Waiving points of order against the conference report to accompany the bill (H.R. 2985) making appropriations for the Legislative Branch for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2006, and for other purposes.
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Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
July 28, 2005 • 1:24 PM
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Introduced in House
July 27, 2005
The House Committee on Rules reported an original measure, H. Rept. 109-202, by Mr. Diaz-Balart, L..
July 27, 2005
All points of order against the conference report and against its consideration are waived. The conference report shall be considered as read.
July 27, 2005 • 10:22 PM
Placed on the House Calendar, Calendar No. 78.
July 27, 2005
Considered as privileged matter. (consideration: CR H6948-6949)
July 28, 2005 • 11:08 AM
DEBATE - The House proceeded with one hour of debate on H. Res. 396.
July 28, 2005 • 11:09 AM
The previous question was ordered without objection. (consideration: CR H6949)
July 28, 2005 • 11:16 AM
POSTPONED PROCEEDINGS - At the conclusion of debate on the resolution the Chair put the question on agreeing to the resolution and by voice vote announced that the yeas had prevailed. Mr. Flake demanded a recorded vote and the Chair postponed further proceedings until later in the legislative day.
July 28, 2005 • 11:16 AM
Considered as unfinished business. (consideration: CR H6973-6974)
July 28, 2005 • 1:17 PM
Passed/agreed to in House: On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: 375 - 27, 24 Present (Roll no. 447).(text: CR H6948)
July 28, 2005 • 1:24 PM
On agreeing to the resolution Agreed to by the Yeas and Nays: 375 - 27, 24 Present (Roll no. 447). (text: CR H6948)
July 28, 2005 • 1:24 PM
Motion to reconsider laid on the table Agreed to without objection.
July 28, 2005 • 1:24 PM
Voting History
1 vote recorded • Roll call available
Floor Debate
24 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 396 on the floor
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Floor Debate
24 membersWhat members said about H.Res. 396 on the floor
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time. I am very pleased to rise in support of this bill, and I want to commend the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) for the outstanding job he did…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
I am very pleased to rise in support of this bill, and I want to commend the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) for the outstanding job he did as chairman of the conference committee. It was about the most fair and open process that I have seen, and I think it has contributed to the success of this report.
We are long overdue for a good national energy policy. We need to increase fuel supply. We need to encourage conservation. We need to encourage the use of renewable fuels, and we need to increase the reliability of our electrical grid. This bill does all of that and much more.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference report to H.R. 6 and urge all my colleagues to do the same. In addition, I want to commend Chairman Barton and Energy Subcommittee Chair Hall for their dedication and hard work in making this bill a reality.
A good national energy policy needs to address the issue from many aspects. It should, I think, deal with increased supply, with conservation, and with increased use of renewable fuels. It should also deal with improvements in the delivery systems for energy, including the reliability of our electrical grid. This bill makes significant improvement in all of the areas, plus more.
This bill is not perfect, but it steps our country in the right direction. Certainly, anyone of us could have written an energy bill that we liked, but getting it to the President's desk is another story. The worst type of legislation, in my opinion, is the kind you cannot get a majority to support.
Like it or not, an energy has to be about understanding our past legacy, solidifying our present reality, and preparing for our future destiny. I believe this conference report
achieves those three goals. Plenty will be said today about the many provisions contained in this conference report, I would only like to take a brief moment to address two of them that directly impact our nation's past, present, and future energy history: leaking underground storage tanks and state energy production tax credits.
Regarding LUST, or the Leaking Underground Storage Tank program, I am pleased that H.R. 6 contains language to help states more aggressively tackle the problems of leaking fuel in their groundwater. Currently, the Federal government has collected gasoline taxes of over $2 billion to provide cleanup. In reality, however, not much more than the interest on yearly receipts is actually used. We must reverse this trend.
H.R. 6 contains many new requirements that I believe will make our underground tank programs more effective and efficient and our environment safer and healthier. Specifically, this conference report requires at least 80 percent of all dollars appropriated from the LUST Trust Fund to be sent to the States for operation leaking underground tank programs. It provides increases in State funding from the LUST Trust Fund for States containing a larger number of tanks or whose leaking tanks present a greater threat to groundwater. H.R. 6 also requires onsite inspections of underground storage tanks every three (3) years after a brief period for the state to update its backlog. In addition, the conference report establishes operator-training programs, where they do not already exist, institutes a specific new funding category to cleanup tank-related releases of oxygenated fuel additives in gasoline, like MTBE, prohibits Federal facilities from exempting themselves from complying with all Federal, State, and local underground tank laws, and asks States to submit an annual inventory to the U.S. EPA detailing the number of regulated tanks in its state and which of those tanks are leaking. Finally, and most importantly, this legislation allows states to stop deliveries of fuel to non-compliant regulated tanks in order to achieve legal enforcement.
These are all strong improvements that not only meet with the spirit, if not the letter of recommended by the General Accounting Office, but most of these same provisions have previously passed the House. I urge their support.
Another item I feel worthy of my colleagues' support is a measure protecting our states' abilities to enact laws providing incentives for energy production. When we are trying to encourage energy production, we should not pit good environmental protection against the retention of good jobs. My state has opted for tough, expensive, new equipment standards on its coal-fired electricity plants and has coupled that with the encouragement of good paying coal jobs. This effort though is in jeopardy because the law is murky enough to make it subject to accusations of Commerce Clause violations. Removing this cloud of uncertainty will further contribute to our nation's energy security, environmental protection, and growing economy.
H.R. 6 contains a section that mirrors legislation that I introduced clarifying that a state may provide a tax credit for in-state electricity production from coal technologies.
Such a credit is considered to be a reasonable regulation of commerce in accordance with the Commerce Clause of the U.S. Constitution, further encouraging states to move forward and take advantage of their respective resources spurring new and cleaner energy production.
I am happy we were able to provide greater protection for the Great Lakes.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of Subtitle B of Title XV of the conference report to H.R. 6, the Domenici-Barton Energy Policy Act of 2005. This section makes many important policy changes that aim to increase funding of and direct additional care for underground storage tanks and the leaks of regulated substances that sometimes come from them. As the Chairman of the authorizing Subcommittee for the Solid Waste Disposal Act, I have been involved in oversight of the Leaking Underground Storage Tank program for the last five years and have personally taken an interest in the writing of this particular Subtitle. I, therefore, want to make some brief comments about the provisions in Subtitle B and the reasons and intent behind them.
Section 1522. Leaking Underground Storage Tanks
This section is the longest surviving section of several Congresses of work on underground storage tank legislation, starting with an effort to amend this program in the 104th Congress to get more money out of the Leaking Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund and down to the states to ensure better compliance with the law. Specifically, this section amends the Solid Waste Disposal Act to direct the Administrator of EPA to distribute to States at least 80 percent of the funds from the Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund for use in paying the reasonable costs for State enforcement efforts pertaining to underground storage tanks. This limit of 80 percent should be viewed as the floor and not an allocation ceiling. The Committee understands that past congressional legislation that twice passed the House without a single vote in opposition contained an 85 percent limit, but in deference to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and its Office of Underground Storage Tanks (OUST), the limit in the bill was lowered to 80 percent to allow some flexibilty for the Agency to meet its historical allocation to the States without statutorily binding OUST. In addition, this section establishes guidelines for
revisions to the allocation process that the Administrator may revise after consulting with state agencies responsible for overseeing corrective action for releases from underground storage tanks.
This section also contains language that flows from Section 122(g) of the comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (42 U.S.C. 9622(g)) and mimics the intent of the Small Business Liability Relief and Brownfields Revitalization Act (Public Law 107-118). In seeking a cost recovery action, the Administrator (or State) shall consider the owner or operator's ability to pay by weighing the ability of the owner or operator to pay all corrective action costs and still maintain its basic business operations, including consideration of the overall financial condition of the owner or operator and demonstrable constraints on the ability of the owner or operator to raise revenues. In requesting consideration under these provisions, the owner or operator shall promptly provide the Administrator (or State) with all relevant information needed to determine the ability to pay corrective action costs and allow for alternative payment methods as may be necessary or appropriate, if the Administrator (or state) determines that the owner or operator cannot pay all or a portion of the costs in a lump sum payment. Owners and operators are to be held fully accountable for misrepresentation or fraud and the Administrator (or State) is authorized to seek full recovery in the case of fraud or misrepresentation of all the costs for the corrective action without consideration of the factors in this section.
This section addresses two other items. First, it prohibits the EPA Administrator from providing LUST Trust Fund dollars to states that have permanently diverted their underground storage tank cleanup funds to non-emergent items that are completely unrelated to underground storage tank programs. There has been concern that some states were using their underground storage tank funds to cover the costs of other state funding priorities. This provision is meant to apply prospectively and address the most egregious examples of this practice. This section also allows the EPA to withdraw approval of a State underground storage tank program that has been chronically abusive in the way it has run its program. These provisions are not in any way meant to insist on the withdrawal of approval for stats that are making best efforts to comply with Federal standards that provide for State approval, but have had some trouble. The language clearly instructs the EPA Administrator and OUST to work with States, give States leniency whenever needed, and give States every effort to make their programs work. EPA must have the ability to compel ``bad actors'' into compliance, but not to use these authorities as a weapon against States making ``good faith'' efforts.
Section 1523. Inspection of Underground Storage Tanks
On-site inspections are one of the best ways to ensure routine compliance with LUST program rules. This section prescribes inspection requirements for underground storage tanks. These provisions, which are consistent with the core recommendations made by the General Accounting Office, or GAO, (now the Government Accountability Office) requires, for the first time ever, that every state conduct routine inspections of every underground storage tank (UST) every three years. The language in paragraph (c)(1) of Section 1523 (a) reflects two concerns. In order to give States time to pass the appropriate state laws and hire the necessary personnel, which is essential since only 19 states currently operate UST programs that could meet this three year guideline, the provisions in this section allow the states no more than an initial 2- year ``grace period'' to start their inspection programs. During this 2-year period, the provisions establish that states must eliminate their backlog of un-inspected underground tank systems that have been out of compliance with federal regulations that became effective in 1998.
This language reflects Congress's clear intent that States eliminate any backlog in the inspection of and enforcement against non-compliant tanks. This provision is intended to apply to those LUST systems in operation on or before December 22, 1998. The legislation also recognizes that States may not be in the best position to transition to immediate implementation of the requirements in this section. In fact, in a June 2000 Report to Congress on a Compliance Plan for the Underground Storage Tank Program, EPA stated that a significant number of new inspectors would need to be hired or retained and trained by EPA or the States to make meaningful inspections occur. In addition, EPA estimated a total annual cost of hiring an inspector at $70,000 and $1,000 for one month of training.
Next, this section establishes a mandatory requirement that States conduct on-site inspections of every underground storage tank located within their State that is regulated under Subtitle I of the Solid Waste Disposal Act at least once every three (3) years. To aid the States in this effort, the legislation allows the States to contract with third-party inspectors to carry out these inspections.
Finally, since 62 percent of the States either do not conduct regular inspections or inspect their USTs between every 4 to 10 years, the legislation allows a State to petition the U.S. EPA for a one-time grant of a one-year extension to the first mandatory three (3) year inspection cycle in order to meet the requirement of inspecting all tanks. While the language contemplates giving States every opportunity to do meaningful inspections and comply with all legal requirements, any grant of leniency must be demonstrated to EPA by the State and EPA is not required to provide the extra year. In addition, pursuant to section 9008 of the Solid Waste Disposal Act (42 U.S.C. 6991g), nothing in these provisions prevents a State that wants to have a more frequent inspection regime of their underground storage tanks from having them.
Section 1524. Operator Training
In its May 2001 report and subsequent testimony before the Subcommittee on Environment and Hazardous Materials, GAO stated that one of the main causes of leaks from underground storage tanks was poor operation of the tank system by owners and operators. In its recommendations to Congress, GAO suggested instituting operator- training programs as an important prevention tool against future leaks. This section instructs the Administrator, with the cooperation of the States, to publish guidelines for use by the States that specify training requirements for persons having primary responsibility for on- site operation and maintenance of underground storage tanks, persons having daily on-site responsibility for the operation and maintenance of underground storage tanks, and daily on-site employees having primary responsibility for addressing emergencies presented by a spill or release from an underground storage tank system. This comprehensive list reflects the concern that responsible persons are not only in a position to prevent leaks, but also to respond quickly once they occur. Of note, the language is clear that in designing these operator training requirements, EPA should make every effort to differentiate the types of training between those persons, like underground storage tank owners and regional managers, who require more comprehensive and involved training and those persons, such as convenience store or gasoline station clerks whose job turnover is high and responsibilities are low, where training obligations should be more basic and minimally intensive in nature.
Section 1525. Remediation from Oxygenated Fuel Additives
While nothing in law prevents EPA from using existing Leaking Underground Storage Tank Trust Funds to remediate fuel that contains oxygenated additives, this section recognizes the growing concern about groundwater and drinking water contamination by oxygenated fuel additives from leaking underground storage tanks. Specifically, this section creates a new dedicated authorization of Federal LUST Trust fund dollars to be used to carry out corrective actions with respect to releases of a fuel containing an oxygenated fuel additive that presents a threat to human health or welfare or the environment. Oxygenated fuel additives include, but are not limited to, methyl tertiary butyl ether, ethanol, ethyl tertiary butyl ether, TAME, and DIPE.
Section 1526. Release Prevention, Compliance, and Enforcement
This section authorizes funds to be used to conduct inspections, issue orders, or bring actions under this subtitle by a State to carry out State regulations pertaining to underground storage tanks under this subtitle, or by the Administrator, for tanks regulated under this subtitle. Since many persons are concerned that appropriate protective measures are being taken by the States in regards to all underground storage tank systems, whether public or private, this section establishes right-to-know reporting requirements for all government- owned tanks. In these reports, the States submit to the Administrator a list identifying the location and owner of each underground storage tank that is not in compliance with section 9003 and specifies the date of the last inspection and describes the actions that have been and will be taken to ensure compliance of the underground storage tank with this subtitle. The Administrator shall require each State that receives Federal funds to make available to the public a record of underground storage tanks under this subtitle. The Administrator shall prescribe, after consultation with the States, the best manner and form to make available and maintain this record, considering the most practical and efficient means to maintain its intended purpose. This section also establishes incentives for performance measures that may be taken into consideration in determining the terms of a civil penalty under Section 9006 of the Solid Waste Disposal Act.
Section 1527. Delivery Prohibition
Testimony received by the Subcommittee on Environment and Hazardous Materials has
stated that the use of a delivery prohibition, by States, against habitually non-compliant tanks has been the most effective enforcement tool in motivating underground storage tank owners and operators into resolving outstanding problems with their systems. This section of the bill makes it unlawful, two (2) years after the date of enactment, to deliver, deposit into, or accept a regulated substance into an underground storage tank at a facility that has been identified as ineligible for fuel delivery or deposit. EPA is required to work with States and underground storage tank owners and product delivery industries before prescribing minimum guidelines for how this delivery prohibition is supposed to work. In prescribing the minimum guidelines, the EPA Administrator is required to address how to determine which tanks are ineligible for delivery, deposit, or acceptance of a regulated substance under the LUST program; the mechanisms for identifying which underground tanks are ineligible for delivery, deposit, or acceptance of a regulated substance under the LUST program; the process for reclassifying previously ineligible underground storage tanks as eligible for delivery, deposit, or acceptance of a regulated substance under the LUST program; one or more processes for giving notice to product delivery industries and to underground storage tank owners and operators that an underground storage tank or underground storage tank system is ineligible for delivery, deposit, or acceptance of a regulated substance under the LUST program; and a process for figuring out which areas might not be subject to the delivery prohibition. This language is intended to give the EPA Administrator the flexibility to work with and help states that otherwise meet these criteria and have successfully operated delivery prohibition programs to continue to do so. In addition, this section requires States without such delivery prohibition programs to meet these minimum criteria in order to receive funding.
Section 1528. Federal Facilities
In 1992, Congress enacted the Federal Facilities Compliance Act to send a clear signal to Federal departments and agencies that they should not hide behind claims of sovereign immunity in order to avoid compliance with State and local environmental requirements. This section further reinforces the point that the Federal government must be as protective of the environment and responsive to public health laws at all levels of government as private citizens are. This section also revises requirements for Federal agencies with jurisdiction over underground storage tanks or systems, or engaged in any activity that may result in specified actions regarding such tanks or regulated substances related to them, including release response activities. Specifically, these agencies need to report to Congress on their compliance with UST requirements. This section also waives claims of sovereign immunity with respect to substantive or procedural State requirements. Finally, this section continues the President's authority to exempt any Federal tank from compliance with such requirements if the exemption is in the ``paramount interests of the United States.''
Section 1529. Tanks on Tribal Lands
Recognizing the unique governmental relationship between the Federal government and sovereign tribal governments and their tribal lands, this section seeks to protect persons on these lands in similar ways to protection requirements in other States. Specifically, this section instructs the Administrator, in coordination with Indian tribes, to develop and implement a strategy, giving priority to releases that present the greatest threat to human health or the environment, to implement and take necessary corrective actions in response to releases from leaking underground storage tanks on tribal lands, and to report within two (2) years to Congress on the status of these programs on tribal lands.
Section 1530. Additional Measures to Protect Groundwater
More recently, information has become public that has identified the causes of leaks from underground storage tanks and suggested ways to creatively address these sources of leaks. One of these sources, a draft study, which covered 22 States, was released by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in August 2004 showed that of all new releases at new and upgraded UST sites, 54 percent were due to improper installation and physical or mechanical damage to UST parts and 12 percent were due to corrosion. Though EPA has not used its existing authority to administratively require secondary containment, some States (22) have implemented their own laws requiring this feature or tertiary containment. On top of some technical feasibility questions, barriers to some States enactment of secondary containment requirements include costs, since installing a secondarily contained system costs about $27,000-$32,420 or about 20 percent more than an installed, single walled tank system. Additional concerns are impacts on businesses with underground storage tanks because it renders an underground tank system out of service for 21 days.
To address the helpfulness of this groundwater protection device as well as allow states to contemplate other matters raised by groundwater professionals and the petroleum equipment industry, this section allows a State to choose between either secondary containment requirements or installer and manufacturer requirements. If a State chooses secondary containment, then any new installation of an underground storage tank that is within 1,000 feet of community water system or potable water well must be secondarily contained. In addition, any tank or piping that is replaced on an underground storage tank that is within 1,000 feet of a community water system or potable water well must be secondarily contained. Repairs to an underground storage tank system, as defined by EPA, do not trigger any secondary containment requirements and gasoline dispensers must also be addressed as part of the secondary containment strategy. If a State chooses installer and manufacturer certification as well as financial responsibility requirements, this section requires tank installers and manufacturers to follow professional guidelines for tank products or comply with one of the new statutory requirements that are similar to subsections (d) and (e) of 40 CFR 280.20. In addition, this section requires installers and manufacturers maintain evidence of financial assurance to help pay corrective action costs that are directly relatable to a faulty tank part or installation. The lone exception to the financial assurance requirement is where a tank owner or operator, who already maintains evidence of financial responsibility under Section 9003 of the Solid Waste Disposal Act, is also the installer or manufacturer of the underground storage tank. With respect to the financial responsibility option, the conference report references the existing financial responsibility authority contained in section 9003(d) of the Solid Waste Disposal Act that applies to owners and operators. It is the intent of this legislation that all of the authorities and flexibilities contained in 9003(d) would apply to underground storage tank installers and manufacturers in the same way that they currently apply to owners and operators of underground storage tanks.
Section 1531. Authorization of Appropriations
In order to avoid the creation of unfunded mandates, this section authorizes appropriations for FY 2005 through 2009. Specifically, this section authorizes $50 million per fiscal year from the General Treasury to cover administrative expenses and those areas in the bill that are not specifically authorized to receive direct appropriations from the Leaking Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund. In addition, from the Leaking Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund, $1 billion (or $200 million per year) is authorized for cleanups of releases from leaking underground storage tanks, $1 billion (or $200 million per year) is authorized for the cleanup of releases of oxygenated fuel additives from leaking underground storage tanks, $500 million (or $100 million per year) for on-site inspections and enforcement, and $275 million (or $55 million per year) for delivery prohibition and State tank program disclosure and operations improvements. Of further note, the reference to Section 9508(c)(1) of the Internal Revenue Code in the newly created section 9014(2) of the Solid Waste Disposal Act should be considered to mean Section 9508(c) of the Internal Revenue Code in order to reflect changes made to Title XIII, Subtitle F, Section 1362 that creates a new Section 6430 at the end of Subchapter B of Chapter 65--amending Section 9508(c) by striking the existing subsection 9508(c)(2) and renumbering subsection 9508(c)(1) as subsection 9508(c).
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 394, I call up the conference report on the bill (H.R. 6) to ensure jobs for our future with secure, affordable, and reliable energy. Mr. Speaker, I yield…
Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 394, I call up the conference report on the bill (H.R. 6) to ensure jobs for our future with secure, affordable, and reliable energy.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to say at the beginning we currently do not have on the House floor the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), one of the opponents of the bill, but when he arrives, I want to assure those who are in opposition to the bill that we will yield time so that they have an opportunity to participate in the debate.
With that I want to say that this is a great day. The House is poised to pass the most comprehensive energy policy that we have ever had before this body, at least in the time that I have been in the House of Representatives, which encompasses the last 21 years.
In the last Congress, the House was able to adopt a conference report, but the other body was never able to invoke cloture and bring that bill to the floor.
This bill builds on last year's bill. It is full of superb legislation. It is a very balanced bill both for conservation and for production. There is a very strong title on energy efficiency. There is a strong title on renewable energy and clean energy. On a bipartisan basis, we have even adjusted daylight savings time to help save energy.
The bill before us today is going to promote a new generation of clean coal technology. It is going to promote the use of our Nation's greatest domestic resource, which is coal. It is going to do it in a clean, environmentally safe fashion. We are going to introduce a new generation for nuclear power in this country. There are many innovations that should make it possible the next 3 to 4 years to begin to construct a new nuclear power plant.
With the help of the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) and Senator Craig in the other body, we have a reform in our relicensing process for hydroelectric plants, which, as we all know, have zero emissions. We also have parts of the bill that are going to vigorously pursue the Hydrogen Fuel Initiative, which has the promise to help relieve some of the dependency on the internal combustion engine which we have developed in this country. We want to give American drivers the opportunity to drive safe, affordable, and reliable, clean hydrogen cars as soon as the year 2020. That is not as far off as it seems, Mr. Speaker.
In the short term, we have provisions in the bill to make it more efficient to use our boutique fuels. These are fuels that are a blend of fuels between gasoline and different types of ethanol. Under current rules there are as many as 19 different blends, many of them manufactured or refined in only one refinery. The bill before us reduces that number so that we have greater transportability of our boutique fuels between those regions of the country that need those fuel sources.
We have a brand new title on siting new liquified natural gas terminals. We are dependent on about 10 percent of imports for natural gas right now, yet we have not sited a new LNG facility in this Nation in over 30 years.
The bill before us will look at the permitting process. It will respect the States rights and local community rights, but it will create a process where they get a decision, and hopefully some of those sites will be permitted in the next 3 to 4 years, and we will be able to import liquefied natural gas for our Nation's economic future.
We also have a sector that came over from the other body on a comprehensive inventory in the oil and gas reserves in the Outer Continental
Shelves. This particular title is something that is a work in progress, and I expect later today to engage in a colloquy with some members of the Florida delegation to see if perhaps in the near future we cannot refine that title to make it more acceptable to some of the Coastal States that have concerns about the inventory.
We have a strong title on research and development that would authorize programs for the study of energy efficiency, renewables, nuclear energy, fossil fuels, and much more.
The electricity title is one of the best titles in the bill. It is a title that has been put together over 6 years on a bipartisan, bicameral basis. It is one of the titles that I am most proud of. It is going to usher in for our electricity industry innovations across the board, from the generation of electricity, to the transmission of electricity, to the distribution of electricity, to the consumption of electricity. It is truly a landmark piece of legislation in the electricity title.
I want to thank the distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), the dean of the House of Representatives, who has been in this body for almost 50 years, for his strong leadership on this bill on the minority side. I cannot tell the Members what a pleasure it was to have him sit with me in the negotiations with the Senate and to have him sit beside me in the open conference markups and educate me on how to do the parliamentary procedure and handle some of the sensitive issues that came before the conference. He is truly a giant among giants, and I cannot more proud. If I am as proud of anything in this bill, it is the fact that the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) signed the conference report. And I think that is a tremendous credit to him and how willing he was to work within the process.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that of the majority time, 10 minutes be yielded to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), and I yield to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) to make a similar request on the minority side.
Mr. Speaker, I am in awe, as always, of the gentleman of Massachusetts' rhetorical abilities.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my distinguished friend, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Norwood), a member of the committee and a conferee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hall), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Energy and Air Quality.
Mr. Speaker, we thank the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) for using his chart once again.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), the distinguished chairman of the Ways and Means Committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Upton).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess).
Mr. Speaker, I want to first recommend the gentlewoman of Nevada to look at section 1290 of the bill which is an item that the Senior Centers in Nevada strongly supports.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Stearns) for purposes of a colloquy.
(Mr. STEARNS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Gillmor), one of the distinguished subcommittee chairmen of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
(Mr. GILLMOR asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Pombo), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Resources.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Camp), a member of the Committee on Ways and Means.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to note that although we love the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) and his visuals, it is like the ``I Love Lucy'' reruns. We have seen them before.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Pickering), the vice chairman of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to make a request of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey). Could the gentleman yield me 1 minute of his time, if possible; or do you have your speakers all utilized?
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that the time I control, which I believe is 1\1/2\ minutes, have an additional 1 minute added to that.
Well, no. I need 1 more minute from somewhere, Mr. Speaker. So if we cannot get it from the other side, I just ask unanimous consent to add 1 minute to the time I control.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Bonner).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Blackburn), a member of the committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I call the body's attention to the quote above the podium from Daniel Webster that starts off: ``Let us develop the resources of our land.'' That is what this bill is all about.
I do not recognize the bill that my friend from Massachusetts just talked about. I think America is a land of hope and opportunity. We are a land of can-do and optimism. America is not a land of fear. It is not a land where we want the government to tell us what to do and how to make choices.
Our country is built on the premise that men and women, given the proper information, can make intelligent choices about what is best for them. This bill before us is based on that principle. We have strong environmental protection. We have strong protections against those that misuse the authorities, but this bill is based on the premise that we believe in private free market capitalism to develop the resources of this land in a cost-efficient fashion which benefits all of America. All of America.
And there are numerous provisions in this bill to give incentives to renewable and clean energy resources. There are numerous provisions in this bill to increase the efficient use of those resources. But, yes, there are provisions in this bill that say it is okay to use clean coal; it is okay to build a new nuclear power plant in this country if we do it in the proper way with the proper permits and the proper inspections. And, yes, it is okay to build new LNG facilities to bring more natural gas into our great Nation if we need it and if it is done with the proper consultation with State, local, and Federal agencies.
This is a very, very good bill. It is for America's future. Please vote ``yes'' for this bipartisan, bicameral, for-America bill.
Mr. Speaker, as Chairman of the Conference, I would like to clarify a point regarding section 1233, ``Native Load''. It is my understanding that section 1233 does not affect the Commission's authority under sections 205 and 206 of the Federal Power Act to ensure that rates are just and reasonable, and not unduly discriminatory or preferential.
refund authority
As Chairman of the Conference, I would also like to clarify a point regarding section 1286, ``Refund Authority''. This section provides the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission with authority to order refunds from overcharges on sales by large municipal utilities.
I understand the phrase ``organized markets'', and possibly other related words following that phrase, may be ambiguous. I believe the FERC should carefully consider the purposes of this section when interpreting those words. That purpose is to protect all consumers from exorbitant electricity prices, regardless of whether the seller is a fully regulated public utility or, in the case of this provision, a publicly owned and only partially regulated utility. The impact and the injury from the exorbitant price is equally injurious and equally in need of redress.
Therefore, I urge the Commission to give the words in question real meaning and to note that the Congress could have chosen other words, such as auction market or ISO or RTO managed market, to convey a more narrow and specific scope.
ceiling fans
As Chairman of the Conference, I want to address a drafting error in Section 135, ``Energy Conservation Standards for Additional Products.'' An incorrect section mistakenly included starts on page 101, line 14 and ends on page 102, line 4. Sentence (v)(l) was not agreed to and should be removed later in a technical correction. Also, the phrase ``Ceiling Fans'' should be removed where it appears in section (v).
The proper language starts on page 107, line 8 and goes through page 112, line 10. This section (ff) is correct.
Congressman Nathan Deal authored the original language, which did not receive consensus during negotiation of the conference report. Congressman Deal worked with Members of the Conference, industry representatives, and various environmental and energy efficiency advocates come up with some compromise language. I want to thank Congressman Nathan Deal for his hard work on this issue, and for bringing the mistake to my attention. I will work to correct this later.
boutique fuels
As Chairman of the Conference, I want to clarify some points regarding Section 1541, ``Boutique Fuels'', This provision is an amendment to section 211(c)(4)(C) of the Clean Air Act to limit the number of boutique fuels.
First, it is my understanding that in section 1541 ethanol when blended into gasoline in a concentration of 20 percent by volume be considered a fuel additive.
Second, in implementing this new provision, the EPA must determine the total number of fuels approved under 211 (c)(4)(C) as of September 1, 2004 and publish such a list in the Federal Register. The plain meaning of this provision would be that fuels initially approved by the Environmental Protection Agency before this date would constitute the ``upper limit'' on the number of fuels that may be approved at any one time in the future under the provisions of this section.
Specifically, as long as a fuel was initially approved by the Environmental Protection Agency before September 1, 2004, the fuel may be sold and used pursuant to a State Implementation Plan and the provisions of 211 (c)(4)(C) as such provisions existed before the amendment of that section by the pending legislation. In addition, the amendments that we are enacting to section 211(c)(4)(C) do not require that a fuel actually be distributed or sold prior to September 1, 2004, only that the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency initially approved the fuel as meeting the requirements for a waiver prior to September 1, 2004.
This interpretation of section 1541 would also hold if the implementation date for the sale or distribution of any fuel previously approved by the Administrator prior to September 1, 2004 was later changed at any point in time. The amendments made today to section 211(c)(4)(C) would not prevent this sale or distribution from occurring nor impose any additional requirements or limitations on the implementation of matters related to the use of this previously approved fuel or a program providing for its use.
Finally, the changes to existing law regarding waivers for fuels approved as part of a State Implementation Plan only apply to those fuels which were not previously approved by the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency before September 1, 2004. Programs such as the Texas Low-Emission Diesel program are not affected by the provisions of section 1541 even though a later State Implementation Plan revision or action by the State or federal Environmental Protection Agency may have revised the beginning date of sale of the fuel or other matters related to the implementation of the fuel program.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 6.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield? Mr. Speaker, I will continue to work with both of the gentlemen and the entire Florida delegation to resolve all of these problems so that we do what is in the…
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Speaker, I will continue to work with both of the gentlemen and the entire Florida delegation to resolve all of these problems so that we do what is in the best interest of Florida the other States and the country. I appreciate all the work that the gentlemen have put into this already.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time.
While I want to start off by congratulating the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell) and the great work that went into putting this bill together, I would say this is a good bill. It is not a great bill. I think we started with a great bill in the House, but in the spirit of compromise in working with the other body, we were able to come up with a good bill that is finally going to be able to pass.
There is a lot that we need to do to have energy independence in this country and to lessen our dependence on foreign energy sources. A lot of that we did not include in this bill. Unfortunately, ANWR is not in this bill. It increased domestic production. We do not go as far as we should have in being able to streamline the process to bring in more alternative energy and renewable energy. A lot of that we were not able to get in. But it is a good first step. It is a way to move forward.
There are a lot of things that we were able to get into this bill that over a period of time will increase domestic production. It is a great start. It is a great way for us to begin to lessen our dependence on foreign oil.
One of the things that is frustrating with all of the process is that a lot of
my colleagues voted against every single increase, anything that had to do with increasing energy independence in this country. We need to continue to work on this.
Again, I congratulate the chairman because I do believe this is a good bill.
Mr. Speaker, I pledge to the gentleman that as we move forward with a long-term solution, that the interests of all the States bordering the Gulf will be protected, and the gentleman will be part of those discussions.
If the gentleman will continue to yield, the answer is yes.
Mr. Speaker, the Energy Policy Act of 2005 will encourage development of our Nation's diverse energy resources, reduce our dependence on foreign sources of energy, and strengthen the country's energy and economic security.
The U.S. has been at the top of the economic food chain for most of recent history. One of the major reasons we've been so successful is that we recognized early-on that the foundation for economic growth is built with energy and minerals. But our continued success fostered apathy and disinterest in the energy and mineral resources that created this success. In the past, U.S. concerns about energy and minerals supplies simply centered on the general issue of availability of these resources for our national purposes. It did not matter if those resources were located in the U.S. or in another country.
Over the years, inadequate domestic energy and minerals policies created a regulatory system that discouraged domestic investment. Capital began flowing overseas into resources-rich countries where regulatory and investment climates in the energy and minerals sectors were more attractive. As a result, the U.S. produced less and became increasingly reliant on foreign sources of energy and minerals. Last year, the U.S. imported more than 63% of its oil, placing our energy needs increasingly at the mercy of foreign governments. Yet the U.S. government continues the cycle of tolerating irresponsible energy and mineral policies, thereby continuing to discourage investment in domestic energy and mineral production. The end result is that the U.S. continues to send money and jobs overseas and becomes more dependent on foreign sources for our energy needs.
Crude oil prices have hit nominal all-time highs, and natural gas prices are sustaining elevated price levels for the foreseeable future. Additionally, U.S. trade deficit in energy is more than 25 percent of our total balance of payments, and continues to increase at a rapid rate,
Today, our problems are two-told. First, the issue of access to domestic resources is still a significant hurdle to bolstering U.S. energy and mineral security. Although industry's technological advancements in exploration and production have sustained some minimal growth, policies preventing access to the responsible development of these resources still remain. Second, the U.S. is facing a global resources future where we are more dependent than ever on foreign sources of energy and minerals while at the same time no longer ``guaranteed'' to be the major recipient of energy and minerals from our traditional foreign suppliers.
In fact, emerging economies such as China and India are forever altering the global commodities markets, where demand by these countries for resources such as oil, natural gas, coal, minerals and metals, is outpacing expectations.
The road to a better quality of life starts with increased use of energy and mineral commodities. Economic growth rates in China and India have surged as have their demands for energy and mineral resources.
The old ``Free World'' versus ``Evil Empire'' dichotomy of energy and minerals availability has been replaced by a rough-and-tumble marketplace for commodities. In that global marketplace, long-running declines in prices for energy and mineral resources have been reversed; and, in the case of mineral commodities, a three decade long decline has been reversed almost overnight.
Our energy and mineral supply strategy for the long-term begins with enacting a comprehensive national energy policy that encourages diversity of fuel use, increased domestic production, and self- sufficiency.
Among other critically important provisions in this bill, my committee has jurisdiction over Department of Interior (DOI) and U.S. Forest Service (USFS) programs that administer the domestic energy and mineral programs for federal lands and the outer continental shelf.
Using FY 2005 budget estimates, the energy and mineral programs of the DOI cost around $850 million per year.
But these programs will generate about $10.1 billion for the U.S. taxpayer each year, primarily from energy development and production.
Outside of the Internal Revenue Service, these are the only programs that provide significant revenue to the feral treasury.
But generation of revenue is not the only benefit of domestic energy production on federal lands. Production of energy domestically keeps money at home, creates jobs and reduces our dependence on foreign energy imports.
Among other important issues, the provisions in the conference report before us today: encourage increased domestic production of renewable energy from resources like geothermal, wind, hydropower and biomass, to name but a few; encourage domestic production of traditional energy sources such as coal, oil and natural gas by streamlining the federal permitting process sand providing potential incentives for technically challenging oil and natural gas from the deep depths of the outer continental shelf; encourage domestic development of the more than 2 Trillion barrels of oil from oil shale in the Western U.S.; promote a ``good Samaritan'' pilot project to help clean-up the more than 57,000 ``orphan'' wells that
have become wards of the federal government; promote sequestration of carbon dioxide as a means of enhancing oil and natural gas production from old and existing wells; maximize federal coal production and returns to the U.S. treasury; seek to establish North American energy independence by launching a commission to review and make recommendations on how Canada, the U.S., and Mexico can coordinate their energy policies to reach energy independence within 20 years; seek extensive review of the impact and challenges to U.S. interests created by the Chinese government's aggressive pursuit of global energy assets; and promote tribal energy development through self-governance of energy resources in Indian Country.
The Energy Policy Act of 2005 is a good first step in the effort to lower energy prices and reduce our dependence on foreign energy. But there is no question that we must do more to increase domestic production. As demand across the globe continues to skyrocket, it is imperative for America to produce more American energy. Doing so will create jobs, grow our economy and strengthen national security.
Tapping the abundant energy resources we have in America will become more and more necessary as we go forward. All we need is the political will in Congress to let an American workforce get these supplies here at home.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute. Mr. Speaker, this bill is a historic failure. It will not lower gasoline prices. This bill does not do anything about fuel economy standards for automobiles and…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is a historic failure. It will not lower gasoline prices. This bill does not do anything about fuel economy standards for automobiles and for SUVs. We put 70 percent of all the oil that we consume in the United States into gasoline tanks. This bill is silent on that. It is 2005. We now import 60 percent of all of the oil which we consume in America; most of it comes from the Middle East. One would think that we could do something about the place we put the oil. This bill is silent.
With regard to renewables, all utilities in the United States could have been given a mandate that they have to designate a substantial percentage of their electrical generating capacity over the next 20 years as renewable energy. This bill rejects that. It says, we are not going to move the utilities towards a renewable energy future.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is a failure on two of the central technology issues that the 21st century should be known for. I call for a ``no'' vote on this bill.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Capps).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, this bill contains about $80 billion worth of giveaways to the oil and gas and other industries in our country. Those giveaways are coming from somewhere.
The United States has a huge deficit. We do not have any money. There is only one part of our government that is running a surplus, and that is the Social Security Trust Fund, and what the Republicans are doing is erecting a huge oil rig on top of the Social Security Trust Fund to drill for the revenues that will be given to the wealthiest industries in America--the oil and gas industries--that are reporting the largest profits in the history of any industry in the history of the United States.
The Republicans are tipping the United States consumer and taxpayer upside down and shaking money out of their pockets.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Solis).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee).
(Mr. INSLEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Waxman).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Emanuel).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is socialism at its worst. The headline makers of capitalism: Exxon Mobil, Chevron, and Texaco are reporting the biggest profits in the history of any industry in the history of the United States and bragging about it on the front pages of the newspapers of our country. They are bragging about it.
Right now, Adam Smith is spinning in his grave so fast that he would qualify for a subsidy in this bill as an energy source. That is how bad this bill is.
This bill so fundamentally violates all principles of capitalism that Exxon-Mobil, that Chevron-Texaco would come to the American people's Social Security System, put up an oil rig, and start drilling into the savings of American taxpayers, because that is who will subsidize all of these giveaways.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Hinchey).
Well, I have three more speakers. Could the Chair tell me how much time is left on both sides?
Mr. Speaker, the proponents of the bill still have more time left than the opponents of the bill, and the time was divided 40 minutes to 20 minutes. So what we have been trying to do, honestly, is just to harness our smaller number of minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Speaker, in this bill there are so many preposterous provisions, it is impossible to list them all. But amongst them is a provision which after 35 years strips Governors and mayors of an ability to block an LNG, a liquefied natural gas facility, from being built in the middle of a densely populated area. This photograph shows Boston. This is my district. This is where one of the facilities has already been built, but it was built with permission.
Now post-9/11 with terrorists targeting sites with the highest potential harm to Americans, this bill blocks Governors, police, and fire departments from blocking facilities from going into densely populated areas. But the bill also allows the Pentagon, Secretary Rumsfeld, to protect against one of these being built next to a military facility. Imagine that, the Republicans will protect the Pentagon but not civilians in densely populated areas from an LNG catastrophe which could maim or kill tens of thousands of people.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is packed with royalty relief for big oil and gas companies, tax breaks for big oil and gas companies, loan guarantees for the wealthiest energy companies in America, even as they are reporting the largest quarterly profits of any corporations in the history of the United States.
It is politically and morally wrong for the United States Congress to come to this floor to pass legislation which will take money from the American taxpayers to hand over to the corporations who are now charging $2.30, $2.40, $2.60 at the pump to American consumers and reporting the largest profits in history. If they need to do new research, they have the money in their own pockets. That is capitalism. If they want to do new drilling out in ultradeep areas of the oceans, they have the profits to do that.
The American taxpayer should not be funding that drilling because, as American consumers, they are already paying for that drilling. The oil companies are saying publicly that they are making so much money they do not know what to do with all of the profits. But even as they say that publicly, they are coming here to the House floor, they are saying to the Members, we want to erect huge oil drills on top of the Social Security trust fund and drill $80 billion of subsidies out of American taxpayers' pockets and hand it over to the oil, the gas, the coal, the nuclear industries that are reporting the largest profits in history.
It is a moral and political failure because it is what is not in this bill that is the important energy agenda for our country. Our country puts 70 percent of all of the oil that we consume in gasoline tanks. We only have 3 percent of the oil reserves in the world. OPEC has 70 percent. That is our weakness. Our strength is that we are the technological giant of the world.
There is nothing in this bill about improving the fuel economy standards for SUVs and automobiles. There is nothing in this bill that will mandate that electric utilities increase their use of renewable energy so we can break our dependence upon these sources of energy that weaken our foreign policy by getting us deeper into the Middle East, emitting more pollutants which cause more asthma, more breast cancer, more prostate cancer as the environment alters genes to increase disease in our society. None of that is addressed in this bill in 2005.
If we could roll back the clock to 1905, this would be a very good bill. It would be about oil, gas and coal. It is 2005, however. We should be talking about the new agenda, the new technology agenda for our country. This bill is a political and a moral and a technological failure.
In addition to draining revenues out of the taxpayers' pockets to subsidize the wealthiest industries, we ignore the technologies which could break our dependence on imported oil and could send a signal to OPEC which would drive down the price of oil which would help our country's national security. I urge a ``no'' vote on this historic failure.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the Energy Policy Act of 2005 and thank Chairman Joe Barton and my colleagues for their hard work on this much needed legislation. The war on terror has…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the Energy Policy Act of 2005 and thank Chairman Joe Barton and my colleagues for their hard work on this much needed legislation. The war on terror has renewed our interest as a nation in reducing our dependence on energy imports and in diversifying our domestic energy sector. Through the Energy Policy Act of 2005, we can do just that through increased utilization of our coal supply; of nuclear energy; of renewable fuels such as hydrogen and of increased energy efficiency and conservation.
In southwest Pennsylvania, no matter what we do or where we go, we depend on coal. Our computers, the companies we work for, our homes and schools, are powered by coal. The stigma on the burning of coal has always been its air emissions, but now major developments in clean coal technology will expand the benefits of coal in environmentally friendly ways. Establishing a comprehensive national energy policy which includes clean coal technology is the first step in accomplishing this task.
There is more than 250 years worth of coal energy in the ground of southwestern Pennsylvania. It generates more than 55 percent of Pennsylvania's electricity and more than half of the nation's. Coal is America's most abundant energy resource, but to take full advantage of it we need to reduce emissions. Many plants have turned towards the use of natural gas, which in turn has led to less supply, tripling the price in the past decade. The increases in natural gas prices has cost 90,000 jobs in the chemical industry alone and contributed to three million manufacturing job losses.
The Energy Policy Act allows for more than $250 million per year for the Department of Energy's fossil program for existing and new coal- based research and development. It calls for a national center for clean power and energy research as well as coal mining research efforts to reduce contaminants in mined coal. Research is to be focused on innovations at existing plants, new advanced gasification and combined cycle plants, advanced combustion systems and turbines as well as fuel- related research.
There is $1.8 billion included for the development of new clean coal technologies to increase the demand for coal and create 62,000 jobs across the country, from building new plants to mining coal. This includes 10,000
high-paying research jobs in the fields of math, engineering, physics, and science. Each job in the coal industry created in Pennsylvania will generate seven supporting jobs such as barge operators and train engineers.
An additional $2 billion included in the Energy Policy Act encourages the use of new equipment to better clean the air and higher-efficiency power generation machinery, making the use of coal more environmentally friendly. This will lead to increased jobs for virtually every industry in the region.
Pennsylvania is already at the center of the country's coal production thanks to the hardest-working, most dedicated workers in the world. Clean coal technology will allow the region to prosper and meet America's energy needs for years to come.
The bill also boosts production of clean natural gas to help alleviate soaring prices for the environmentally friendly fuel. Specifically, the bill breaks the bureaucratic logjam that has stymied work on approximately 40 liquefied natural gas facilities nationwide.
Nuclear power is a vital part of the energy mix in this country and in our State. The Energy Policy Act of 2005 will encourage this clean- burning energy source by promoting the construction of new nuclear reactors. Building a nuclear reactor creates between 2,000 and 3,000 jobs. Running a nuclear reactor creates an estimated 1,500 jobs. These are highly trained trade or professional positions that pay well.
The bill provides $2.7 billion for nuclear energy research and infrastructure support, including development of safe uses for spent nuclear fuel and advanced reactor designs, support for university nuclear science and engineering programs and establishment of a program dedicated to increasing the safety and security of nuclear power plants. Westinghouse here in Pittsburgh is a major developer of nuclear technology, and our universities are active in this area.
To meet rising energy demands in the future, we need continued advances in energy efficiency and conservation--helping to reduce our demand on foreign supply and stimulating economic growth. Included in the Energy Policy Act are provisions that will save Pennsylvania consumers and businesses money spent on energy, so they can invest, spend and grow the economy and improve our standard of living.
These include a package of energy efficiency, renewable energy and state energy measure that are key steps forward toward enhancing our natural economic drive to use existing energy supplies more efficiently.
The bill authorizes more than $2 billion for a hydrogen fuel-cell program with a goal of launching hydrogen fuel-cell cars into the marketplace by 2020. Hydrogen fuel cells for stationary source use are being developed right here in Pittsburgh.
Financial incentives in the bill will spur renewable energy companies to produce electricity from renewable and alternative fuels such as wind, solar, biomass and waste coal. Funding is provided for energy efficiency programs for public buildings, including schools and hospitals, and increased fuel efficiency requirements for federal vehicles.
The Energy Policy Act expands the Energy Star program, a government- industry partnership for promoting energy-efficient products; establishes new energy efficiency standards for many new commercial and consumer products that use large amount of energy--providing sufficient savings on monthly energy costs; and dramatically increases funding for the Low Income Housing Assistance Program, low-income weatherization programs, and state energy programs to improve energy efficiency.
The Energy Policy Act of 2005 recognizes that renewable fuels can be made from a variety of materials, including the animal fats and other biomass materials collected by renderers. Renderers collect and process materials generated from the livestock industry, as well as used cooking oils from restaurants. Rendering is environmentally beneficial because the reuse of these materials prevents pollution of surface and ground waters that might result from their improper disposal or management. Rendered materials are now used to make detergents, fabric softeners, perfumes, cosmetics, candles, lubricants, paints, plastics and biodiesel.
Moreover, these materials can create renewable-based fuels and feedstocks that in turn reduce the amount of fossil fuel material needed to produce a gallon of motor vehicle fuel. For example, animal fats and other biomass materials can be introduced as renewable fuel feedstocks into the refinery processes, solely or in combination with other conventional fossil fuel derived components, in order to produce renewable fuels. This process will yield renewable fuel or renewable fuel blending components commensurate with the percentage of renewable material introduced to the process.
In establishing the renewable fuel provisions of the Energy Policy Act of 2005, Congress has intended that these provisions allow the broadest use of renewable materials to produce fuels and renewable fuel blending components in order that we might reduce our use of virgin oil, increase our fuel diversity and decrease our dependence on foreign crude oil. Accordingly, implementing regulations should consider these types of uses and establish compliance mechanisms to account for the applicable volumes within the renewable fuel programs.
Again, I want to thank Chairman Barton and all the Conferees for their hard work on this vital legislation and urge its quick passage.
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Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time. Mr. Speaker, I think what we have before us today is a pretty good energy bill. The conferees worked hard to find a compromise on this…
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Speaker, I think what we have before us today is a pretty good energy bill. The conferees worked hard to find a compromise on this legislation, and I think that the majority of our colleagues on both sides of the aisle will support it today.
I want to give particular congratulations and thanks to the leadership of the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) and the gentleman from Michigan (Ranking Member Dingell), and also to Senator Domenici and Senator Bingaman. By all working together, we do have a bill.
Is it a perfect bill? No. And if we are going to work via compromise, it cannot be a perfect bill. I would have preferred to see fewer corporate tax breaks; and I think in conference, those of us on the main committee, we were blocked out on those tax provisions. So while I have some objections on some of these corporate tax breaks, overall I think they are fair.
In addition, I would have liked to have seen stronger measures for direct relief at the pump for Americans who are suffering right now as we pay record-high gasoline prices. In fact, in Michigan last week, as I noted to the conferees, gas spiked 80 cents in one day, it went up 80 cents, to $3.51. That was based on rumors and everything else. But that is how volatile the situation is out there.
So I actually had a provision that said, stop filling the Strategic Petroleum Reserve until a barrel of oil drops below $40 for 2 consecutive weeks. Unfortunately, the language did not make it into the final bill. But we do encourage the Secretary of Energy to look at this, and I would like to take this time to suggest to him that he do something immediately to help out our domestic gasoline market. We just cannot continue to see spikes of 80 cents.
Also, I would have liked to have seen stronger language on the underground storage issue. While we did make some improvements on this issue, I think we can ill-afford to allow our groundwater to continue contaminating our drinking water. In particular, we cannot allow MTBE to continue to contaminate drinking water across this country.
On a positive note, I am very excited and pleased that finally after all of the years of work, we have a permanent ban on oil and gas drilling in and under the Great Lakes. Whether it is a State permit or a Federal permit, you will no longer be allowed to do it. I am very pleased with that provision that I have worked for for more than a decade to put the provision in there.
Also there are some provisions on nuclear energy, and I know that is sort of a controversial thing, but I, for one, believe if we are going to start worrying on dependency on foreign oil, that if we are really concerned about global climate change and climate change here in this country, we must revisit the issue of nuclear energy, and I am pleased this bill provides incentives to make the United States once again a leader in this area, and protect our environment, protect our climate and get America less dependent on foreign oil.
Mr. Speaker, as I said, this is not a perfect bill but is one that I can support. After 13 years and seeing so many energy bills come before this floor, none of which I have supported, I am pleased to be able to lend my support for this bill, and once again I would like to thank the leadership for their work on this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I think what we have before us today is a pretty good energy bill. The conferees worked hard to craft compromise legislation that I think the majority of our colleagues on both sides of the aisle will support today.
Is this a perfect bill? No. I would have preferred to see some of the corporate tax breaks pared back, but the Energy and Commerce conferees were shut out of discussions regarding tax provisions.
In addition, I would like to have seen stronger measures to give direct relief at the pump for the millions of Americans who are paying record high prices for gasoline right now. I had a measure that would have provided millions of additional barrels of oil for the U.S. market by suspending contributions to the strategic petroleum reserve until the price of oil dips below $40 per barrel for two consecutive weeks. Unfortunately, that was dropped in exchange for language allowing the Secretary of Energy to voluntarily suspend contributions if he sees fit. I would like to take this time to suggest that he do so immediately, allowing more oil into the domestic market.
I also would have liked to have seen stronger wording for secondary containment of underground storage tanks. While we did make some improvements on this issue, we can ill afford to allow our groundwater to become contaminated with gasoline from leaking underground storage tanks. In particular, we cannot allow MTBE to continue to contaminate drinking water across the country.
I am happy that the ``safe harbor'' provisions for manufacturers of MTBE that were in the House bill were dropped. Instead, there is a provision allowing lawsuits to be sent to Federal court if a defendant wants to make a request to do so. During the conference, I asked Chairman Barton about the MTBE provisions in the bill and whether the claims filed after the date of enactment would require a case to be sent to Federal court. The chairman indicated that it did not require a case to be sent to Federal court, but gave defendants in prospective suits the right to ask that the case be sent to Federal courts. I wanted to be sure that we were not conferring any new substantive or subject matter jurisdiction over MTBE cases and I was pleased to hear from Chairman Barton that to his knowledge, the legislation was not doing so.
I am happy to see that there are provisions in the bill to increase incentives for the nuclear power industry. While I know that there are those who oppose nuclear energy, I feel that if we are going to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and climate change we need to explore increased nuclear technologies.
A provision I am particularly proud to say made it into the conference is a ban on any new oil and gas drilling beneath our Great Lakes. This provision will improve public safety and protect the source of drinking water for more than 30 million residents of the Great Lakes. I've worked on this for more than a decade and this will benefit the people of the Great Lakes for generations to come.
Lastly, I am happy to report that this bill does not include drilling for oil and gas in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.
Mr. Speaker, this is not a perfect bill, but it is one that I can support and I thank Chairman Barton and Ranking Member Dingell for their tireless efforts to come to the compromise before us today.
Mr. Speaker, first, I would like to thank Science Committee Chairman Sherry Boehlert and Energy Subcommittee Chair Judy Biggert for their hard work, leadership and willingness to work with the…
Mr. Speaker, first, I would like to thank Science Committee Chairman Sherry Boehlert and Energy Subcommittee Chair Judy Biggert for their hard work, leadership and willingness to work with the minority in developing Title IX, the Research and Development title of this bill.
I would also like to call attention to a few provisions of the bill that I believe really illustrate the importance of utilizing our wide base of domestic science and technology resources in industry, the D.O.E. National Laboratories, universities and colleges, and training and trade organizations.
Section 924(b) directs the Secretary of Energy to initiate a program in the field of advanced small-scale portable power technologies. Institutions such as Tennessee Tech University, Vanderbilt University and the University of Missouri are conducting valuable work with fuel cells, advanced batteries, microturbines, nanotechnology, and thermo- electricity. Advances in these fields will have limitless applications both military and civilian.
Section 932(e) establishes a bio-diesel demonstration program for a new breed of fuels that have the capability of replacing most or all of the petroleum diesel component in current bio-diesel mixtures with a non-petroleum product. Middle Tennessee State University has generation units that it could make available to test these new fuels at various levels of concentration, and I hope that DOE would consider MTSU as an appropriate site to conduct these tests.
Section 933 establishes a university program to demonstrate the feasibility of operating a hydrogen-powered vehicle by utilizing an innovative suite of off-the-shelf components in current automotive technologies. Research is being done today at Middle Tennessee State University that would show the practicality of running current engine technology off purely sun and water as the power sources.
Section 983 addresses the critical issue of declining U.S. competencies in math, science and engineering by awarding a grant to a Southeastern consortium of research universities for partnerships with teacher training colleges and National Laboratories to design, implement and disseminate K-16 less on plans in math and science. One of the country's premier organizations in this field is the Oak Ridge Associated Universities (ORAU). By utilizing the expert resources in teacher training institutions such as Middle Tennessee State University, I believe ORAU can play a major role in stemming the growing gap in our global technological competitiveness.
Seciton 1010 seeks to recognize the contributions smaller colleges and universities can make in research and development activities and encourage this through greater collaboration with the traditional research institutions. By identifying the colleges and universities according to the Carnegie Classification system, this amendment defines accurately the categories of research institutions that will benefit most from collaboration.
Section 1104 instructs the Secretary to support expanding ongoing activities of the National Center for Energy Management and Building Technologies. This important organization brings the Sheet Metal and Air Conditioning Contractors National Association, the Sheet Metal Workers, universities, and the national labs together to make sure that technology and skills are transferred in the heating and cooling industry. In my opinion, logical opportunities for expansion involve additional universities that are near other national laboratories like Oak Ridge and to initiate research, technology transfer, and training for related technologies such as ground source heat pumps.
Sec. 404 instructs the Secretary to award grants to institutions of higher education that have substantial experience in coal research and show the greatest potential for advancing clean coal technologies. Schools such as Southern Illinois University, the University of Pittsburgh, Carnegie Mellon University, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University and the Center for Electric Power at Tennessee Technological University have programs dedicated to the cost-effective and environmentally-responsible usage of our most plentiful domestic energy source.
I would also like to highlight the contributions of several of our members to very key components of Title IX:
Mr. Honda's commitment to the progress of the Next Generation Lighting Initiative, the Stanford Linear Accelerator, and the Joint Genomics Institute, Nanotechnology research and development, and his work with Mr. Larson on transit bus demonstrations of fuel cells.
Mrs. Woolsey and Mr. Udall's continued dedication to deploying clean, newable and efficient energy technologies in transportation, buildings and electric power production.
Mr. Costello's diligence in ensuring that utilization of our vast domestic coal resources only gets cleaner and more efficient and universities play a major role in these efforts.
Mrs. Lofgren's vision in support of domestic fusion energy research and international fusion projects that may ultimately harness the power of the sun and give the world an inexhaustible source of energy.
Mr. Lincoln Davis' work to ensure good science continues at Oak Ridge National Lab, particularly in the field of High-End Computing.
Mr. Miller's efforts to establish a nationwide network of Advanced Energy Technology Transfer Centers, to get technologies off the laboratory shelf and into the marketplace.
Sheila Jackson Lee's work in electric vehicle battery recycling, building standards, offshore oil and gas resources and most importantly, her tireless commitment to science at minority-serving institutions.
John Larson's continued support for the development and utilization of fuel cell technologies that will carry us into a future hydrogen economy.
The Science Committee contributed virtually all of Title 9, the research and development title of this bill. While Research and Development programs typically have not been controversial, I believe the Title 9 provisions represent a major part of this legislation. The R&D programs authorized in this bill will provide the means to produce the energy that this country will need for the future.
Mr. Speaker, I thank our ranking member on our subcommittee for allowing me to speak for 3 minutes. The comprehensive energy legislation is a positive step towards a stable energy future for America,…
Mr. Speaker, I thank our ranking member on our subcommittee for allowing me to speak for 3 minutes.
The comprehensive energy legislation is a positive step towards a stable energy future for America, and I want to thank all the Members who worked so hard in putting this together on such an aggressive schedule. I especially appreciate our ranking member, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), of our full Committee of Energy and Commerce, and also our Chair of our subcommittee, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher), for their hard work. I congratulate the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) on both his fairness in the committee mark-up and also in the floor action that we had. We actually made democracy work. But also I know the hard work as I watched a lot of conference committee on TV in the effort to get this legislation where it is today. I think it is a great achievement.
The folks who are opposing it, their biggest argument is we do not do anything about lowering oil prices. Well, the easiest thing we could do is actually produce more domestically instead of importing it from everywhere, but they are the same folks that are opposing any more domestic production.
This bill does so many good things. Energy infrastructure, the bill addresses the bureaucratic blocks that hamstring the growth of our energy infrastructure, particularly regarding natural gas terminals and pipelines. And I am pleased the conference committee has chosen to follow the blueprint of the Terry-Green LNG legislation we introduced last year that first recognized LNG as an international and interstate commerce and thus subject to ultimate Federal jurisdiction.
We need to open at least 10 to 15 liquefied natural gas terminals in the lower 48 in the next 5 to 10 years in order to stabilize our natural gas prices, both residential and commercial prices, and protect millions of our manufacturing jobs.
The petro-chemical industry is in dire need of stable natural gas feedstock prices as elsewhere along the Gulf Coast. Our community would end up looking like the Rust Belt. This committee report helps that.
Domestic production, I am disappointed, did not go far enough in domestic energy supplies. America's vast offshore energy resources remain largely off-limits even though our coast would not be threatened by development. Contrary to political scare tactics of certain organizations, oil and gas can be safely produced, whether it is Florida, California, or the east coast. We have been doing it off Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama for
years. Lower 48 production uses pipelines and not tankers so the Valdez is not even an example they can use.
Mr. Speaker, the other concern I have is the loss of the MTBE issue, but I understand the Senate did not want to take it up. So I guess the folks who want to sue for MTBE can go to the courthouse. MTBE actually lowered our air pollution problems in my community in Houston. It was under the 1990 Clean Air Act. I would just hope businesses and communities would still continue to try to find another substances that would clean up our air.
In conclusion, I am concerned about ensuring that we have adequate traditional energy sources because we have to rely on them for the next few decades. I will support anything we do in research to get alternatives, but we also need to make sure we can keep our lights on for this decade.
The comprehensive energy legislation is a positive step towards a stable energy future for America.
I want to thank all Members who have worked so hard on putting this together on such an aggressive schedule. This is a great achievement.
I. Energy Infrastructure
The bill addresses bureaucratic roadblocks that have hamstrung the growth of our energy infrastructure, particularly liquefied natural gas terminals and pipelines.
I am pleased that the conference committee has chosen to follow the blueprint of the Terry-Green LNG legislation we introduced 1 year ago. Our bill was the first to recognize that LNG is international and interstate commerce, and thus subject to ultimate Federal jurisdiction.
We need to open up 10-15 LNG terminals in the lower 48 States in the next 5-10 years in order to stabilize natural gas prices, residential and commercial electric prices, and protect millions of manufacturing jobs. The petrochemical industry is in dire need of stable natural gas feedstock prices, or else the Gulf Coast could end up like the Rust Belt.
This conference report ensures that ``not-in-my-backyard'' LNG opposition will not drive electric prices through the roof and drive manufacturing jobs overseas to Asia and Europe in search of affordable natural gas.
II. Domestic Production
I am disappointed that the legislation does not go nearly far enough to increase domestic energy supplies.
America's vast offshore energy resources remain largely off-limits, even through our coasts would not be threatened by development.
Contrary to the political scare tactics of certain organizations, oil and gas can be produced safely off of Florida, California, and the East Coast. Beaches and coastal areas in the lower 48 have no need to fear a Valdez-like accident from offshore production.
Lower 48 production uses pipelines, the safest form of transportation in the world, and will not mean more oil tankers.
In many decades of oil and gas production in the Gulf of Mexico, we have not had disasters that ruined any of the beaches or estuaries in Texas, Alabama, or Louisiana. Tourism at Texas beaches like Galveston and South Padre Island is a huge industry and we protect it seriously.
I challenge opponents of offshore production to name one serious oil spill that has harmed a Gulf beach or estuary.
Critics like to say that this bill is projected to do little to reduce gas prices that are squeezing Americans. That may be true in the short run, although if ANWR exploration is approved in the budget that will change. Ironically the real reason there is not enough gas price relief in this bill is the opponents of the bill themselves.
The best thing we can do to stabilize gas prices is produce more oil at home--we cannot wave a magic wand and lower the price of Middle Eastern oil.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 5 minutes. Mr. Speaker, at the risk of beating a dead horse, I would once again like to express my profound misgivings about supporting this bill this afternoon. Obviously…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 5 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, at the risk of beating a dead horse, I would once again like to express my profound misgivings about supporting this bill this afternoon.
Obviously this Chamber has basic expenses, and they have to be paid for, but I want to suggest that I think that the visitors center, which is now being constructed on the east side of the Capitol, is a project which, while it might be desirable, has been managed in such an outlandish fashion that I think before it is done, it is going to bring great embarrassment to this institution.
The fact is that that center started out costing around $90 million. Before it is finished, it is now going to cost a good $600 million. It was supposed to be open by 2005. We are going to be lucky if it will be open and fully operational, if we ignore the nice word games that we have been presented by the Architect's office; in fact, we will be lucky if this is fully operational by the year 2007.
In my view, this project has been mismanaged as badly as the entire Federal budget has been mismanaged. That hole that we used to have out here, I think, was symbolic of the hole in logic that has dominated the administration of this entire project.
I have two principal objections to that visitors center. Number one, I think it is far too expensive. And, secondly, I object to the misallocation of space in that project.
Now, I have seen three different stories that have purportedly reported on my objections to the center. And each of those stories leaves the impression that my major concern is simply that Congress did not have enough room. That is not my point at all.
My point is that when you have such a huge addition of space to the Capitol, that space should be allocated in an intelligent way, in a way which makes Congress more efficient, in a way which gives Congress more working space as opposed to propaganda space.
We are going to have a lot of money lavished on a media center. We are going to have all of the creature comforts that you can imagine for any of the reporters who cover Members of Congress in that media center. But there will be very little done to make this Congress more able to sit down in a timely fashion in conference and work out our differences.
So I think a tremendous amount of space has been wasted. And I think a tremendous amount of taxpayers' dollars have been wasted. And the reason I am voting against this is because I think this is the last chance that any of us will have to ask the leadership of this House and the Architect's office to at least review the way space is being allocated, at least review the way taxpayer dollars are being expended.
We are going to have, when this project is over, we will have a project which is cosmetically beautiful, no question about that. There will be lots of Taj Mahal marble show space, but there will be very little working space that will be added.
I think that if we are not getting the biggest bang from the buck we ought to be getting out of a project like this. I do believe that not only is the cost of this project out of control, I think the heating center project which is also ongoing is also going to wind up embarrassing this institution significantly.
So I intend to vote ``no.'' I am not going to particularly try to ask anyone to vote any which way, but I intend to vote ``no'' because I think this visitor center represents a missed opportunity and a spectacular case of mismanagement and wasting of taxpayer funds.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. LaHood) for reminding me that I forgot to mention the continuity issue as well. Again, I find myself in the minority.
This is a very important question. What we are talking about here is very simply, what would happen if a large number of Members of Congress were obliterated in some kind of terrorist attack and we were left in a crisis situation? And we have very simply a choice that needs to be made. We have a choice between an operation which would allow the executive branch to essentially operate almost any way it sees fits with perhaps only a handful of
surviving Members for a 45-day period until we can have special elections to replace Members of Congress who might have been killed in such an attack; or we could follow a different model under which we would have this Congress populated for a temporary period by persons who are appointed under a previously prescribed procedure until we could have a special election so that we would again have elected representatives for each of the 435 districts in this House.
I much prefer the latter. I do not think it is a good idea, as this bill does, to, in effect, create a situation in which we would have one-man rule for 45 days. We could have literally only a handful of Members of Congress who had survived an attack, and I do not think under those circumstances that we want to be ruled by a President without any kind of checks and balances whatsoever.
So there is an honest, intellectual difference of opinion on this question. And I think we are going down the wrong road. I think that by choosing the model that was chosen, what is happening is that we are in fact choosing form over substance. It is indeed important to have persons who represent each of our districts be elected representatives. But if the Member from an individual district is blown away in a terrorist attack, it is in my judgment, better that that district be represented on a temporary basis by an appointed person rather than having them represented by no one at all for that period.
So that is why I think that this House in its haste to find a solution is going down the wrong road.
I yield to the gentleman from Illinois.
No, I do not think so. I think there is always room in this place for protest votes, and this is one occasion when I intend to exercise it; but I thank the gentleman for his efforts.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the energy bill on the floor today. As our dependence on foreign oil increases, this plan fails to directly confront our nation's future energy challenges. It…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the energy bill on the floor today. As our dependence on foreign oil increases, this plan fails to directly confront our nation's future energy challenges. It provides a false sense of security to the American people that this Congress is serious about addressing our future energy needs and the skyrocketing cost of oil.
Some of my colleagues have lauded this bill, saying that it is the most comprehensive energy bill to be brought to the House floor in 30 to 40 years. While the bill may be wide-ranging, it provides no solutions, no tools, and no blueprint for reducing our demand for foreign oil or for giving families and small business owners relief at the gas pump.
Over 58 percent of the oil used to transport our nation's food from farms to consumers, heat our homes, and get us to work or school, is imported from overseas. Even the Department of Energy acknowledged that this bill will do next-to-nothing to lower gasoline prices or reduce America's demand for foreign oil. In fact, the Energy Information Administration, EIA, predicts our dependence on foreign oil will increase to more than 68 percent by 2005 regardless of whether this energy bill is signed into law or not.
If this bill does become law, Congress will have missed a monumental opportunity to make real progress in reducing our demand for foreign oil Even small efforts in this direction were rejected. For example, during conference negotiations, Republican conferees voted against a modest Senate proposal that would have required the President to reduce U.S. oil consumption by 1 million barrels a day by 2015.
This energy bill also fails to raise the efficiency standards for automobiles, which have not been increased in decades. Instead of challenging our nation's talented engineers to build safe cars, trucks and SUVs that can travel further on less gasoline, Republican conferees wilted to lobbyists who do not seem to believe in the American worker's ``can do'' ingenuity anymore.
Instead of diversifying the portfolio of the energy resources we depend on to power our nation, a Senate provision that would have required electric utilities to generate 10 percent
of its electricity from renewable sources was dropped during conference. A handful of States, including my home State of Wisconsin, have adopted similar targets and have had tremendous success. The use of renewables in these States has significantly increased while their benefits and popularity among consumers have proved the initial ``doomsday'' predictions by electric utilities wrong.
Rather than make Herculean efforts to bring renewable technologies to the market and expand their use, the bill provides oil and gas companies billions of dollars to subsidize their exploration and production efforts. To me, these taxpayer subsidies do not make much sense when the oil industry already expects to have 40 percent higher profits this year, with Exxon Mobil, BP, and Royal Dutch/Shell expecting to post a combined profit of more than $60 billion.
Despite the many misplaced priorities in this bill, I was pleased a number of provisions were included in this conference report that will benefit our Nation as well as Wisconsin. For example, conferees made the wise decision to expand our use of renewable fuels, such as ethanol, by 7.5 million gallons over 10 years. This is good for the environment, good for our Nation's energy future, and good for America's farmers. We could have done much more, but this is an important step in the right direction.
I believe now is the time to make substantial investments in improving technologies that generate more electricity from fewer resources and developing alternatives that won't pollute our environment. We must start today to ensure our Nation's energy security in the future.
I also strongly support the electricity reliability language in the bill that will help shore up the procedures and rules that govern the flow of electricity across State borders. While the reliability standards are long overdue, I believe they will help keep the lights on and ensure that a blackout similar to the one in 2003 does not happen again.
I also support the provision that will permanently ban oil and gas drilling in the Great Lakes. The Great Lakes are among our Nation's most valuable natural treasures and I believe they should not be threatened by potential oil spills or have their beauty or recreational appeal tainted by massive oil rigs.
Furthermore, I applaud conferees for not including a provision that would open up the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge for oil and natural gas production and exploration. Destroying one of America's most pristine wilderness areas for a few months of oil is not the long-term answer to reducing our-dependence on foreign nations for oil. Energy bill conferees also deserve credit for not including a safe harbor provision that would have shielded the manufacturers of the gasoline additive, MTBE, from lawsuits. This measure would have made taxpayers shoulder the burden of cleaning up hundreds of contaminated water supply systems across the country at a cost of more than $30 million.
Despite these positive provisions, Congress has had almost five years to get its priorities right, to put the American people before special interests, and to put forward a plan that curbs our demand for foreign oil. It is now clear that Congress has failed, and that this bill represents a lost opportunity. This House should not pass a bill that provides a false sense of security to the American people while failing to truly address the energy challenges our Nation will face in the future. I urge my colleagues to vote against this energy bill.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in objection to H.R. 6, the Energy Policy Act conference report under consideration by the full House of Representatives and the Senate this week. While the conference…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in objection to H.R. 6, the Energy Policy Act conference report under consideration by the full House of Representatives and the Senate this week. While the conference report removes many of the worst provisions from the original House bill, this final version does little to reduce our nation's dependence on foreign oil, to decrease rising oil and gas prices, to increase our national security, to protect our environment, or to encourage investment in renewable energy sources. In addition, provisions in the report could directly impact my constituents by excluding local voices and local input during hydropower relicensing, which is what is taking place at the Niagara Power Project, just outside my district, right now.
While I applaud the hard work of my colleagues in removing many of the most egregious aspects of the bill--reducing the giveaways to oil and gas companies, removing the MTBE provision and excluding drilling in the Great Lakes and Alaska--I am most concerned about how this bill will affect my constituents in Western New York where we are currently embattled in a fight with the New York Power Authority over its bad faith negotiations to mitigate the environmental, aesthetic and economic effects of storage and use of NYPA equipment essential to the hydropower dam on Buffalo's waterfront, the Niagara River, Lake Erie and Western New York's economic recovery.
Buried deep in the conference report is language that will make it easier for hydropower project owners to squash local concerns and second-guess federal agency licensing conditions by countering with their own favorable alternatives. Under current law, applications to operate a hydroelectric facility are reviewed by federal environmental agencies. Those agencies, with input from concerned citizens, states and local governments, can place conditions on the approval of a license, requiring the applicant to provide specified protections for water and wildlife. The conference report allows applicants and other interested parties to offer alternatives to those government conditions, but those alternatives must either cost less to implement or increase electricity production. Federal agencies are then forced to accept those alternatives. This means dam owners can control their own licenses. While the language in the conference report is an improvement from the original House language, this would, in effect, give hydropower dam owners special rights to influence federal licensing decisions and reduce the state, local government and concerned citizen roles in the decision-making process. That is a step backwards from current law that I am not willing to take. In Buffalo we need more local control, not less.
In additional direct impact on my constituents, this bill will do nothing to reduce sky high oil and gas prices. The Administration's own Energy Information Administration acknowledges that with this bill, ``changes to production, consumption, imports, and prices are negligible.'' They even find that gasoline prices under this legislation would increase by between three and eight cents per gallon.
Clearly, this measure is a short sighted political move aimed at winning friends and contributors instead of what it should be--a long term plan to ease the energy burden on consumers and make the United States safer and energy independent--and that's a shame.
As a member of the Committee on Government Reform's Subcommittee on Energy and Natural Resources, I know all too well how energy needs shape our foreign policy and our national security agenda. Our desperate need for oil pits us against China and India. It forces us into a position of funding governments and world leaders who funnel our payments to groups that are currently planning to do us harm. And our need for oil from foreign markets forces our brave Armed Service men and women into harm's way to protect our vital interests.
But oil needn't be the lead driver in our national security policy. We have resources at home like water, wind and sun that, with research and investment, can produce cleaner energy sources and cheaper alternatives, can reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and can create jobs and spur spending here at home. Just outside my district, with the water heaving over the Niagara Falls, we convert water into electricity every day. It's a shame this bill doesn't do enough for similar options around the country.
All too often I hear from my constituents in Western New York that too many low-income
families, disabled individuals and senior citizens are not able to afford their energy costs. My district is particularly hard hit with extreme cold temperatures, which cause more families to face unaffordable heating costs and put families and seniors at a higher risk of life-threatening illness or death if their homes are too cold in the winter or too hot in the summer.
Because of its detrimental effects on the people in my district I will vote against the Energy Policy Act conference report today. It ignores my constituents' needs and only adds to their troubles by reducing local decision making, increasing oil and gas prices, increased their tax burden, creating more pollution, and leaving them less secure from foreign threats. I urge my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the energy legislation that we are debating on the House floor today. As an energy scientist who spent nearly a decade working at one of the Nation's premiere…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the energy legislation that we are debating on the House floor today. As an energy scientist who spent nearly a decade working at one of the Nation's premiere alternative energy research labs I understand the complex and challenging nature of moving toward sustainable energy sources. Having served in this body for more than 6 years, I understand the difficulties in balancing competing interests to obtain a policy that benefits the Nation. Unfortunately, this bill does not strike a balance that provides a productive and clear vision that will lead this Nation towards energy independence.
The Energy Policy Act does not provide any solutions to reaching energy independence or reducing our destruction of the world the next generation will inherit. This legislation provides subsidies to industries that produce environmentally damaging and finite energy sources instead of investing in research that would allow our children to be the first generation to realize a nation that is powered largely by renewable energy sources. It is a bill that is designed to meet the needs of special interests instead of demanding higher standards for corporate America.
Instead of investing in cleaner, long term solutions, this bill brushes aside our Nation's future energy needs in order to provide billions of taxpayer dollars to the oil, gas and other traditional energy industries to promote short-term, polluting energy sources. These tax incentives should not be going to industries that are thriving, but should be used to invest in our future by increasing research funding for alternative energy sources such as wind energy, fuel cells and fusion.
The domination of special interests means much more than wealthy industries receiving tax breaks that will make them even richer. It means that more of our children will suffer from asthma because we did not demand stricter regulations on polluters. It means that children across this Nation will drink contaminated water because we chose to insulate an industry from being held accountable for their negligent actions. It means that our children will not have the opportunity to take their children to view the natural treasures that inspired them in their youth because we needed to open up these lands to allow oil and gas companies to expand their operations.
We will never drill our way to independence domestically, yet we have an energy bill that is stuck in the past that yet again seeks to drill a little deeper, in more places. This legislation includes a permanent authorization of an oil and gas leasing program in the National Petroleum Reserve--Alaska without preserving any key wilderness and cultural areas in this 23 million acre region. Further, this bill authorizes an inventory of the oil and gas resources underneath the Outer Continental Shelf, OCS--a first step towards reversing the two decade moratorium that prohibits oil and gas drilling on the Outer Continental Shelf.
This bill also fails to protect American consumers. I am frustrated that an amendment I offered with Representative Nancy Johnson to ensure that consumers receive accurate information regarding the fuel efficiency of automobiles was gutted because it was characterized as an attempt to change CAFE standards. This is a consumer protection issue and not an attack on the automobile industry that vigorously opposed our legislation. Americans do care how efficient their car is, and it is a failure of our government that we cannot provide consumers that walk into a showroom to pick out a new car with a sticker in the window that reflects accurate information on the car's city and highway gas mileage.
Before I conclude my remarks I would like to recognize that there are some good points in this bill. For example, the bill provides continuing support for the highly successful Energy Star program at the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of Energy, which promotes energy efficiency in buildings and products. The bill also authorizes annual 10 percent increases in research on energy efficiency and renewable energy. Additionally, it includes a few creative ways to reduce the consumption of energy, such as Representative Markey's provision to extend daylight savings time by one month.
We need a responsible and sustainable approach to addressing our Nation's energy needs. On behalf of the residents of the 12th District, I pledge to continue to work toward the development of a balanced, comprehensive energy plan--one that finds environmentally friendly, sustainable ways to decrease our dependence on foreign oil and slow the degradation of our planet.
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 396 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 396 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Matsui), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
(Mr. LINCOLN DIAZ-BALART of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, House Resolution 396 is a traditional, standard rule for consideration of the conference report for the fiscal year 2006 Legislative Branch Appropriations Act. The rule provides 1 hour of general debate, equally divided and controlled by the chairman and ranking minority member of the Committee on Appropriations.
The legislation before us appropriates $3.084 billion for operations of the legislative branch. The bill is fiscally sound. It includes a modest increase from the bill of fiscal year 2005.
In accordance with long practice, Mr. Speaker, each body determined its own fiscal requirements. As such, the conference report includes $1.1 billion the House of Representatives originally appropriated for its operations earlier this year. It also includes the $759 million the Senate appropriated for its operations. The appropriations for both the House of Representatives and the Senate includes funds for Members' representational allowances, leadership and committee offices. These funds will help Members fulfill their duties to legislate and to oversee.
These funds also help Congress complete the vitally important task, as I have just mentioned, which is the oversight of the executive branch. The Constitution grants Congress broad powers that include the extraordinarily important power of oversight. This includes obviously getting to know what the executive is doing, how programs are being administered, by whom and at what cost, and whether officials are complying with the law, with the intent of the law.
For the Capitol Police, who each and every day protect us, our staffs, and our constituents visiting the Capitol, the bill appropriates over $249 million. This level of funding will support the current staffing level of 1,592 officers, an additional 43 officers for the Library of Congress and 45 new officers for the Capitol Visitors Center. Also included is an inspector general for the Capitol Police to help the Capitol Police with administrative operations such as financial management and budgeting.
The bill also includes an important piece of legislation, the Continuity in Representation Act of 2005. As we all know, Mr. Speaker, on September 11, 2001, flight 93 was headed toward us here. If it were not for the heroic acts of the passengers on flight 93, we could very well have faced a situation where Congress may not have been able to function. We cannot allow this to happen. We certainly have to do everything we can to not allow it to happen.
H.R. 841 would accelerate elections in case a terrorist attack leaves the House of Representatives with over 100 vacancies. It provides for the expedited special election of new Members to fill seats left vacant in ``extraordinary circumstances.''
The House passed this bill earlier this year by an overwhelming bipartisan margin of 329 to 68. In the 108th Congress, the House passed a similar bill by a vote of 306 to 97. Each time the Senate has failed to consider this vital piece of legislation; so the Speaker wisely asked that this very important legislation be included in this process.
We must not ignore the threat to our constitutional duty. It is time that we have legislation such as this that can handle such an inconceivably horrible possibility and does not leave our duty to legislate and oversee in limbo.
Mr. Speaker, this is a good bill, essential to our continued ability to legislate, to our power of oversight and the continuity of government.
I would like to thank the gentleman from California (Chairman Lewis) and the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), ranking member, for their leadership on this. And I thank the distinguished gentlewoman from California for her hard work and friendship.
I urge my colleagues to support both the rule and the underlying legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The previous question was ordered.
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Mr. Speaker, today I rise in strong support of the Domenici-Barton Energy Policy Act. I want to congratulate the House Conferees and thank them all for their hard work. I would like to especially…
Mr. Speaker, today I rise in strong support of the Domenici-Barton Energy Policy Act.
I want to congratulate the House Conferees and thank them all for their hard work. I would like to especially recognize the efforts of the Chairman of the Conference, Mr. Barton and the Dean of the House, Mr. Dingell.
Working together with their Senate counterparts, the House Conferees did what many said was impossible: complete the most comprehensive energy legislation in a generation in less than one month.
Mr. Speaker, completing this job was important for our Nation. Americans have waited too long for this legislation to get finished. Americans need this legislation to lower their energy costs, to drive economic growth and job creation and to promote greater energy independence.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is important to the Nation for a number of reasons.
First, this bill addresses the burden that higher gasoline prices place on American consumers by reducing our dependency on foreign oil.
This legislation encourages domestic production of oil by streamlining the permit process for new wells. It also promotes greater refining capacity so more gasoline will be on the market; and it increases gasoline supply by putting an end to the proliferation of boutique fuels.
In addition, this bill helps us reduce our dependence on foreign oil by unleashing the power of the American farmer.
This legislation includes a historic Renewable Fuel Standard, which will result in the doubling of the use of clean-burning and renewable ethanol. The production and use of 7.5 billion gallons of ethanol by 2012 will displace over 2 billion barrels of crude oil. America has a strategic reserve of motor fuels in the cornfields of Illinois, the fields of rice in California, and the cane fields of Florida and its time we tap it.
This legislation also helps alleviate the hidden tax on American consumers, farmers, small businesses and manufacturers that comes in the form of higher natural gas prices. Increased natural gas prices have had an adverse impact on the American economy for too long. Several provisions in H.R. 6, including the streamlining of the LNG infrastructure permitting process and the inventory of America's off- shore resources, are significant steps toward ensuring that our Nation has an adequate and affordable supply of natural gas.
Additionally, this bill provides incentives for the development of clean energy technologies. Included in this legislation are tax credits and funds for the promotion and development of clean coal technologies. There are important incentives for the construction of new nuclear power plants, including the President's proposal for risk insurance to protect against the difficult and lengthy regulatory process of building a nuclear plant. And, this bill continues our Nation's commitment to producing electricity through the use of solar, geothermal and wind power.
Another important component of this legislation enhances our electricity transmission infrastructure so it can meet the needs of our growing economy and help reduce the potential for future blackouts. This bill requires the adoption of strict transmission reliability standards and provides incentives for building additional transmission capacity. This bill also includes measures to update our Nation's electricity laws which will attract much-needed capital to this vital sector of our economy.
However, this bill is not just about the creation of energy, it also contains several important provisions which will help conserve energy as well. This bill establishes new mandatory efficiency standards for federal buildings. And, it sets new standards and requires product labeling for battery chargers, commercial refrigerators, freezers and other household products.
Mr. Speaker, I could go on and on about all the positive and important elements in this legislation. But I believe it's enough to say that we should support this bill and send it to the President because it's the right thing for the American people. They should expect to have an affordable, reliable, efficient, and environmentally sound supply of energy and this bill assures that they will.
Again, let me congratulate Mr. Barton and all the House Conferees and urge my colleagues to support this historic legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference report. I begin by commending my colleagues, all of them, for the work they did. I want to pay particular tribute to the staff which worked long and…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference report. I begin by commending my colleagues, all of them, for the work they did. I want to pay particular tribute to the staff which worked long and hard and did a superb job, and that is the staff on both sides of the aisle and at both ends of this building: Senate, House, Republicans and Democrats. I want to pay particular tribute to my friends who served as conferees, all of them, whether they signed the conference report or not.
I want to pay particular tribute to the gentleman from Texas (Chairman Barton) for his outstanding leadership and for the fair and decent way in which he conducted the business of the conference. And I want to pay tribute to Senators Domenici and Bingaman who did such an outstanding job in making it possible for us to have the kind of negotiations which brought us here.
I would observe that the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton) ran the conference the way it used to be run, in an open, decent, and fair fashion; and I express to him my thanks for the way in which he conducted himself and the honorable and fine way in which he conducted the business of the conference in the House.
My colleagues will remember I voted against the measure in April. It was my view at that time that it hurt consumers, taxpayers, and the environment. Consumer protections in electricity and natural gas markets now, however, will be strengthened, and taxpayers will no longer be on the hook for MTBE cleanups, and the environmental risk has been reduced. Environmental laws have been protected, and it is a much better piece of legislation.
I repeat, the conference was kept as open as it could be because of the leadership of my friend and colleague, the chairman of the committee. Again, I repeat thanks for the outstanding work of the conferees and the staff.
What does this bill do? First of all, it is a much more balanced and collective piece of legislation than that before. It may even be better than either the Senate or the House bill in almost all of the particulars. It begins to set forth a comprehensive and balanced approach to the development and the use of energy resources. And rather than important industries being encumbered with costly mandates, carrying unfortunate economic effects, it lets things work in the way that will achieve the purposes of this Congress.
It is major progress in establishing reliability of the electric grid, incremental progress in efficiency standards on developing renewable energy sources, and potentially very significant progress for clean coal technologies and significant progress for energy research and development programs, including research in very deep water, something about which there has been some unjustified criticism raised lately.
Some of my colleagues will be calling this a missed opportunity. My auto-worker constituents will be glad that we missed an opportunity to impose harsh fuel efficiency requirements on home-grown auto manufacturers. They already make many models that are very fuel efficient that American consumers can buy right now.
Others of my colleagues will cite subsidies for traditional energy industries, and sometimes on this matter they are right. I tried, but failed, to reduce many of these. But we need to encourage development of multiple domestic sources of energy, and many of the subsidies in this bill will help us develop those sources; and I would remind my colleagues that Congress has not infrequently, indeed, many times in our history, provided economic incentives for the economic development of this country. We are a richer, better, stronger, and happier country for that reason.
Are we overpaying some particulars? Probably. Would this be the bill I would have drawn had I begun with it? No. It is not a perfect bill, but it is a solid and a good beginning to developing an energy strategy for the 21st century. It is the best that can be constructed at this time. It has been done by honorable leadership of our chairman and members of the conference who worked so hard. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this energy bill. The American people need and deserve an energy policy that will reduce energy prices, reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and reduce…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this energy bill. The American people need and deserve an energy policy that will reduce energy prices, reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and reduce pollution. This bill is not the answer.
While it is an improvement over the House bill, it is not good enough for the American people. Several of the most egregious provisions have been removed, thanks to the tireless work of the Democratic Members who served on the conference committee. And I thank them for their contribution.
We kept the heat on the MTBE give-away and the massive roll-back of the Clean Air Act until they were withdrawn. We fought to protect the Arctic National Refuge, making it too hot for the Republicans to handle--forcing them to withdraw from the energy bill their plan to drill in the pristine wilderness.
Nonetheless, like its predecessors, this energy bill is a missed opportunity. It does not address the issues that the American people care about--lower gas prices at the pump, a healthy environment, safe water to drink, and cleaner air. This bill is still anti-taxpayer, anti-environment, and anti-consumer.
It is anti-taxpayer with billions of dollars in gifts to the oil, gas, and nuclear industries, including a new production tax credit for eight years. There are some subsidies for emerging clean energy technologies, such as renewable energy and hybrid vehicles, but not nearly
enough, especially compared to the give-away for the established energy industries.
Then there is the special gift for the gentleman from Texas, the House Majority Leader. After the gavel went down on the energy bill conference, a provision was included that sets up a special $1.5 billion fund for the oil industry to conduct research on how to find oil, and a leading contender to host the consortium is Sugar Land, Texas. Consortium members, including Halliburton and Marathon Oil, can receive awards from the fund.
There you have it: big oil, Halliburton, and Tom DeLay, all in one neat symbolic package.
At a time when Congress is trying to scrape together enough Federal funding for veterans' health care, Social Security, education, Medicare, and Medicaid, why are we giving away taxpayer money hand over fist to well-established, profitable companies?
Some of these energy companies are not simply profitable. The major oil companies are raking in such enormous profits that they do not know what to do with it all. The top three oil companies (Exxon Mobil, BP, and Royal Dutch Shell) are expected to post a new record profit of $60 billion this year, while this quarter's profits are 40 percent better than last year.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is anti-environmental. It authorizes an oil and gas inventory of the Outer Continental Shelf, opening the door to oil and gas drilling in the protected areas off our shores. The House has more than once soundly voted to reject this proposal. Coastal Members from both sides of the aisle know that our beautiful beaches, shores and fisheries are priceless and should not be put at risk. But despite our best efforts, Republicans insisted on keeping the inventory in this bill.
The energy bill carves out exemptions for the oil and gas industry from the Safe Drinking Water Act, and the Clean Water Act. It is loaded with provisions that override local and State authority in favor of Federal authority. It gives the Federal Government the right to condemn land to build electric power lines. It gives the Federal Government the right to decide where gas pipelines and liquefied natural gas facilities will be built. It weakens States' rights to protect their own coastlines from oil and gas exploration.
Last but not least, the energy bill is anti-consumer. It fails to protect consumers from high gasoline prices. It fails to adequately protect consumers from price manipulations and future Enrons. And it fails to protect our national security by reducing our dependence on foreign oil.
Let there be no mistake. This bill is still anti-taxpayer, anti- environment, and anti-consumer. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the conference report.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference agreement on the Energy Policy Act. This day has certainly been a long time coming. The last major energy bill I was able to support was the National…
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the conference agreement on the Energy Policy Act.
This day has certainly been a long time coming. The last major energy bill I was able to support was the National Energy Efficiency Act of 1992. Since that time, there has been a clear need for follow-up legislation to address the significant energy challenges facing the country, but Congress and the Bush administration have repeatedly dropped the ball.
Over the last 4 years, Congress has twice come close to approving irresponsible energy legislation that would have done significant harm to consumers, the environment, taxpayers, and plain common sense.
As others have noted, the bill before us today--is not perfect, but it is much improved. I am especially pleased that the conferees dropped the harmful provisions in the House-passed bill that sought to open the Arctic Refuge to drilling and shield the MTBE industry from liability for the environmental damage their product has caused. There are still a number of provisions in this package that I would change; in particular, I would drop the tax and royalty-relief incentives in the bill for oil and gas drilling. When the price of a barrel of oil is near an all-time high, such public subsidies are unneeded and unjustified.
I want to state clearly why this bill is worthy of passage today. Two summers ago, the United States and southern Canada experienced the worst power blackout in history that left more than 50 million people without electricity, including 2.3 million residents of Michigan. Two years later, Congress has done nothing to address the reliability of the electrical transmission system. Voluntary standards won't get the job done. We need clear, mandatory and enforceable rules for ensuring the reliability of the power grid. The bill before the House accomplishes that.
I also support the many provisions of this legislation that spur development and use of renewable sources of energy and encourage conservation and energy efficiency. I believe that consumers, the environment, and energy security will be well served by the enhanced tax credit for Americans to purchase hybrids and other alternative power vehicles. Looking to the future, this bill provides significant resources for the development of clean-burning hydrogen.
I know that many of my friends in the environmental community disagree with some of the provisions in this bill. In particular, I know there is concern over the incentives for nuclear energy. As one who has more often than not voted against nuclear power, I understand these concerns. The fundamental problem with nuclear energy is that we have not yet developed an acceptable way of dealing with nuclear waste. In all likelihood, it won't be sufficient to just bury the waste in a hole in the Nevada desert and hope it stays put for the next 20,000 years. A much better solution is to develop the technologies to safely recycle or permanently isolate the waste.
By the same token, I think most everyone now accepts that global warming is a serious problem that needs to be addressed. The scientific evidence on warming is overwhelming, and we can't just ignore it as the administration has. We know enough now to begin addressing the problem. Unlike coal and petroleum, nuclear power produces no greenhouse gases. Like it or not, nuclear power must continue to be part of the mix of solutions to address the global warming problem. There are other steps we need to take, and one essential step is finding a better solution to the waste problem.
Last but not least, this energy bill permanently bans new oil and gas drilling in the Great Lakes. The Lakes are our State's crown jewels, and the heart of Michigan's multi-billion-dollar tourist industry. They should not be put at risk just so energy companies can extract a few weeks' supply of oil.
On balance, this energy package is worthy of support, and I urge my colleagues to join me in voting for it.
General Leave
Mr. Speaker, to Americans who are paying record prices for gasoline, do not look for any relief in this legislation. You would think when you pay record high prices for gasoline because of supply and…
Mr. Speaker, to Americans who are paying record prices for gasoline, do not look for any relief in this legislation. You would think when you pay record high prices for gasoline because of supply and demand that those who are receiving such high prices ought to have enough money to reinvest it to develop more energy.
Well, what are we doing here? We are asking the taxpayers to give more money to the oil, gas, coal, and nuclear industries in order to produce more energy domestically. For those who think that maybe at a time when we are dealing with a supply and demand problem that we also ought to reduce the demand, there is almost nothing in this legislation.
In fact, the other body, that means the Senate, had a provision that would have called on the President to come up with some ideas to reduce the demand for energy and the waste of energy and waste of oil particularly, just the President to come up with some ideas. Well, that was forced out of the bill.
We have nothing to make automobiles more fuel efficient, nothing to reduce the demand. For those who think perhaps we ought to look for alternative renewable fuels, well, the Senate had a provision on that issue. It was not a very strong one. That was struck from the bill.
The Republican Party has always had a tension between those who believe in fiscal responsibility and reducing government spending and those who want to reward their friends. This bill reflects the Republican Party, and many Democrats', support for their goal to reward their friends in big business.
Then the worst part of this bill, at a time when we are fighting in the Middle East, when we are asking our young men and women to risk their lives in part to protect our security from those who have been financed by oil imports into the United States and around the world, we are going to become even more dependent on importing more foreign oil.
This legislation is more than just a lost opportunity; it is a bill that I do not think is worthy of our support.
Now, the bill is not as bad as it could have been, but it is not nearly as good as it should be. The American people deserve much better. They deserve a visionary, bold energy policy that truly makes our country energy independent. And the bill is also a strike at environmental protection.
There was nothing more pathetic than the colloquy a few minutes ago with some of my colleagues from Florida who were worried about the beginning of drilling off the shore of Florida as we in California have worried about that as well. And they asked the chairman of the full committee for assurances that he will continue to work with them if the State does not want to allow the offshore oil drilling off the coast of Florida as we do not want it done in California. And they were assured that, of course, they would continue to be worked with.
Well, those same gentleman offered amendments, and I supported them, to say that we should not start down that road to drilling off the coast. And then they offered an amendment, which I supported, to say, if the State does not want drilling off the Continental Shelf, off that coast, to let the State opt out. That was defeated.
Now what we have in that colloquy is we will have people continue to work with us.
Well, we have taken the step towards letting the oil companies drill off the coast of our Nation. We have taken the step to open up more national lands that we wanted to protect to be developed by the oil companies. In another bill we will open up Alaska lands to further drilling.
We cannot drill ourselves out of our energy problems. We are not going to drill ourselves out of the global climate problems. We have got to get a better energy bill than the one before us. I urge Members to vote against it.
Mr. Speaker, the Washington Post today noted that the nicest thing that it could say about the comprehensive energy bill is that it could've been a lot worse. That's the sentiment that many of my…
Mr. Speaker, the Washington Post today noted that the nicest thing that it could say about the comprehensive energy bill is that it could've been a lot worse. That's the sentiment that many of my colleagues and I feel today--that while clear improvements have been made in conference--a tribute to Chairman Barton's leadership--that H.R. 6 essentially preserves the status quo.
There is no doubt that the underlying bill is a vast improvement on the bill we marked up this spring in committee and on the floor. Two of the most egregious provisions, liability protection for MTBE polluters and drilling in the pristine Arctic wilderness are out. We are also finally enacting electricity reliability standards and I was pleased to have worked with my colleagues Mr. Towns and Mr. Fossella to preserve New York's high reliability standards strengthening the underlying electricity title. New York has unique needs that necessitate this provision including having a high concentration of load in a small geographic area. Additionally, nearly 40 percent of the State population lives in NYC and close to three-fourths work there and 3 million New Yorkers use the underground subway system every day. Finally, New York is home to the NYSE and other critical financial institutions. Although, we should have done this years ago in response to the rolling blackouts of 2003, I am proud to be a part of the inclusion of such an important policy development.
However, I am deeply disappointed that this bill neither reduces our dependence on oil nor addresses climate change. The Energy Information Agency has stated that under the Energy Policy Act, by 2025, U.S. oil consumption is projected to increase to 28.3 million barrels per day and our country would increase its imports of foreign oil by 85 percent. It even found that gasoline prices under the bill would increase more than if the bill was not enacted. What this country critically needs, but is not in this bill, is a policy to reduce our addiction to oil through the promotion of alternatives and clean renewables, improve automotive fuel efficiency, and reduce greenhouse gasses.
Further, it is a travesty that this bill will open up our coastlines and wildlands to destructive oil and gas activities and evade environmental and consumer protections. I wish the conferees had included more funding for smarter, cleaner, safer, and cheaper energy policy in this bill that puts innovation and technology to work. While I am pleased that the Energy Policy Act includes $5 billion in tax breaks and incentives for energy efficiency and renewable energy programs, the number pales in comparison with the $9 billion earmarked for oil, gas, electricity and coal. Even our esteemed U.S. Energy Secretary, Sam Bodman, opposed the inclusion of such measures, stating, ``these industries don't need incentives with oil and gas prices being what they are today.'' We must target scarce Federal dollars wisely.
Our energy policy is intricately tied to our national security and our economic well-being. We must be vigilant in opening dialogues between diverse groups of policy experts like the Set America Free Coalition and National Commission on Energy Policy as we continue to build and improve on current energy policies. As the co-chair of the Congressional Oil and National Security Caucus, I know we need to diversify our energy sources, reduce our dependence on unstable oil sheikdoms, and create skilled jobs while reducing energy costs. We must create policies that will protect the environment and our consumers. While there is improvement in this conference report, on balance, our goals cannot be achieved under this Energy Policy Act, and so regretfully I must vote against it.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes. It is our intent also to join with the gentleman from Texas in yielding some time to the opposition to this measure this morning. I want to begin by commending…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 2 minutes.
It is our intent also to join with the gentleman from Texas in yielding some time to the opposition to this measure this morning.
I want to begin by commending the work of the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), the ranking member of our House Committee on Energy and Commerce, for the strong leadership that he has provided as our committee has considered this measure over the past 4 years. And I want to commend the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton), the chairman of our committee. He has presided over the House-Senate conference on this measure with grace. It was truly an open process. It was truly a bipartisan process. And the passage of the Energy Policy Act of 2005, which we will accomplish today, will be a lasting tribute to the gentleman from Texas' (Mr. Barton) skill and to his leadership.
Today we demonstrably advance our Nation's energy policy. Long-needed reliability standards will add stability and security to the electricity transmission grid. Modernized provisions will encourage cogeneration and other distributed means of producing electricity both efficiently and with improved environmental performance. The bill opens the door to a new generation of smart meters and real-time pricing plans so that electricity consumers can save money by operating appliances during times of lighter electricity demand. And we take meaningful steps to deploy advanced clean coal technologies that will encourage a greater use of coal for the electricity generation with superior environmental performance.
Coal is our most abundant domestic energy reserve. Within our borders we have 250 years of proven coal reserves. Our bill encourages electric utilities to make coal, rather than natural gas, the fuel of choice for new electricity-generating units, with an easing of the escalating pressure on natural gas prices. The bill is a balanced measure which deserves our support.
Mr. Speaker, I urge its approval by the House.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I also ask unanimous consent that 10 minutes of our time be yielded to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), with the result that the majority will have 20 minutes, we on our side will have 20 minutes, and the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey) will also have 20 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wynn), one of the conferees on the energy conference.
Mr. Speaker, at this time I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Stupak), another of our conferees.
(Mr. STUPAK asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Rush), a valuable member of our Energy and Commerce Committee.
Mr. Speaker, we reserve the balance of our time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gene Green), a valuable member of our Committee on Energy and Commerce.
(Mr. GENE GREEN of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).
(Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I too reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Dingell), the distinguished ranking member on the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
(Mr. DINGELL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my opposition to the comprehensive energy bill before us, a bill that purports to address the energy challenges facing this country, yet ignores the most fundamental…
Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my opposition to the comprehensive energy bill before us, a bill that purports to address the energy challenges facing this country, yet ignores the most fundamental issues and fails to set us on a path to a more sustainable future.
Despite the fact that the transportation sector is the biggest emitter of harmful pollutants into our air, this bill fails to increase the efficiency of our cars. The technology is there, the demand is there, but the will is not. Although the bill offers incentives for consumers to purchase hybrid vehicles, this country's broken fuel economy program prevents it from having an effect. When an auto maker sells more fuel efficient cars, they are then given flexibility to crank out more gas guzzlers, which boggles my mind.
The Energy Policy Act of 2005 also fails to require our utilities to derive even a small percentage of their power from renewable energy, as voters in Colorado overwhelmingly approved last year. Enactment of a national renewable portfolio standard would spur innovation in the marketplace, attract new capital investment, create jobs, and reduce pollution.
This legislation, which acknowledges that global warming is a problem, sets up yet another federal advisory committee to ``develop a national policy to address climate change.'' Maybe I am mistaken, but isn't that Congress' job? We had the opportunity in this bill to create a market-based system to curb greenhouse gas emissions that are warming our earth, polluting our skies, and endangering our national security by keeping us bound to foreign oil. Again, we had the opportunity, but with this bill, we are passing the buck for another Congress to deal with, when the problem is even more out of control.
This bill weakens some of our most basic environmental laws, such as the Clean Air Act, Clean Water Act, and the Safe Drinking Water Act. It presents some nice handouts to industry, such as billions in giveaways to oil companies that are already drowning in profits due to high oil prices, while the Nation is experiencing huge deficits and slashing education and health care programs.
This bill fails to recognize that high energy costs are a function of both supply and demand. While it is quite generous in increasing the production of fossil fuels, it does not even acknowledge the oil scarcity problem. Instead of drilling and more drilling, we should be helping to curb the Nation's appetite for this rapidly declining resource by encouraging the development of alternative technologies.
Mr. Speaker, there is no question that this bill is a marked improvement over previous iterations. I applaud Chairman Barton for his devotion to ensuring an open, transparent process with full debate on the issues. He has great courtesy and respect for the deliberative process, and I thank him for that. The bill he has put forward takes steps towards greater energy efficiency and conservation, ensuring the reliability of the electricity grid, and providing customers with incentives to purchase vehicles powered by alternative fuels.
But the problems with this legislation far outweigh its benefits, and as such I am forced to oppose it. I wish this Congress had the courage to enact reforms that would set this country on a more sustainable energy future, but instead it seems content to stick with a status quo that emphasizes extraction over conservation, pork over investment, and development over efficiency. Americans deserve better.
Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) for yielding me this time and for his leadership, as well as the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hall) of the subcommittee, but let me…
Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Boucher) for yielding me this time and for his leadership, as well as the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hall) of the subcommittee, but let me particularly offer appreciation to the chairman of the full committee and the ranking member of the full committee for the hard work and dedication that they have offered, and also the spirit of the conference, which was open and allowed the full debate on what has been an enormously difficult challenge.
This Congress has been swimming the difficult tides of negotiations in an effort to pass a comprehensive energy bill for a very long time, and I believe today that we have that comprehensive legislation. Always when we say comprehensive, we think perfect. It is not perfect. It is not the perfect storm. But it does give us a roadmap that we can follow.
I happen to agree with the elimination of the ANWR provision and the elimination of the MTBE liability provision, but I do think there are enormous strides we have made in renewables. And I want to thank again the gentleman from New York (Mr. Boehlert) and the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Gordon) of the Committee on Science, of which I am a member. We did work on renewables. I am delighted that amendments that we had, and I offered, are in this legislation regarding biomass for minority farmers and ranchers and the utilization of fuel cells that will help the research on how we can be more energy-efficient.
I am delighted to note that we will be working further on a 2-year study back to Congress for those areas offshore, Texas and Louisiana, where environmentally safe development is going on. Domestic development will now get a 2-year report from the Interior Department, which will give us a roadmap on how we can work.
Mr. Speaker, this legislation also contains building standards to ensure that more of our buildings are environmentally safe or energy- efficient. So we have to have conservation as well as domestic development. As I indicated, we have some challenges in this legislation, but I do believe we have an effective roadmap.
We also have some aspirations, and I look forward to working on developing a program to add geologists that can help us find good, safe energy resources, and I would hope my colleagues would vote ``aye'' for this very good roadmap for America.
Mr. Speaker, let me first say thank you to Energy and Commerce Chairman Mr. Barton, and Ranking Minority Member Mr. Dingell for there hard and dedicated work on this important conference report. For several Congresses now, we have been swimming the difficult tides of negations in an effort to pass a comprehensive energy bill that would be beneficial to all Americans. I would like to thank as well Mr. Boucher, Mr. Ralph Hall, Mr. Boehlert, and Mr. Bart Gordon.
While this report may not be perfect, it at least provides for no drilling and development of the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, ANWR. In addition, the report has no MTBE liability clause. Despite this fact, I think it is important to work towards providing some protection for the States, and I look forward to working with Mr. Barton and Mr. Dingell in this effort. Further, under the report, there are no EPA restrictions with respect to the Clean Air Act. In addition, EPA can still regulate diesel fuel and certain Enron contracts will now be governed by FERC.
Let me also note that I was able to obtain the following provisions in the report:
Mr. Speaker, they have a saying in racing that to finish first, first you have to finish. It is a pleasure to stand up after several frustrating years and Congresses to be here supporting an energy…
Mr. Speaker, they have a saying in racing that to finish first, first you have to finish. It is a pleasure to stand up after several frustrating years and Congresses to be here supporting an energy bill. As we move from a society totally dependent upon fossil fuels to alternative energy, it is important to make sure that the infrastructure that will carry us through to alternate energy is functioning adequately, and I am pleased that that has been done in this bill. I am also pleased that, as principally led by Senator Domenici for a number of years, that we are beginning once again to look at an obvious source of energy that has been overlooked, nuclear energy.
And I want to compliment the new chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee for his understanding that time is secondary to getting people to a level of agreement that allows us to present this bill on the floor today.
Of course, no bill is perfect, but if you do not have a bill, you cannot stand up and criticize it as the gentleman just did in the well. I am very
pleased with this work product in terms of its balance. We tried to create balance within the tax area. We are willing to spend money on an experimental basis on a number of alternative sources. As some do not prove out, I am hopeful that we do not turn them into perennial payments just because they started in the bill; that we move and look for those alternate sources of energy that can begin to augment the fundamental hydrocarbon structure and then move beyond that as expeditiously as possible.
It is a balanced bill. I think you will see balanced support. Once again, I want to compliment the chairman for doing something that heretofore has not been done. It is always easy when you do it. It has not been done before. Congratulations to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Barton).
Mr. Speaker, the need to complete this comprehensive energy bill leads us to consider it without the normal accompanying statement of managers used to clarify and enhance understanding of the legislative text. Our colleagues, the chairman of the Committee on Finance and the ranking minority member of that committee, agree with me that those who follow tax legislation can and should use the Joint Committee on Taxation's publication, ``Description and Technical Explanation of the Conference Agreement on H.R. 6, Title XIII, Energy Tax Incentives Act of 2005, JCX-60-05, as the functional equivalent of a statement of managers for the purposes of completing their understanding of what the tax incentives provide.
The joint committee publication has been submitted for publication in the Congressional Record. It can also be accessed on the joint committee's website--http://www.house.gov/jct/_for those who are interested. It is an extremely useful tool the public can employ to see just how much we have accomplished with this bill.
I would also note, as a matter of clarification, section 1326 of the conference report, which provides for a 7-year depreciation peliod for natural gas gathering lines, is meant to prospectively clarify the depreciation of property meeting either of the two standards in subsection (b) of the section. This provision should not be interpreted as undermining any taxpayer's position versus the IRS in regard to current law, but instead as a clarification of the treatment of property meeting either of the standards described in subsection (b) after April 11, 2005.
Mr. Speaker, I just want to say this is a good bill. It is a bill that every Member should support. It is a bill that takes care of all the things that get done around here. Every day there is a…
Mr. Speaker, I just want to say this is a good bill. It is a bill that every Member should support. It is a bill that takes care of all the things that get done around here. Every day there is a Record printed of every word that is spoken in the House. Every day there are Clerks that show up here that help the Members. Every day there are people here that take care of the security of the Capitol. Every day there are people here to make sure that we can come and do our work and this bill takes care of all of that.
That is why it is a bill that is absolutely critical to every Member of this institution. It is a bill that I think highlights some of the important things that have gone on and will go on around here in terms of opportunities to enhance the facilities, one of the most beautiful, magnificent buildings in the world, and the one across the street, the Library of Congress, is also accounted for, and the staff that work there and provide the kind of resources, the people that do the research that help us write the bills around here and all of that staff.
There is also in this bill the opportunity not only to enhance a visitors center, which may not be perfect but one that is sorely needed, but there are also provisions in this bill to account for what happens if some sort of national calamity would fall upon the United States Capitol, the idea of continuity and how we should succeed ourselves around here. I think that is an important part of it.
I hope during our deliberations next year we can consider some sort of governance board for the visitors center to account for maybe a little bit more opportunity to look at how it should be run and how it should be operated. But this is a good bill.
This is the bill that says to all of the people that make this institution work, we are grateful to you. This is the bill that says to all the people who help us get our jobs done, we thank you for what you do. And this is a bill that deserves the support of every Member of the Chamber.
I encourage all Members to vote ``aye'' on the legislative branch bill so that we can continue to keep the operations of the United States Capitol, the House of Representatives, the United States Senate, and all the workings of this great institution going.
Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
I wonder if the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey) would, since I gave him a friendly reminder, would be willing to vote for the bill now as a result from the fact now that you could now expound on this for another 5 minutes?
Mr. Speaker, I just want to say this. We did have a very spirited debate on this issue of continuity. We really did. I do not know if there were 5 or 6 or 7 hours, but the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Baird) had his chance to present his bill and have a vote on it. And, frankly, not very many Members voted for it. And we did have a good debate about it, but I think ultimately the Speaker decided that we have to get on with this issue and this was the place to put it.
It may not be the best place, but it is in this bill because I think the Speaker felt an obligation that we have to deal with this issue at some point. It may not be perfect, but we did have a very good debate about it, and I think that is why it is included in the bill.
I thank the chairman for allowing me to explain that.
Bill Text
2 versions available
[Congressional Bills 109th Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office]
[H. Res. 396 Engrossed in House (EH)]
H. Res. 396
In the House of Representatives, U.S.,
July 28, 2005.
Resolved, That upon adoption of this resolution it shall be in order to
consider the conference report to accompany the bill (H.R. 2985) making
appropriations for the Legislative Branch for the fiscal year ending September
30, 2006, and for other purposes. All points of order against the conference
report and against its consideration are waived. The conference report shall be
considered as read.
Attest:
Clerk.