal aliens a path to citizenship. It pardons employers who illegally employ unauthorized workers. It even repeals provisions in current law designed to deny cheaper, in-State tuition rates to illegal aliens.
The pending bill is an invitation to immigrants and employers alike to violate our immigration laws and to get away with it. Amnesties are dangerous proposals. Amnesties open routes to legal status for aliens hoping to circumvent the regular security checks. By allowing illegal aliens to adjust their status in the country, we allow them to bypass State Department checks normally done overseas through the visa and consular process. One need only look to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, where one of the terrorist leaders had legalized his status through an amnesty, to know the dangers of these kinds of proposals.
Our immigration system is already plagued with funding and staffing problems. It is overwhelmed on the borders,
in the interior, and in its processing of immigration applications. It only took 19 temporary visa holders to slip through the system to unleash the horror of the September 11 attacks, and the pending proposal would shove many tens of millions of legal and illegal aliens--many of whom have never gone through a background check-- through our border security system over the next decade, in effect, flooding a bureaucracy that is already drowning.
It is a recipe for disaster, and 6,000 National Guardsmen without the power to enforce our immigration laws and arrest illegal aliens are not going to make the difference between success and failure. Our Nation's experience shows that amnesties do not--do not--work. They encourage illegal immigration. They open our borders to terrorists. Our experience shows that we cannot play games with our border security or American lives could be lost.
I will oppose this amnesty bill, and I urge my colleagues to do likewise.
Madam President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, we are on the immigration bill. We have a lineup of amendments which we are anxious to take up. We have a considerable number of amendments pending on both sides of the aisle. Our lead…
Mr. President, we are on the immigration bill. We have a lineup of amendments which we are anxious to take up. We have a considerable number of amendments pending on both sides of the aisle. Our lead amendment is the one to be offered by Senator Kennedy. The amendment has now been reviewed, and I think it may be necessary to have a little extra time, which ought not to pose a problem since the vote will not occur until 10 o'clock. But Senator Cornyn would like 10 minutes of time, and Senator Kyl may want a little time, so my suggestion would be that, if the Senator from Massachusetts wants to start the debate, that would be agreeable. It is his amendment, obviously. We would then turn to Senator Cornyn for 10 minutes.
I would like to put other Senators on notice that we want to proceed with the other amendments. Senator Inhofe is next in line, then Senator Akaka, Senator Ensign, Senator Nelson, Senator Vitter, Senator Durbin, Senator Kyl, and Senator Chambliss. It would be appreciated if those Senators would come here at least 15 minutes ahead of the anticipated time their amendment will come up so that we could move right along and not lose floor time.
I yield to my distinguished colleague from Massachusetts.
Ten for Senator Cornyn, ten for Senator Kyl, and I would like five.
Yes.
Suppose we divide the time equally.
That is acceptable.
Agreed.
Mr. President, if Senator Cornyn would like to begin the debate, I yield 10 minutes to him.
Mr. President, I yield myself 3 minutes.
Mr. President, I opposed the amendment from the distinguished Senator from Texas yesterday because I believe there ought to be an opportunity for the immigrant himself or herself to file the petition. The amendment now pending by Senator Kennedy would leave it optional, leave the alternative: to be filed by the employer or to be filed by the immigrant. The vote yesterday was 50 to 48, and I was tempted to move to reconsider--I would have to change my vote to do that--but decided in the alternative that we would discuss the subject today with a different amendment.
The issue of not having the immigrant subject to the control of the employer is an important one, to see to it that the immigrant is treated fairly. When the Senator from Texas seeks to be sure the immigrant has a job so that the employer has to make the application and the job will not be taken from some other American, I can understand his point. But I think there is a higher value in not having the immigrant subject to the control of the employer, where there may be coercion and pressure as to the amount of compensation or as to working conditions, notwithstanding any other provision of law. There is ample protection that citizenship will not be granted, or the process will not move forward, because the Kennedy amendment simply gives the immigrant the right to file a petition. After the petition and the efforts are made to get into the citizenship line, it will be evaluated by the appropriate authorities. I think the concerns Senator Cornyn has in mind will be met.
I notice Senator Dorgan has come to the floor, and time has been reserved for Senator Dorgan--10 minutes. I yield to him at this time.
Mr. President, following this vote, the next scheduled amendment is by the Senator from Oklahoma, Mr. Inhofe. There are negotiations in trying to work it out. They are supposedly very close. So we are not sure whether we will have Senator Inhofe's amendment and a side-by-side laid down. We will try to determine that while the vote is on.
If they are table to work it out--or immediately following that, we will go to the amendment by Senator Akaka. We are going to try to work out time agreements so we can move the bill along on all of them.
Let me remind my colleagues, we are going to enforce the rules strictly to 15 minutes and 5 so we can move the bill along.
Let me also remind my colleagues on the Judiciary Committee that we are going to have our executive meeting in the President's Room. We had planned to have an executive meeting at 9 o'clock this morning, but then when the hearing on General Hayden was moved by the Intelligence Committee from 10 to 9:30, we could not have that meeting, so we are going to have it in the President's Room immediately following this vote.
I thank the Chair and yield the floor.
Madam President, may I ask the Senator from West Virginia how long he would like?
Madam President, that is entirely acceptable. I announce that following Senator Byrd we will be going to the Inhofe amendment. I understand they are very close on an agreement. If that agreement is reached, then I would like to move--although I am not asking consent for that now--to a 20-minute time agreement, if an agreement is reached, equally divided. If it is not reached, we will have side-by- side amendments. I alert Members as to what the schedule will be.
Following that, Senator Akaka is next in line, and we are considering a time agreement there, also.
I have been asked when the next vote will occur. I think we can move the bill most expeditiously if we continue to take up the amendments one at a time, but after the first votes bring all the Senators in to stack the votes. We will have a better idea as to when we will stack the votes when we have a better idea as to how many votes we will have.
Meanwhile, the Judiciary Committee is meeting in executive session in the President's Room, so I ask Judiciary Committee members to go to that meeting.
I thank the Chair and yield the floor to Senator Byrd.
Madam President, the distinguished Senator from Tennessee has been a leader in this field going back to his days as the Secretary of Education and Governor. Ten minutes would be fine. I think that is acceptable to Senator Alexander.
I would like to remind Senators we are trying to move the bill along. The next Senator in line is Senator Akaka, and I think we are likely to be ready for Senator Akaka very briefly. If he could come to the floor, we could move ahead with his amendment. I thank the Chair, and I yield to Senator Alexander.
Mr. President, will the Senator yield?
Mr. President, on scheduling, we have not been able to work out an agreement on the Inhofe amendment.
The Ensign amendment is about to go. We are trying to juggle schedules with one Senator going to a graduation and another Senator going to Florida. And if we can structure our schedules to have 12:30 votes, we can have two votes at 12:30, if the Senator from Nevada would be agreeable to a time limit between now and 12:30 equally divided. We will then be in position to vote on the Kennedy amendment. We will be in a position to vote on the Ensign amendment at 12:30. If we have the consent of Senator Inhofe--I have already discussed it with him informally--to set aside his amendment, the plan is to have a vote on the Inhofe amendment this afternoon. That will give time for others to have a side-by-side. That is how I would like to proceed.
Mr. President, I suggest we proceed with the Ensign amendment. I agree. The discussion with Senator Graham, Senator Inhofe, and Senator Durbin was very productive. Perhaps we could continue the discussion on an informal basis as we try to come to an agreement on language but meanwhile proceed to the Ensign amendment with the prospect of a vote around 12:30.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, may I inquire as to whether we might be set now to enter into a time agreement on this amendment?
Mr. President, Senator Lugar has come to the floor and would, jointly with me, request a few minutes as in morning business to introduce legislation.
Would the Senator from Nevada be willing to yield for--how long do you require, I ask Senator Lugar?
By all means. I will yield to Senator Ensign. And I ask unanimous consent that then Senator Lugar and I be recognized for 5 minutes each to introduce a bill.
I ask unanimous consent that 5 minutes be allotted to Senator Dodd after Senator Lugar and I speak.
Mr. President, we have tried to move along this position of the Ensign amendment, looking for a time agreement. Senator Sessions has asked for 5 minutes. If other Senators want to debate this amendment, I ask them to come to the floor. If there is no time agreement and there are no people to debate, I will move to table the amendment so we can get the bill moving.
I now yield to Senator Sessions.
Mr. President, Senator McCain is asking for some time. It is my hope that we can move ahead with either a time agreement or a vote on the Ensign amendment, but now I yield to Senator McCain.
Mr. President, we will hear from Senator Ensign in a moment on his amendment. If there are no other speakers desiring recognition to speak on this amendment, at the conclusion of Senator Ensign's comments, I intend to move to table.
To speak on the amendment?
How much time does the Senator desire?
I agree. I yield to Senator Ensign for some comments and then to Senator Dodd, and if no other speakers appear, I am going to move to table.
Mr. President, Senator Dodd is next in line to speak for 4 minutes, as agreed.
Mr. President, I believe there are no other speakers on the other side. I heard there would be no objection to a motion to table, not that I need permission to move to table. We have the Inhofe amendment pending. I very much want to get a vote on the Inhofe amendment this afternoon. So we can either come to a time agreement to finish debate or if there are side-by-sides that have been prepared so that we could move ahead there.
I would.
Mr. President, I move to table the Ensign amendment, and I ask for the yeas and nays.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, we have come to an agreement on sequence.
I ask unanimous consent we proceed next to Senator Akaka; thereafter, we proceed to Senator Vitter under a time agreement for 45 minutes; and the time from 2:40 to 4 o'clock be set aside for the Inhofe amendment, where the expectation is there will be side-by-side amendments, side- by-side for the Inhofe amendment, until 4 o'clock.
That is correct.
Mr. President, we will take half an hour for Senator Akaka's amendment. We will give him 25 minutes of that time. Senator Kennedy and I will take the remaining 5 minutes to accept it.
I ask consent for that.
Without any second degrees to Vitter and Akaka.
Mr. President, I further ask consent that following the sequencing already discussed, we take up an amendment from the Senator from New York, Mrs. Clinton.
I rise in support of this amendment. It is an important amendment. I point out that I appreciate very much the efforts of Senator Cornyn and Senator Kyl to have a respectful debate on this issue. We…
I rise in support of this amendment. It is an important amendment.
I point out that I appreciate very much the efforts of Senator Cornyn and Senator Kyl to have a respectful debate on this issue. We have honestly held views, and I am very appreciative of the level of this debate and our discussion not only in the Senate but in the cloakroom as we have worked out a number of differences we have had in a mutual effort to come up with legislation which is appropriate to the future of America.
The language in the amendment is identical to what we passed last night, only this amendment adds an additional paragraph giving the alien more of an opportunity to prove their current work status. If we allow people to gain permanent residency, we want them to be hard- working, upstanding individuals. The amendment allows illegal immigrants to prove, through the use of valid government documents--we would be more than happy to define ``valid government documents'' more carefully in report language or in additional amendments--they should have, we believe, an opportunity with secure, government-issued documents that they can prove they are eligible.
This is an important right they should be given. It releases them from the possibility of the bondage of an employer who would like to keep them in the status of which they are. That would only apply to a few, but this is a necessary addition.
The original Cornyn-Kyl amendment does not mandate that the employer attest they will employ this individual in the future, only that they employ them currently. This is an important amendment. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.
I reserve the remainder of my time for the Senator from Massachusetts.
Mr. President, I rise in strong opposition to the Ensign amendment. Under current law, undocumented immigrants are ineligible for Social Security benefits which I think is entirely appropriate. But we all know that millions of undocumented immigrants pay Social Security and Medicare taxes for years and sometimes decades while they work to contribute to our economy.
According to Stephen Goss, the Social Security Administration's chief actuary, three-quarters of illegal immigrants pay payroll taxes. These payments generate approximately $8.5 billion in Social Security and Medicare taxes each year. In fact, according to a 2005 New York Times article, the Social Security Administration records these payments in a so-called earnings suspense file, which grew by $189 billion in the 1990s and continues to grow by over $50 billion each year, generating up to $7 billion in Social Security tax revenue and about $1.5 billion in Medicare taxes. According to the article, most of these payments come from illegal immigrants.
The Ensign amendment would undermine the work of these people by preventing lawfully present immigrant workers from claiming Social Security benefits that they earned before they were authorized to work in our country. If this amendment is enacted, the nest egg that these immigrants have worked hard for would be taken from them and their families.
It pains me to disagree with my good friend from Nevada on this matter, but I believe the amendment is wrong. It is fundamentally unfair to collect taxes from these workers and then disqualify the taxes paid once the workers achieve legal taxes. I believe instead of supporting the amendment, we should stand for the principle that people who worked and paid into the Social Security system for years should be able to depend on their retirement income to which they contributed.
The amendment compounds the unfairness by ignoring the underlying legislation that already calls for payment of all back taxes and a $2,000 fine. So what we are asking the immigrants to do is pay all back taxes and, at the same time, forgo the taxes they already paid into the Social Security trust fund. It is fundamentally unfair.
As soon as I finish my statement, I will be glad to yield to my friend from Nevada.
I point out to my colleagues a recent Los Angeles Times article that indicates tens of thousands of undocumented immigrants are already lining up to pay current and back taxes. They want to do that because they want to play by the rules. So we are going to tell them there is one set of rules for them to pay their back taxes, but the taxes they have already paid they will receive no benefits for.
What about the fiscal consequences of the amendment? I submit that if Social Security is not available in the future for immigrants, that when they retire or become disabled, then State and local governments and potentially the Federal Government will be forced to absorb significant costs as the Federal Government has refused to provide services and supports paid for by tax dollars of millions of legal immigrants. This amendment would simply continue this trend.
The Senator from Nevada has argued that his amendment is about combating identity theft and that the bill before us says identity theft is OK. That is inaccurate. I don't know one Member of the Senate who would say: I support identity theft. Not one. In fact, the Senate Commerce Committee has been working to approve legislation, which I have cosponsored, to combat this egregious crime.
Identity theft is a serious issue. In fact, the highest rate of identity theft occurs in the State of Arizona. It happened to me and my wife. But this immigration bill isn't drafted to comprehensively address identity theft, and the amendment before us isn't going to do a thing to fix this problem. Maybe we should add the Commerce Committee legislation to the bill. I assume other Members may not be agreeable to doing that, but I stand ready to work with the Senator from Nevada, and I suspect the Senator from Massachusetts would be willing to join us in pushing legislation to combat identity theft in a meaningful, comprehensive way.
Now I will be glad to respond to any question the Senator from Nevada might have. I understand the patience of our manager is somewhat limited. Please go ahead.
The Senator is aware of that. When their employer pays them, the taxes are withheld.
As is true of anyone else who works in the United States.
The intent of the amendment is that they must pay and the legislation--I will be glad to state--must pay all backs taxes, a-l-l.
I am aware of that.
Under this legislation, we allow the illegal immigrants a path to citizenship which, if they are convicted of felonies or misdemeanors, according to an amendment, then they would be ineligible to embark on that path to earn citizenship.
The Senator is aware that when people come here illegally, obviously, they do not have citizenship, so, therefore, any Social Security number they use, whether it belongs to someone else or is entirely invented, is not valid. But I also know, if I can complete my answer to my friend, their taxes, part of their earnings are going into the Social Security fund, and that is a fact that it is theirs and their employers.
Mr. President, very briefly, of course, they didn't expect to receive benefits they had to pay into the system because they were here illegally. The whole thrust of this legislation is to give them not only Social Security benefits but, as importantly, the protections under the law, as they now live in the shadows and are exploited and mistreated in many cases. Of course, they didn't expect to. That is why we are going through this process of letting them earn citizenship.
The amendment of the Senator from Nevada will let you earn citizenship, but what you have paid into a system, you will not only not receive the benefits but on top of that is a $2,000 fine.
This is not about administrative costs. The fact is that each year the Social Security trust fund continues to grow by $50 billion, generating up to $7 billion in Social Security tax revenue and about $1.5 billion in Medicare taxes. So as to the Senator's argument that this could cost money administratively--yes. But the fact is that when these people came here, of course, they accepted--because they came here illegally and broke our laws--of course, they accepted the fact that they probably wouldn't get Social Security or Medicare or protection of our laws against exploitation and mistreatment and all of the protections that citizens have. We are trying to give them a path to earn that. Yet under the Senator's amendment, they would be ineligible for the same benefit of citizenship which we, under this legislation, are trying to make them earn.
I apologize to the Senator from Pennsylvania for taking additional time, and I understand the pressing time issue.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, just to put this debate in perspective for myself and myself alone, I wish I could speak an additional language. It would make me a better person. I think I would enjoy that…
Mr. President, just to put this debate in perspective for myself and myself alone, I wish I could speak an additional language. It would make me a better person. I think I would enjoy that experience. I know enough German just to be dangerous. I lived 4\1/2\ years in Germany, and I picked up a little of the language, but I was always somewhat embarrassed that all my German friends probably spoke better English than I, and several other languages. It would be great for our country if our young people could learn additional languages because we live in a global economy and a global world, and it would make America a better place.
However, what makes America a special place and what is the key to success in America, from an economic and social perspective, is to master or be competent in the English language. While I personally would like to be able to speak another language--I think it would make me a better person, it would change my life for the better--when it comes to our Nation, it is important that we focus as a nation on those things which unify us, and our common language is English. We need to understand that and promote that because if you are coming to America or you are here now, your life will be tremendously enhanced if you are fluent in the English language. Opportunities will exist for you that will not exist otherwise.
I know there are many people in this body from different places in the world, and some have parents or grandparents who came here not speaking a word of English. Some may have died not speaking a word of English, and their lives were just as valuable as anybody else's life, but we are trying, as a Government to make a policy statement here--it is a policy statement--but not change the law at the same time.
The goal of this amendment is to say English is the national language of the United States. That is true. I would encourage every American to learn another language, get your kids enrolled in taking Spanish or some other language because they will be more successful in a global economy. From an individual level, we would be better off if every American could master additional languages other than English. But from a national perspective, to make sure we maintain our national unity and our common sense of being one nation, it is important that we emphasize the need to assimilate into America by mastering the English language. Senator Inhofe is making a statement that needs to be made. I congratulate him.
What does this amendment do, and what is it intended to do? This amendment says:
The Government of the United States shall preserve and
enhance the role of English as the national language of the
United States of America.
That is a good policy statement. From an individual perspective, we should learn as many languages as possible, but from a national perspective, we need to promote assimilation in our society. The best way to assimilate into our society is not to abandon your native tongue but to also learn English.
I certainly will.
I will be glad to answer. That is a great question. Here is the way I view what we are trying to do. Please, others, speak up.
Even though we are trying, in this amendment, to promote the idea that English is the national language and the Government of the United States shall preserve and enhance the role of English as the national language of the United States of America, there is something else we are trying to avoid doing. The truth is that a variety of Government services are authorized and provided by law in languages other than English. That decision has been made in the Voting Rights Act. There are a bunch of incidences in our law through court decisions, statutory schemes, maybe regulatory schemes, that would authorize a service to be provided by the U.S. Government in a language other than English. My goal is to make sure, in trying to bring us together, focusing on English as an essential part of who we are, not to disturb that legal setting.
So if in the example of the Senator of someone who is needing translation in court because they are not competent in the language, the English language, and they can't understand the proceedings--if a judge determines that or there is a statute which requires that person be provided translation, interpreting services, nothing in this amendment would override that.
Yes.
Right.
Go ahead.
Let's go back to the original question and incorporate it into the answer. The Senator asked me if I know of a case where the American Government provides a service in some language other than English that I find unjustified? The answer is overwhelmingly no. We do provide, at the Federal level, bilingual ballots and other services outside of English for a reason, and I think those reasons are good.
The Senator from Oklahoma gave an example. I believe it is a Federal statute that makes sure that due process rights of people not sufficiently trained in understanding English are preserved. At some point in time--in 1978 or whenever it was--Congress came along and said: There will be services provided in a language other than English in a court setting. Not only do I think that is just, but I want to preserve it.
Here is the ultimate answer to the Senator's question. If there is an example of an injustice in the Senator's mind as an individual Senator, where the Government of our country is providing a service not in English, this will not remedy that injustice.
That is what I am trying to say. Passing this amendment, voting for this amendment will not remedy that injustice. If you find one, you would have to come to the floor of the Senate and introduce a bill--a regulation--because this does not do that.
What Senator Inhofe said is absolutely right. The reason I am going to vote for this is because I think it tries to unite us without taking off the table exceptions to English or services provided other than English. It doesn't disturb the legal situation in this country by a statute, regulation, court decree or an Executive order conferring rights of people to receive services other than English. If I thought it did, I wouldn't vote for it.
Mr. President, I will give the Senator my answer and then yield to anyone. I know we need to wrap this up.
In my opinion, the phrase, ``unless otherwise authorized or provided by law,'' we would preserve that service. Simply stated, that language to me is intended to make sure that whatever service is provided in a language other than English, our Federal Government is not disturbed. If you want to disturb it, you would have to come back and do something else.
May I suggest why I think we need to do this and why I support Senator Inhofe. We have gone through a great debate in this country, which is long overdue. What does it mean to be an American? And what role unites us and what divides us? I think it is time for this body to say two things: We will continue to provide services other than English out of a sense of justice and fairness, and we are not going to disturb that because I think there is a goal for that in our society.
But as we debate how to assimilate 11 million people, we need to make it clear that it is the policy of our Government not to change the law but is the goal of our Government to enhance our common language, English. To me, that is a good thing to say because when the demonstrations are in the streets with Mexican flags, they have the right to fly any flag, but some of us have to respond to that. I am supporting the bill, but I am not going to sit on the sidelines and watch demonstrations that destroy national unity. I am trying to bring us all together, and I want the individuals who are here and undocumented to be documented by taking civics classes and taking an English proficiency exam.
Why do we ask them to do that? Why is that part of the pathway to citizenship? We all know if they don't become proficient in English, they will never achieve their own individual value and will be hurting our country. And we are trying to reinforce that without doing it in a way that would deny services already provided in languages other than English. That is why it is important to me. That is why I will vote for it.
I yield the floor.
Madam President, I see the manager of the bill. I wonder if it would be appropriate for me to go ahead for about 10 minutes on the Inhofe amendment. Madam President, could I be notified when I have…
Madam President, I see the manager of the bill. I wonder if it would be appropriate for me to go ahead for about 10 minutes on the Inhofe amendment.
Madam President, could I be notified when I have 60 seconds left?
I think Senator Inhofe, the Senator from Oklahoma, has been looking at the original motto of the United States which is above the Presiding Officer's chair: e pluribus unum, ``one out of many,'' in our antecedent language of Latin because he has done a very good job, I think, of helping to say what the body as a whole would like to say, and I hope this is something all Senators can agree on.
Here is what the Inhofe amendment, of which I am proud to be a cosponsor, does. No. 1, it states the obvious: that English is the national language of the United States. But in so stating, it does not prevent those who are today receiving Government services in other languages from continuing to do so. We can have those discussions at another time.
The second thing it does is it adopts an idea that has been suggested by Senator Grassley, the Senator from Iowa, on another occasion during the debate on this bill; that for those immigrants who are currently in the country illegally but who may be able to adjust to a legal status under the way this bill is finally written, it establishes a clear English language requirement for them to become lawful permanent residents.
The third thing it does is it establishes clear goals for the tests that immigrants take to become new American citizens, so that they know English, our common language, and so that they know American history. That test is currently being redesigned by the Department of Homeland Security. In doing so, this part of the Inhofe amendment picks up language that had been offered before by Senator Reid and by me, and by Senator Kennedy and Senator Dodd, as we worked to create summer academies for outstanding students and teachers of American history.
It should surprise no one that the Senate would pass a resolution stating that our national language is English. I can remember being at an education meeting in Rochester in the late 1990s, when someone asked: What is the rationale for common schools? And Albert Shanker, the late president of the American Federation of Teachers, said the public schools, the common schools of America were created to help largely immigrant children learn reading and writing and English and mathematics with the hope they would go home and teach their parents.
So for a long time, we have tried to help new citizens learn our common language so we can speak to one another, and that has been English. Since 1906, our naturalization laws have required new citizens to know English and be able to pass tests in English.
The Senate, at the beginning of the immigration debate, put a value on the English language by approving an amendment that said that the federal government would offer $500 grants paid for out of visa fees by those who are legally here, who are seeking to become prospective citizens. In other words, we want to help people learn English.
That same amendment said that if you become fluent in English, we will cut a year off the time you have to wait to become a lawful, new citizen from 5 years to 4 years.
I remember when I was Education Secretary for this country 15 years ago, when I went to the Southwest United States and someone told me: Well, you will probably find a lot of people who
object to learning English. But I found just the reverse. I found a lot of men and women in the Southwest United States who were upset with me because they didn't have enough help to learn English. They wanted to learn the national language, the common language of the United States.
The Inhofe amendment is in that spirit. I have always believed that the luckiest children in our country are those who speak more than one language, whether it is Spanish or Chinese--which, after Spanish, is the next most widely spoken language in our country--but that one of those languages must be English, and children should learn it as quickly as is practical.
The second part of the Inhofe amendment should not surprise anyone because it incorporates language Senator Sessions had offered to try to make certain that the U.S. history test that new immigrants take if they wish to become citizens is a good test and includes the key documents and key events and key ideas of our founding documents. As I mentioned, that has broad support on both sides of the aisle here, with the Democratic leader, as well as the Republican leader, Senator Sessions, Senator Kyl, and others, having been involved in that.
Finally, it should be no surprise that the Senate, in the middle of a debate on a very important subject, finds talking about our common language, our national language, English, an important matter, and talking about U.S. history an important matter. In many ways, there is nothing more important to discuss if we are talking about immigration because the greatest accomplishment of our country is not our diversity, even though that is a magnificent part of our country. It is that we have taken all that diversity and molded it into one nation on something other than race and ancestry.
We have this enormous advantage in the world today, an advantage France and Germany don't have. People have a hard time thinking of how to become German, how to become French, how to become Italian, how to become Chinese, how to become Japanese. But if you come to this country and you want to become a citizen, you must become an American and you must learn our common language. That is a part of it, and it has been for 200 years.
The greatest, most practical limit on the number of new immigrants who can come to our country is our ability to assimilate them into our culture to help them become Americans.
The Inhofe amendment is a very carefully constructed amendment to try to make sure that we are heard properly in this country. We value every language. We value every ancestry. We value every background that is here. It is what makes our country so special. I, for one, hope our children grow up speaking more than one language. But we need to be able to speak with one another, and we need to understand those principles which we debate here in the Senate. Just look at this debate on immigration. We are debating four great principles with which we all agree, but we apply them in different ways. They are the rule of law; they are laissez faire, about our free market system; they are equal opportunity, giving everybody a fair chance at the starting line; and e pluribus unum, the idea that we are one nation from many.
This amendment is as important as any amendment which is being offered because it helps take our magnificent diversity and make it something even more magnificent. It recognizes that only a few things unite us: our principles, found in our founding documents, and our common language. We are proud of where we have come from, where our ancestors have come from, but to make this land of immigrants truly one country, we must have and honor our national language, our common language, and that language is English.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I inquire as to the regular order and the time agreement reached on the next few amendments. And…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I inquire as to the regular order and the time agreement reached on the next few amendments.
And the vote will take place at 10 o'clock?
Mr. President, the next amendment coming up will be the amendment we refer to as the English national language amendment. Since there is some time right now, unless someone else wants the floor, I can discuss what it is all about.
I inquire, is someone requesting time?
I thank the Senator.
As I understand it, on our side there is 17 minutes remaining, is that correct, and I can use a few minutes?
I thank the Senator for that generous offer. I will not make any comments at this time and will wait until our amendment is up. We will discuss it then.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
I ask for the regular order.
I ask unanimous consent that the amendment be modified with the changes that are at the desk.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to add as cosponsors several Senators, including the distinguished senior Senator from West Virginia, Senator Byrd, and Senators Alexander and Kyl.
Madam President, this is, I believe, a very significant amendment. We have had an opportunity to talk to people who had problems. In addition to making English the national language, we also unify some of the applications in terms of legalized immigrants.
I have had the honor of speaking at naturalization ceremonies. It is a very warm thing to know that these people come in and do it the legal way, the right way; wherein they have to, and they do, learn the language. We have some language in here that Senator Alexander had suggested that I think makes this a better bill, and I think Senator Kyl and Senator Sessions also have this language. So it goes beyond that.
Basically, what it does is it recognizes the practical reality of the role of English as our national language. It states explicitly that English is our national language, providing English a status in law that it has not had before. It clarifies that there is no entitlement to receive Federal documents and services in languages other than English. It declares that any rights of a person and services or materials in languages other than English must be authorized or provided by law. It recognizes the decades of unbroken court opinions that civil rights laws protecting against national origin and discrimination do not create rights to Government services and materials in languages other than English, and establishes enhanced goals of the DHS as redesigned. This is what I talked about in trying to make those more uniform.
I think Senator Alexander wants to make a few comments. I would only say that this is something that is more significant probably to the American people than it is inside this Chamber. I know there is opposition to this. There are some people who don't believe that English should be our national language. If you look at some of the recent polling data, such as the Zogby poll in 2006, it found 84 percent of Americans, including 77 percent of Hispanics, believed that English should be the national language of Government
operations. A poll of 91 percent of foreign-born Latino immigrants agreed that learning English is essential to succeeding in accordance with the United States, according to the 2002 Kaiser Family Foundation poll.
Also, we heard the other day, when President Bush made his very eloquent statement, he said:
An ability to speak and write the English language, English
allows newcomers to go from picking crops to opening grocery
stores, from cleaning offices to running offices, from a life
of low-paying jobs to a diploma, a career, and a home of
their own.
So I believe this is something very significant that we are doing today that people have talked about now for four decades that I know of, and I believe it should be popular.
I yield to the Senator from Arizona.
I appreciate the comments of the Senator from Arizona, who was very instrumental in coming up with some good language that made this a better piece of legislation.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator Frist be added as a cosponsor.
I thank Senator Sessions for the contributions he has made. You and Senator Alexander have both made contributions, and I think it would be appropriate for me to yield some time to Senator Alexander because he can articulate some of the other areas that we are addressing here, other than English as the national language.
First of all, I do appreciate as always the very eloquent Senator from Tennessee giving the historic perspective. I think it is important to understand that virtually every President throughout the history of America has made statements to that effect. Teddy Roosevelt said in a speech:
We must also learn one language and that language is
English.
President Clinton said in his speech in 1999, in talking about immigrants:
New immigrants have a responsibility to enter the
mainstream of American life. That means learning English and
learning about our democratic system of government.
We heard just the other day in a speech given by our President that it is necessary in order to unify us and to leave all the obstacles that are out there.
I thank not just the obvious ones who have been speaking already, but Senator McCain and Senator Graham have been a very important part in making changes, along with Senator Alexander and the occupant of the chair, the junior Senator from Florida.
At this time, I would like to hear from Senator Graham. I yield to him whatever time he desires.
Will the Senator yield so I can answer this question?
First of all, if you look at the second page of the bill, it provides:
Unless otherwise authorized or provided by law. . . .
So we have that set up for exceptions that are already in law.
Now, the Court Interpreters Act was passed in 1978. They did not, prior to that time--there was a problem that corrected. That act, the Court Interpreters Act, protects already existing constitutional rights such as the 6th amendment, the right to confront witnesses speaking against you, and the 5th amendment and 14th amendment and due process. The United States--I think it was in Negron v. New York. That is a Federal case which is often cited to support the right to an interpreter in Federal and State proceedings. So it is Federal and State proceedings. I believe that exception takes care of the problem you have.
Reserving the right to object.
I object.
And for clarification, there would be a vote on the Inhofe amendment at 4:15; is that correct?
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I thank the Senator from Oklahoma for his good work because we are now a Nation of people of different faiths, different skill sets, different backgrounds, different colors of skin, and different…
I thank the Senator from Oklahoma for his good work because we are now a Nation of people of different faiths, different skill sets, different backgrounds, different colors of skin, and different nationalities. Where we once were apart, now we have become Americans. The thing that makes this country effective is being able to communicate with one another in a common language. I think that is an ideal of America that is important. I think any Nation, historically, that has divisions based on language, begins to have a lot of complications and problems. So I am pleased that Senator Alexander and Senator Inhofe have worked hard on this, that they have come up with language that also includes more extensive training and learning on behalf of new citizens about what it means to be an American. No one has been more articulate over the years on this than Senator Alexander.
I offered an amendment on it and worked with Senator Inhofe and Senator Alexander and others, and we have reached a common accord with an amendment I think everyone can support that will help unify us as a Nation and make sure we are one people, all Americans, adhering to the highest ideals of this great country.
Senator Inhofe, thank you for your work and, Senator Alexander, I appreciate your leadership also.
Mr. President, regarding the Ensign amendment, I will say a few things. No. 1, Social Security is a benefit this country provides to American citizens and people lawfully in this country. That is what it is about, the benefit. For the most part, people get more out of it than they put into it. That is one reason it is going bankrupt.
The people covered by Senator Ensign's amendment have done a number of things that are illegal. They have come into the country illegally or they would not be here, or they would be legal and would be not covered by his amendment. They have worked in the country without authorization, and you are not allowed to work in this country if you are not here legally. So they have committed a second illegal act. In the course of working in this country, they may have submitted forged, false, stolen, or bogus Social Security numbers--a separate crime, if you examine the U.S. Code. Maybe they have even broken other laws.
As Senator Ensign pointed out, so many of these numbers are other people's numbers, seizing their identity and causing all kinds of confusion and disruption in their lives.
Under the language of the bill, not only do they get protection from prosecution for violation of these laws, they would be given the benefits of Social Security. Although he clearly makes--properly so--an exemption for those who came into the country legally under a visa, got a legal Social Security number but overstayed, at least they had a legitimate Social Security number.
Mr. President, I had an opportunity, for strange reasons, in my career as a prosecutor and as a private lawyer to deal with contracts based on illegality. I had a situation in which a client--a young man-- was sued by a home builder on the note that he signed to the home builder. The reason he signed that note was the home builder loaned him the downpayment to buy a house. The mortgage and the Federal act required that the deposit or downpayment be your own money or you could not fund it by a mortgage. The builder was in on the deal. He was there at the closing of the loan. He got the big check, so when it came to suing on
that note, I defended the client and said the court had no jurisdiction over the case. There is a principle of law--in our English American tradition--founded on fraud, stating that a contract founded on illegality cannot be enforced in court.
So that person who comes into our country illegally and submits a false Social Security number has no legal right to expect to ever collect on that amount. Also, in addition to legally not having a right to that, they have no moral right to that. To have a moral right to come to court, you ought to have clean hands. You should be a person that is legitimately here and then you can make a legitimate claim. I see no reason these persons who come here in order to work and, as a cost of doing business, accept and sign up for Social Security without any expectation whatsoever that they would ever draw those Social Security benefits, should now be awarded by this legislation that would allow them to get it. They would say they paid into it, so they are entitled to it. Not so, in my opinion.
I see how you can make this remark, but I think we are too far down the road of an entitlement mentality. This whole bill contemplates people having an entitlement to come to America, to bring in their parents and children, and they are entitled to have them ultimately be on Medicare and go to hospitals and be treated, even though they are not properly here.
We need to clarify our thinking. We are a great nation, a nation of laws. Let's think this through. That is all I am saying. I submit to my colleagues that the process by which an immigrant who comes here illegally, works illegally, and illegally submits a false, bogus, fraudulent Social Security number as a price to get the job and be paid, that is no entitlement to claim that money--not legally because it is founded on a false claim and a false premise, and not morally because they knew they weren't entitled to it when they came. They knew they were here illegally and they never expected to receive it.
I think the Senator from Nevada has proposed an amendment that is important. It asks us to think, for a change, in this body about what it is going to do, and what it will do to our Nation's bottom line and with regard to the message we send regarding whether we are serious that people should follow the law.
We need to quit rewarding unlawful conduct. Unlawful conduct should have penalties and should result in detriments, not benefits. That is what we are saying. If we don't get that straight in this debate, whatever new laws we pass about immigration, whatever new policies we set, how much of a joke will they be? Will they be the same joke, the same mockery of law that we have had for 20 years since the last amnesty we issued? That is what the American people are asking us to do. Let's create a system that actually works.
Sometimes you have to make decisions. Somebody who came here illegally and worked illegally and submitted an illegal Social Security number is not entitled to draw on the Treasury of the United States. I thank the chairman and I yield the floor.
Thank you very much, my colleague, Congressman Honda, the distinguished Chair of the Asian Pacific American Caucus. I am pleased to join you, and I thank you for your leadership in calling this…
Thank you very much, my colleague, Congressman Honda, the distinguished Chair of the Asian Pacific American Caucus. I am pleased to join you, and I thank you for your leadership in calling this Special Order to acknowledge Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. It is a time when we can focus on and sing the praises of the contributions of the Asian Pacific American community to our great country. I wish to associate myself with your extensive remarks and praise of the proud community that you are a part of and thank you for your leadership in the Congress.
I was interested in your comments, where you talked about Katrina and what happened at a time of natural disaster. As you acknowledged, I represent the great City of San Francisco in the Congress, and we are blessed in our community with a large Asian Pacific American community. They have built our city. They have been part of its growth and its success.
This year, we observed the 100th anniversary of the 1906 earthquake. At that time, it was a sorry, sorry sight to see, San Francisco.
A black mark on that time, but one that was averted, but was suggested, was when the earthquake came and the city burned, thousands of people were displaced in downtown San Francisco's Chinatown. It was a horrible thing. There were those in the press who suggested, who wrote in the daily metropolitan journals which were published almost immediately, they suggested that now might be a good time to get rid of Chinatown, get rid of foreigners and everything that went with it. Of course, they had their eye on this prime real estate that was Chinatown right in the heart of downtown San Francisco. But their motivation was not only commercial; it was also racist, quite frankly.
Fortunately, the city leaders at the time rejected that unfair notion and Chinatown was rebuilt, and it is such a magnificent part of our community to this day. It attracts visitors from all over the world and all over California because it is such a magnificent place. It is so invigorating to go there. When you do, you are constantly reminded of the contribution that our Asian Pacific American community makes to America.
We talk about family values. The Asian Pacific Americans take the lead. Their coming to our shores, whether it was over a century ago to build the railroads, whether it is a few days ago, each one of them brings to our community family values, this wonderful optimism and determination for a better future for their children, this courage. Imagine the courage to leave home to come to America, no matter when it was or is now. And they bring a commitment to community, to academic success. They make America stronger, and we owe a great debt of gratitude to the Asian Pacific Americans in this regard. As I say, I see it firsthand in my own community.
But how similar it was in 1906, when the earthquake came and there were those, for whatever reason, who thought this was a good idea to change the community that was San Francisco. Fortunately, it was rejected.
Sadly, it resembled some of the rhetoric following Katrina in New Orleans; and hopefully those notions will be rejected as well, because as we rebuild these cities, we must always remember to rebuild the communities that strengthen them.
I am proud to pay tribute to AAPI leaders in my City of San Francisco who have recently passed away since we had this meeting last year, but leave their legacies. George Wong was a pioneer in the labor movement who worked until his death to ensure that workers' rights were protected.
The Godmother of San Francisco's Japantown and a leading community activist, ``Sox'' Kitashima, she was just fabulous, Sox was, a driving force behind the Japanese American redress movement.
The late Joe Yuey distinguished himself during his 100 years of life as Asian art enthusiast, amassing a collection that is part of the world-renowned San Francisco Asian Art Museum.
Jade Snow Wong was a famous author, ceramicist and businesswoman, whose book ``Fifth Chinese Daughter'' is included on school reading lists across our Nation.
The legacy of all these outstanding people is one that must be carried on as an example for other Americans to follow.
And let us also remember this year as the centennial of Filipino immigration to the United States. My colleague Mr. Honda has referenced the magnificent contributions of the Filipino American community.
The first Filipinos arrived on the shores of Hawaii to work on the sugar plantations in 1906, again, 1906, a year fraught with meaning, with the belief that a better life could come from hard work and determination. Filipinos continued migrating to the United States, as they are now the second largest AAPI population, making remarkable contributions to our country.
My colleagues have referenced the great contributions, not only the Chinese, the Japanese, the Vietnamese, Cambodians, people from Laos, from South Asia, from India and Pakistan and from so many places in Asia, so different one to the next of these groups, the Korean Americans, the list goes on. They all make a wonderful contribution, and we should acknowledge all of it.
I am very pleased to share in this Special Order with you, Mr. Honda, because you, frankly, laid out some of the problems and challenges that were faced by the community over time.
I am proud to serve with you, and I am proud to serve with Eni Faleomavaega and our colleagues Congresswoman Matsui and David Wu, with you and others.
I also want to acknowledge the loss of our dear friend, Bob Matsui, whom we served with. Over a year-and-a-half ago he left us, but his inspiration is still with us here. And Patsy Mink. There can be no discussion of Asian Americans in Congress without mentioning the exceptional leadership of Congresswoman Patsy Mink, who served from Hawaii.
The list goes on and on, and the legacy does too. But the future is brighter because of the contributions of the Asian Pacific American community, and it is appropriate that this heritage month be established and be commemorated.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in honor of Asian Pacific American Heritage Month and to recognize the role that Asian and Pacific Islander Americans play in our nation. I want to thank Mr. Honda, the…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in honor of Asian Pacific American Heritage Month and to recognize the role that Asian and Pacific Islander
Americans play in our nation. I want to thank Mr. Honda, the Chairman, and Mr. Faleomavaega, the Vice Chairman, of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus for their commitment to and leadership of the Caucus and their efforts on behalf of our communities.
Asian Pacific Islanders are leaders in academia, in the arts, in all levels of government and the military, and in the private sector. They contribute to all aspects of American life and, in doing so they enrich the lives of Americans and make this country stronger. This month is set aside to honor their successes and contributions.
As we celebrate Asian Pacific Islander traditions this month, we must remember those pioneers who forged the path on which we walk today. Their work, their sacrifices, and the impacts they made on America provided the foundation of understanding of Asian and Pacific Islander cultures, traditions, and heritage, all of which have opened doors for current and future generations. True to this record, Asian Pacific Islander American achievements today will inspire and support future generations of Asian Pacific Islanders to excel tomorrow.
This year's theme is ``Dreams and Challenges of Asian Pacific Americans.'' It is through these strong dreams that the Asian Pacific Islander community has progressed. As we come together to celebrate another Asian Pacific American Heritage Month, I am reminded of the many contributions and successes of our community. The importance of our community has been recognized by the White House. On May 13, 2004, President Bush signed Executive Order 13339, which created the President's Advisory Commission on the White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. This was a significant step in voicing the special needs of the APA community through the Executive branch of government. One of Guam's very own was chosen to serve on this Commission.
Martha Cruz Ruth is one of fourteen APAs appointed by the President to serve on the President's Advisory Commission for the White House Initiative on Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. The Commission was chosen based on their history of involvement with the APA community and for their expertise in a specific field. Mrs. Cruz's specialties range from media affairs and marketing to local politics, having served a term in Guam's Legislature in 1987, and she brings a unique voice to this Commission.
Asian Pacific Americans have demonstrated a long and distinguished history of service to this country. Many have served in our armed forces. On Guam, our men and women volunteer for military service at higher rates per capita than any state in the union. We owe each and every one of these servicemen and women a debt of gratitude for their service and sacrifice.
Through hard work and dedication, Asian-Pacific Americans have risen through the ranks to the top levels of military leadership. General Eric K. Shinseki, holds the distinction of being the highest-ranking APA in the U.S. Army. Major General Antonio Taguba, who served as the chief investigator during the Abu Ghraib prison scandal, is only the second Filipino American to rise to the position of General in the U.S. Army. Brigadier General Vicente Tomas (Ben) Blaz, of Guam, had a distinguished career with the U.S. Marine Corps, and he made our island proud when he was promoted to Brigadier General in 1977. In 1984, after retiring from the Marines, General Blaz came here to our nation's capital to serve as Guam's Delegate to the U.S. House of Representatives and served in that capacity for eight years.
Among those who have served in the military, I especially want to remember those who have given their lives to protect our freedom, including those who lost their lives in the Global War on Terrorism. Specialist Christopher Jude Rivera Wesley, Lieutenant Michael Aguon Vega, Specialist Jonathan Pangelinan Santos, Specialist Richard DeGracia Naputi, Jr., and Specialist Kasper Alan Camacho Dudkiewicz are five of Guam's sons who were killed in Iraq. In addition, the Micronesian region has lost six of its own sons. Though their deaths sadden us, their courage reminds us that freedom is never free.
The Asian Pacific American communities have embraced America as our home and have thrived through the limitless opportunities this country has to offer.
Today, as we go forward celebrating ``Dreams and Challenges of Asian Pacific Americans,'' let us celebrate the unique histories and stories of our people.
This year the people of Guam will commemorate the 62nd anniversary of our liberation from enemy occupation by U.S. armed forces during World War II. As the only American territory with a civilian population occupied by the enemy during World War II, the people of Guam risked their lives to protect American servicemen from capture and endured great hardships and suffering. I want to recognize the people of Guam for their steadfast loyalty during these trying times.
Guam continues to play an important role in our nation's relations with Asian countries. Recently, Secretary Donald Rumsfeld announced the re-location of marines from Okinawa to Guam as part of a major realignment of forces in Japan. With the impending arrival of 8,000 Marines from Okinawa, our island is planning for a period of tremendous growth. We look forward to making a significant contribution to peace and security in the western Pacific and Asia, and we hope that the realignment of forces will strengthen the U.S.-Japan alliance.
As we celebrate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month, let us honor the contributions of all Asian and Pacific Islander Americans. Let us ensure that their stories are known to the younger generation. Let us celebrate the beauty of our cultures and the richness of our heritage. And let us celebrate how we help make America the great country it is.
Dangkulo na Si Yu'os Ma'ase.
Mr. Speaker, let me thank my dear friend and colleague, Congressman Mike Honda, who is just a great leader, not only for the great State of California, but for this great Nation. He is our chairman…
Mr. Speaker, let me thank my dear friend and colleague, Congressman Mike Honda, who is just a great leader, not only for the great State of California, but for this great Nation. He is our chairman of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus, and I thank him for convening us here tonight.
It is with great pride and pleasure that I rise as a proud member of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus, and on behalf of the over 80,000 Asian Pacific Americans who reside in my district in commemoration of the Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. I am so pleased to call him my friend, and all of my Asian friends, and I am here to celebrate with them this great heritage month because they have provided so much to this country.
Since the early 1800s, Asian Pacific Americans have played a significant role in the development of our Nation. They have joined hands with the many who came to our shores in search of opportunity, freedom of expression and adventure to make this country what it is today. Their work has made this country a proud country.
This year marks the centennial celebration of the first wave of Filipino migrants to the United States. In 1906, Filipino workers came to the United States, particularly to Hawaii, and later California, to work in the fields as laborers.
Many Chinese and Japanese laborers who arrived in the mid-19th century were instrumental in the completion of the transcontinental railroad on May 10 of 1869.
These workers and those who followed in their footsteps have thrived in various fields of endeavor through their work ethic and ingenuity. They are proud Americans. They have done extremely, extraordinarily well in showing us what work ethic is all about.
Today, the U.S. Census reports an estimated 14 million or more U.S. residents classify themselves as Asian Pacific Americans or having Asian Pacific origins, and many of whom have made extraordinary contributions to our Nation.
Additionally, the United States Census reports 1.1 million businesses are owned by Asian Pacific Americans; 312,700 military veterans have contributed in protecting our democracy and our democratic ideals around the world. Our Filipino veterans are still waiting for their due benefits, having served in World War II.
Furthermore, 46 percent of total Asian Americans and 23 percent of Pacific Islanders' population works in management, professional and related occupations. I am so pleased to know that they are in our legislatures. They are judges. Of course, they are business people. They are teachers. They have made profound progress and extraordinary contributions to this country.
The figures show that Asian Pacific Americans have attained high levels of education, employment and high median household incomes. However, Mr. Speaker, many Asian Pacific Americans have yet to achieve their American dream. Twenty-three percent of the Asian Pacific population lives in poverty.
Attention needs to be given to Asian Pacific Americans who, because of inadequate skills like my Cambodian constituents, find themselves working just to make ends meet. We must work to provide job training and other community-based programs that will allow all of our citizens to fulfill their potential.
Asian Pacific Americans also face significant health disparities. They account for over half of the 1.4 million chronic hepatitis B cases in the United States, and they also suffer from high rates of diabetes, cervical and liver cancers.
Furthermore, the incidence of HIV/AIDS is on the rise in Asian Pacific women. The work that I do on my HIV/AIDS and my 5K AIDS Walk with various Asian Pacific organizations seeks to address this.
Some progress has been made in addressing Asian Pacific American health issues, the availability of Asian and Pacific Islander cancer education materials; Web tools that provide cancer information materials in Asian and Pacific Islander languages for those with limited English is a good start, but more needs to be done to address access to affordable health care.
For example, 50 percent of Asian Pacific Americans are medically underserved since the cost of health insurance is a major barrier to Asian Pacific Americans who are either self-employed or working for small businesses that do not provide employee-sponsored health coverage.
As we celebrate May as Asian Pacific American Heritage Month, we must celebrate the legacy, the culture, the rich traditions and achievements of our Asian Pacific Americans, as well as reflect on the challenges faced by their community. This is an excellent opportunity, Mr. Speaker, for all of us here in this House to celebrate these rich cultures, as well as to strive to address the health and education challenges that confront them in our great Nation.
My commendation to all Asian Pacific community groups, especially those in my district, that have worked tirelessly to promote, assist and improve the lives of all Asian Pacific Americans and all Americans.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my dear friend, Congressman Mike Honda, for putting together this special order tonight and his outstanding and extraordinary leadership representing Asian American Pacific Islanders across this country and the profound group of people whom I call my sisters and brothers. He is the chairman of our caucus, and I am pleased to be a part that caucus.
I announce that the Senator from West Virginia (Mr. Rockefeller) is necessarily absent. Will the Senator yield for a question? Mr. President, I would like to first commend the Senator from South…
I announce that the Senator from West Virginia (Mr. Rockefeller) is necessarily absent.
Will the Senator yield for a question?
Mr. President, I would like to first commend the Senator from South Carolina. He and I have spoken in the well here on the floor about this issue. I am trying, as he is, to understand this issue from another's point of
view because I am a lucky person. My mother was an immigrant to this country. When her parents came to this country from Lithuania, they did not speak English. My mother spoke both Lithuanian and English, and as a young girl was an interpreter in court so immigrant families could have justice even if they didn't understand English very well. My mother spoke both languages, but I speak only English.
The Spanish language has become an important symbol for so many people in this country. It reflects on their heritage. It is a source of pride. They are proud to be Americans, but they are equally proud to have a heritage they can point to.
I look at the amendment offered by the Senator from Oklahoma. I can't quarrel with his beginning sentence where he says:
The Government of the United States shall preserve and
enhance the role of English as the national language of the
United States of America.
That strikes me as a statement of fact. English is our language. Success in America depends on a command of English. If you speak only Spanish, your horizons are very limited.
But what troubles me, and I am still wrestling with it, and I think the Senator from South Carolina is as well, is the rest of the amendment. What happens in the situation where a person is here legally in the United States but has limited English language skills--what happens when that person, legally here, goes into a courtroom, goes in to vote, goes before law enforcement agencies? What kind of guarantee can we give that the person will be treated fairly? Because just as English is at the root of who we are as Americans, so is the concept of fairness.
I am trying to find the balance. I think the Senator from South Carolina is looking for that same balance. I would like to ask the Senator to reflect on whether we are being careful in the language of this amendment. Are we going too far? Are we going to find people who are poor, people with limited language skills, who will not receive the kind of treatment and fairness we really take pride in as Americans?
May I ask the Senator to yield for a question?
Can the Senator point to me in a current situation where a Government service is being offered and explained in a language in addition to English--and that is usually the case.
There will be English and then another language. And in my home State of Illinois, that language might be Polish, incidentally, or the Filipino dialect of Tagalog, for example, that might be the case.
Can the Senator point to a single circumstance where he thinks there is an injustice in providing that alternative language instruction, an injustice that requires us to change the law of the United States of America?
I don't know whether to direct my question to the Senator from South Carolina, who I believe has the floor at this time, or to the Senator from Oklahoma. What is happening on the floor of the Senate is getting dangerously close to a debate, which hardly ever happens. And I ask those on C-SPAN to turn up the volume. This may turn out to be a debate.
Mr. President, if I may ask the Senator to yield for a question, I wish there were a way to engage the Senator from Oklahoma because it is his amendment, and I would like to hear his response. I hold in my hand a publication from the Department of Justice which you can find on the Web site. I invite my colleagues to go to the Web site. They can read this official publication from the Department of Justice, and this is what they will learn. It is entitled, ``Know Your Rights.''
Do you have trouble with English? Are you unable to speak,
read, write, or understand English well? If so, you are
limited in English proficiency. Federal agencies and
organizations which get money from the Federal Government
have to take reasonable steps to help people who have trouble
with English. Sometimes when a government agency or
organization does not help you because you are limited in
English proficiency, they violate the law. This is called
``national origin discrimination.''
They go on to say:
There is a Federal law that protects your civil rights. The
law is called ``Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.''
It goes on with examples of possible discrimination. If you come to a hospital and you have limited English proficiency, they are supposed to be able to try to help you understand what your rights are and treat you.
Are we changing that? Will the Inhofe amendment change that? If it doesn't, why are we enacting this? If this is law which we are comfortable with and will live with--and it is currently law in the United States--why are we trying to change it? If we are eliminating this protection which is currently in the law, recognized by the Department of Justice, why are we eliminating it?
That is my question.
If that is not the case, what does this add? What does it change? What does it bring to the law that isn't currently in the law?
I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. President, the amendment that was adopted yesterday is a good amendment. I would hate to see us undo what we did yesterday with the Kennedy amendment. Therefore, I rise in opposition to it. What…
Mr. President, the amendment that was adopted yesterday is a good amendment. I would hate to see us undo what we did yesterday with the Kennedy amendment. Therefore, I rise in opposition to it.
What we are talking about is self-petitioning by an illegal immigrant for permanent legal status in the United States--a green card--to be here for the rest of their life. The circumstances in the past for that had always been that either a family member petitioned you in under the law or an employer petitioned you in because he had a job for you.
The concept of self-petitioning is a new one in the law in this context. One of the reasons why that is critical is we are trying to assure that while a job may have existed for somebody in the past or even exists today, that job may not be available forever. The concept of temporary workers is just that, that when there is a job available for that worker, then the worker has a temporary visa to fulfill that job. When that jobs goes away, and there is no longer work in that particular area, then the individual's visa would expire, and it would not be reissued until, once again, the work is available. That is the whole concept of ``temporary.''
That concept is eliminated or destroyed with a part of the Kennedy amendment. The first part of the Kennedy amendment does provide for the Department of Labor to make a determination about employment conditions and whether jobs are available in a particular area. But then there is the word ``or'' written in at the end of section III(i). The second way the alien can petition is by simply submitting documents for current employment; in other words, the alien shows that he currently has a job. That is fine for a temporary permit. It is not fine for permanent legal status.
What you are allowing the individual to do is to say: I have a job today temporarily, and with that I am going to petition for the right-- and the law would then allow the individual to acquire permanent status in the United States, which then can lead to citizenship. The whole point of temporary permits, as I said, is they reflect the economic conditions for the length of the permit or the visa.
Under the bill Senator Cornyn and I have, we have 2-year visas. What the President has proposed is a 3-year visa. The bottom line is, it should be no longer than necessary to ensure that if economic conditions change and the jobs are no longer available, that the visa would expire, the individual would return home and would not get another visa to come here for temporary work until the job has opened up again.
So the fact that an individual can prove he has a job today or that he had a job yesterday has nothing whatsoever to do with the availability of employment in the future. That is the fatal flaw of this amendment.
There needs to be an assurance that when we are talking about permanent legal residence, there will be a job available for that person in the future, not just that the individual has a job today. So that is a fatal flaw in the Kennedy amendment. I do not know whether it is deliberately intended. I suspect the point is to undercut the effect of the amendment we adopted yesterday, which is a worker protection amendment.
The bottom line that Senator Cornyn is trying to assure is that if an American has a job, that job is not undercut by somebody coming here today who would be able to stay here forever and, therefore, compete with the American for the job.
So I think we should stick with the worker protection amendment we adopted yesterday and not agree to the Kennedy amendment.
Madam President, I wish to compliment the Senator from Oklahoma for his work, for bringing it to the Senate floor, and for doing something I think is very important and that I think unifies us.
What are some of the things that do unify us? Well, our language unifies us. Senator Alexander, who will speak in a moment, was responsible also for working with Senator Inhofe to include provisions in this amendment that help us to recognize the importance of English in our country and the importance--not just for our new immigrants but for all Americans--of speaking this language that is our national language. So an amendment that recognizes that it is our national language is very positive for both immigrants and nonimmigrants alike.
I would also like to make a point about what this amendment is not. This is not an English-only amendment. That is an important point. We do speak a lot of different languages in this country, but English is our national language, and I think we can all agree on those great principles.
So this expression by the Senate is an important one, and I compliment all of those who helped to work on it, and for bringing it to the Senate floor I thank Senator Inhofe.
Mr. President, would the Senator withhold? Mr. President, the President said: Every human being has dignity and value, no matter what their citizenship papers say. I believe this amendment is…
Mr. President, would the Senator withhold?
Mr. President, the President said: Every human being has dignity and value, no matter what their citizenship papers say. I believe this amendment is antithetical to that sentiment.
Senator Ensign has proposed an amendment antithetical to the sentiments that the President expressed, and which most Americans share. Americans understand that for years there are undocumented workers who have tried to follow our laws and be good neighbors and good citizens, and have paid into the Social Security Trust Fund. Many do not yet have Social Security numbers but they and their American employers have paid in their contributions. Once that person regularizes his or her status, and as they proceed down the path to earned citizenship, they should have the benefit after having followed the law and made those contributions. Americans understand fairness. That is fairness. We should not steal their funds or empty their Social Security accounts. That is not fair. It does not reward their hard work or their financial contributions. It violates the trust that underlies the Social Security Trust Fund.
Senator Ensign proposes to change existing law to prohibit an individual from gaining the benefit of any contributions made while the individual was in an undocumented status. I oppose this amendment and believe it is wrong.
Under current law, immigrants who have paid Social Security while in an undocumented status may gain the benefit of all of their contributions once they gain legal status and become eligible to collect Social Security benefits. They paid in and they should be entitled to the benefits they have earned. The whole purpose of the path to citizenship program in the bill is to encourage people to become lawful, productive citizens. Penalizing these people is unfair, especially since under the law they are not only working hard and contributing to the Social Security Trust Fund, but also working hard to achieve legal status and earned citizenship. Hard work is rewarded in the country, not penalized. Following the law and advancing on the path toward earned citizenship should be encouraged, not punished.
For example, the children of an undocumented worker who has worked for 20 years and who has paid into the system would be denied all Social Security benefits if their parent dies before becoming a legal resident or citizen. Even though the children are citizens, they would be denied the benefit their parent worked many years and contributed to earn. Not only is this unfair, but it risks encouraging others in similar situations to stay in the shadows and not to pay into the Social Security Trust Fund. This will also have the effect of shifting burdens to the States and local communities and away from the Social Security safety net. I am confident that Vermonters and all Americans understand fairness. They understand respecting other people and respecting their contributions in terms of work and Social Security payments. They will not want to steal those contributions and benefits and deny fairness to lawful immigrants and their families.
They also understand that if the Republican-controlled Senate is prepared to take these Social Security funds today, the risk increases that their Social Security funds could be targeted tomorrow. After all, the Social Security Trust Fund is already being used to mask the deficit. As it becomes harder and harder to pay for tax breaks for millionaires and rising gas prices and lucrative Government contracts, some will be tempted to use money diverted from the Social Security Trust Fund. The President has already proposed draining the Crime Victims Trust Fund. We should maintain these trust funds for the purposes for which Congress created them and keep them safe. We should respect the contributions that people make to these trust funds and not look for excuses to start denying legal residents and citizens the benefits they have been promised.
Let us not take a giant misstep that we will surely regret. If we are going to encourage and support a path to citizenship for many people under this bill, we must do so in a way that ensures independence and security once that journey is completed.
Mr. President, I ask my colleague for a couple minutes, if I may. In relation to matters before us on this bill. Four minutes. Mr. President, I thank the chairman very much. I just want to make some…
Mr. President, I ask my colleague for a couple minutes, if I may.
In relation to matters before us on this bill.
Four minutes.
Mr. President, I thank the chairman very much. I just want to make some brief comments, if I may, not about the matter of this amendment right before us, but about a vote that occurred yesterday regarding the construction of the fence along the southern border. I was 1 of 16 people who voted against that amendment, and I wanted to take a minute or so to explain my concerns.
Primarily, my concern is because the decision to place this fence down here without any other additional consultation with local communities in the United States or with our neighbors to the south is something that worries me. There are implications of that. I firmly believe that any discussion
about immigration policy must begin with border security. If there is a failure to do that, I don't think you have much of an audience.
My concern is if we unilaterally do this without seeking the cooperation of the communities involved and the Nation next to us that we are dealing with primarily on this issue, we may have absolutely the opposite effect. In fact, there are implications of this decision. So at some point, in consultation with the managers of this bill, I may offer an amendment that would require some consultation with the U.S. communities involved, as well as with the Mexican Government, so that we are not unilaterally placing a fence here.
Believe me when I tell you this. I have spent a lot of time in this region, as my colleagues know. There will be political implications. There is a national election in Mexico in about 6 weeks, and I will guarantee this issue will be a major issue in that debate. And who wins those elections will have a huge implication in terms of how much cooperation we get on dealing with immigration policy. My colleague from Texas, Senator Cornyn, and I spent a weekend with our colleagues from Mexico about 4 months ago. To their credit, the Mexican Congress, along with all five Presidential candidates, adopted unanimously in their legislation provisions regarding immigration policies. At the very top of those lists were border security issues.
That had never happened before, Mr. President. It was a major change in how Mexico is looking at immigration policy.
My hope is, as we talk about matters we think are important for securing our borders, we will do so in consultation with our neighbors. I am not suggesting we give them veto power, but if you are going to put up a fence of some 3 to 1,000 miles long, first of all, there is a question of whether that will work, but I guarantee you it will not work if we don't have the cooperation of the very government we are seeking cooperation from, if we impose this fence without dealing with them, talking with them, asking their advice, working with them. That is true among neighbors in communities as well as nations that are neighbors.
So my hope is we can draft some language that would be endorsed and supported unanimously. It would certainly then cause me to have a very different attitude about the vote yesterday. But I caution my colleagues. I know the frustration levels. I understand the frustration of the communities along these border areas, but we are not going to succeed with this policy if we don't have a neighbor to the south that is going to work with us.
So while it is frustrating, and certainly Mexico has not been as cooperative as they should have been over the years, I think that has changed and we ought to encourage that change rather than take a step backwards. So again, at an appropriate time, we could try to craft some language that would at least encourage the kind of cooperation we are going to have to have if we are going to succeed with the kind of border security issues that are included in the bill.
I thank the chairman of the committee for giving me a few minutes to explain my concerns.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. I want to congratulate my good friend and colleague, Mr. Honda, for arranging this special order so that we can celebrate…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. I want to congratulate my good friend and colleague, Mr. Honda, for arranging this special order so that we can celebrate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month and acknowledge the important contributions of Asian
Americans. This year's theme, ``Dreams and Challenges of Asian Pacific Americans,'' reflects the Asian and Pacific Islander American community's commitment to fairness and equality.
I represent California's 33rd congressional district. It is one of the most ethnically and culturally diverse congressional districts in the U.S. It is emblematic of the emerging ``majority minority'' demographic of the state of California.
California is home to the largest Korean-American population in the country. More people of Korean heritage live and work in Los Angeles than in any place in the world outside Korea; and more Korean-Americans live and work in the 33rd congressional district than in any other congressional district in California.
I want to comment briefly on the recent and, in many ways, historic visit of Super Bowl MVP Hines Ward to Korea last month. His visit, I believe, embodies this year's theme of fairness and equality. The NFL hero, who is of mixed Korean and African-American ancestry, traveled to his native country to express pride in his Korean roots even though he shunned that side of his heritage after he faced prejudice as a child. His Korean mother accompanied him.
By all accounts, South Korea warmly embraced Hines Ward and received him as a hero. The government made him an honorary citizen. Moreover, his visit not only galvanized the Korean community but also brought attention to the plight of Koreans of mixed ancestry.
Korea has 35,000 people of mixed race, and many are subjected to discrimination. 22 percent are unemployed, and only 2 percent have administrative jobs. The rest are laborers. Statistics suggest that 9.8 percent of mixed-race Koreans leave primary school and 17.5 percent middle school. The average drop-out rate for Korean middle school students is 1.1 percent. The Pearl Buck Foundation notes that international marriages between Koreans and non-Koreans are on the rise and that the mixed-race population in Korea is estimated to grow to 2 million by 2020.
My home state of California is a leader in the growth of mixed-race populations in the U.S. In the 2000 Census, 7 million people self- identified themselves as multiracial. Historically, the West has always been very multiracial due to high immigration levels, the rich mix of different ethnic groups, and the historical absence of legal barriers to interracial marriage. Much work, however, remains to be done as mixed-race children in the U.S. and their counterparts overseas suffer from sleights and discrimination.
Hines Ward's visit to Korea has made a positive difference. The government and the ruling Uri Party recently agreed to grant for the first time legal status to people having mixed-race backgrounds and their families. The Ministry of Justice is now reviewing a plan to grant citizenship or residency status to those who marry Koreans. All acknowledge the impact and importance of Hines Ward's visit.
I want to congratulate Mr. Ward on his triumphal return to his homeland. He has used his celebrity status to bring attention to an issue of mutual importance to both the U.S. and Korea. I also want to congratulate the Korean government for taking positive steps to address an issue that until now has been largely ignored.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, as we celebrate Asian Pacific Heritage Month, let us not overlook those Asian-Americans of mixed race who have also made significant contributions to our nation.
Mr. Speaker, I'd like to thank the gentleman from California for putting together this Special Order to celebrate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. Mr. Speaker, I proudly represent one of the…
Mr. Speaker, I'd like to thank the gentleman from California for putting together this Special Order to celebrate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month.
Mr. Speaker, I proudly represent one of the largest Vietnamese communities in the world outside of Vietnam in Orange County, California.
Many of them came to the United States only about thirty years ago, seeking refuge from an oppressive regime in an unknown land and facing an uncertain future.
These individuals risked everything for a chance to live freely and provide better opportunities for their children and for their families.
Since their arrival, these Vietnamese refugees have become Americans in the finest and truest sense of the word--hard working people trying to create a better future for themselves and their families.
One success story that I love to mention is that of Mr. Chieu Le, founder and chief executive officer of Lee's Sandwiches in Orange County, California.
In 1981, one year after immigrating to the United States from Vietnam, Mr. Le and his family bought their first catering truck and began serving sandwiches in the community.
Twenty years later, they opened the first Lee's Sandwich Shop in Garden Grove, California.
Today, Lee's Sandwiches is the fastest-growing restaurant chain in the West, with over 35 stores in operation or development.
And Mr. Le and his family have given back to the community as well, raising hundreds of thousands of dollars for victims of the 9/11 attacks and the South Asia tsunami.
But Mr. Le and his family are only one example. Dr. Nguyen-Lam Kim Oanh of the Garden Grove Unified School District is the first Vietnamese-American woman elected to a school board in Orange County.
Or actress Kieu Chinh, who has appeared in numerous movies and TV shows including E.R. and The Joy Luck Club, and was the subject of the Emmy-award winning 1996 documentary ``Kieu Chinh: A Journey Home.''
And groups such as the Union of Vietnamese Student Associations--a non-profit, volunteer-run organization that puts together the annual Tet Festival in Orange County, which draws twenty to thirty thousand attendees.
Or the Orange County Asian and Pacific Islander Community Alliance-- the largest Pan-Asian Pacific Islander organization in Orange County. Their health outreach programs, after-school programs, and policy advocacy programs make a real difference in the lives of Orange County residents.
Through their hard work and dedication, Vietnamese Americans and other Asian-Pacific individuals and groups like these have become an integral part of the Orange County family--as entrepreneurs, as community leaders, and as activists for worthy causes at home and abroad. On behalf of all my colleagues in the House, I offer them our praise and our gratitude.
Mr. Speaker, I rise to celebrate the contributions of the Asian Pacific Islander American community and to celebrate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. I also want to take this opportunity to…
Mr. Speaker, I rise to celebrate the contributions of the Asian Pacific Islander American community and to celebrate Asian Pacific American Heritage Month.
I also want to take this opportunity to thank and commend my good friend from California, Congressman Honda, for his strong leadership as Chair of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus.
Mr. Speaker, for over 200 years, Asian Americans have played a pivotal role in the development of our great Nation. When it was time to build the transcontinental railroad, they were there. Chinese immigrants were paid $28 a month to do the very dangerous work of blasting and laying ties over treacherous terrain. It was their labor under harsh working conditions, for meager wages, that helped in the development and progress of our Nation.
When our Nation was drawn into war, they were there. From World War II through the current wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Asian Americans have been on the front lines in our battle to defend and protect our Nation. There are 32 Asian American Medal of Honor recipients, and thousands of others who have served and continue to courageously serve our Nation.
When hundreds of thousands of people were evacuated from Louisiana and Mississippi after Hurricane Katrina, they were there. The Asian American community in my home city of Houston joined all Americans around the country in welcoming Katrina evacuees and assisting the relief efforts. In Houston, the Asian American community raised more than $200,000 for the Katrina Relief Fund and took in over 15,000 displaced Americans.
And the contributions of this community will continue far into the future. Tomorrow, when it is time to cure the diseases of the future, they will be there. There are more than 105,000 Asian American doctors in the United States.
Tomorrow, when new worlds are to be explored, they will be there. There are thousands of Asian Americans working in the space program.
And tomorrow, when it is time to elect the leaders that will guide our great Nation, they will be there, in Congress, on the Supreme Court, and as President. If our country is to live up to its promises in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, every ethnic group will have one of its own to serve as President.
This is why we must protect the voting rights of Asian Americans and others to vote under the Voting Rights Act. We must win this battle now, so that the 14 million Asian Americans, together with all Americans, can have the equitable input that they justly deserve into our political process.
They helped to make America great. The greatness of America rests on the shoulders of all Americans, none more so than our Asian American brothers and sisters.
Bill Text
Latest available legislative text
[Congressional Bills 109th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H.R. 901 Introduced in House (IH)]
109th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. R. 901
To amend the Immigration and Nationality Act to give priority in the
issuance of immigrant visas to the sons and daughters of Filipino World
War II veterans who are or were naturalized citizens of the United
States, and for other purposes.
_______________________________________________________________________
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
February 17, 2005
Mr. Case (for himself, Mr. Scott of Virginia, Ms. Bordallo, and Mr.
Filner) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the
Committee on the Judiciary
_______________________________________________________________________
A BILL
To amend the Immigration and Nationality Act to give priority in the
issuance of immigrant visas to the sons and daughters of Filipino World
War II veterans who are or were naturalized citizens of the United
States, and for other purposes.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. PRIORITY FOR SONS AND DAUGHTERS OF FILIPINO WORLD WAR II
VETERANS.
Section 203(e)(1) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (8 U.S.C.
1153(e)(1)) is amended by adding at the end the following:
`` Notwithstanding the preceding sentence, in making visas
available within any category established under such subsections,
priority shall be given to any otherwise eligible child, son, or
daughter of a person who was naturalized pursuant to section 405 of the
Immigration Act of 1990 (8 U.S.C. 1440 note).''.
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