Recognizing and honoring the 100th anniversary of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution.

I thank the gentlewoman from Florida for yielding and for her leadership on this important issue. And I also thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Lantos) for his support for this resolution and for his leadership on many of these foreign relation issues that we have.

I am very pleased to be here on the floor today, Madam Speaker, to address this issue; and I rise in support of H. Res. 942 to recognize the 100th anniversary of the Iranian constitutional revolution.

The current totalitarian regime of the ayatollahs presents a threat to world peace. It is important to recognize that Iranian history contains within itself the evidence of internal representative constitutional aspirations which would free the Iranian people of oppressive tyranny.

In 1906, the people of Iran brought about a peaceful constitutional revolution to limit the autocratic power of a corrupt regime. As such, it was among the most significant turning points in Iranian history; it and resulted in the establishment of an elected parliament, the Majles, and the creation of a representative system of government, including checks and balances and the separation of powers.

While the constitution that was ultimately drafted as a result of the revolution was never fully implemented in Iran, it presents the Iranian people with an important starting point in their present-day struggle to overcome the tyranny of the ayatollahs.

Much like the situation that we currently see in Iran, before the revolution in 1906 Iran was ruled harshly by leaders who did not have to respond to the will of the people. As the people of Iran watched their leaders squander away their nation's land and resources, they were emboldened by the democratic revolutions that were at that time sweeping through Europe and Latin American. The people of Iran saw what was happening in other countries and demanded similar reforms. Just as today's Iranians see their needs overlooked in their leaders' attempts to hasten the coming of a worldwide radical Islamic state, the destruction of the assets of Iran before the 1906 revolution resulted in widespread poverty, food shortages and plague, though the rulers demonstrated no obligation to relieve the needs of the people.

After years of agitation and a number of failed attempts to bring about representative constitutional reforms in cooperation with Iran's rulers, the reformists chose nonviolent means to establish their demands. Early in 1906, some 16,000 Iranians gathered in the mosques and the public places of Tehran, organized camps, commissaries, and sanitation facilities and established order; and they simply stayed there. In modern terms, it was a giant sit-in that lasted for weeks. And on August 5, 1906, Mozafareddin Shah signed a decree authorizing the creation of a freely elected Majles which was the first task of writing a permanent constitution. The constitution that was created was a modern representative document created upon the model of the Belgian Constitution that met all the requirements of the four demands of the revolutionary democratic movement.

The establishment of an independent judiciary was one. The second was establishment of an independent legislature, with members directly elected by the people. The third was a socio-political progress, including the separation of religion from the affairs of government. I will repeat, the separation of religion. The fourth was a commitment of the government to the territorial integrity of Iran. And in 1907, in one of the most unfortunate events of the Iranian history, Mozafareddin Shah died, and with him died the full implementation of the representative constitution.

Nevertheless, the 1906 constitution has always served as a beacon of liberty for those striving for freedom in Iran. All people on the face of the Earth ought to have the right to live under a constitutionally prescribed government that is representative and responsive to the will of the people. The 1906 Constitution of Iran provides the people of Iran with a blueprint for constitutional government that is a product of their culture and their needs. It has demonstrated that Iranians could come together, using their own resources and their own traditions, to create a liberal representative constitutional state. And even though a corrupt dictatorial reactionary regime has ruled in Iran since 1979, the 1906 Iranian Constitution inspires hope for a free Iran today.

Madam Speaker, I hope the recognition contained in this bill can help inspire Iranians to rise up and expel their country's dictators. Given the current threat the Iranian regime poses to global security today, the whole world should join in supporting and encouraging the Iranian people's fight for freedom and constitutional representation.

I ask my colleagues for support of this important legislation and pray for the day that all of God's children live in freedom and liberty.

Draft 1906 Iran Constitution

In the Name of God the Merciful, the Forgiving.

WHEREAS in accordance with the Imperial edict dated the

fourteenth of Jumada althani, A.H. 1324 (=August 5, 1906), a

decree was issued for the establishment of a National

Consultative Assembly, to promote the progress and happiness

of our Kingdom and people, strengthen the foundations of our

Government and give effect to the enactments of the Sacred

Law of His Holiness the Prophet,

AND WHEREAS, by virtue of the fundamental principle

(therein laid down), we have conferred on each individual of

the people of our realm, for the amending and superintending

of the affairs of the common-wealth, according to their

degrees, the right to participate in choosing and appointing

the Members of this Assembly by popular election,

THEREFORE the National Consultative Assembly is now opened,

in accordance with our Sacred Command; and we do define as

follows the principles and articles of the Constitutional Law

regulating the aforesaid National Consultative Assembly,

which Law comprises the duties and functions of the above-

mentioned Assembly, its limitations, and its relations with

the various ministries of the country.

On the Constitution of the Assembly.

Article 1--The national consultative assembly is founded

and established in accordance with the Imperial edict of the

fourteenth of the Jumada al-thani, A.H. 1324 (August 5,

1906).

Article 2--The National Consultative Assembly represents

the whole of the people of Iran, who (thus) participate in

the economic and political affairs of the country.

Article 3--The National Consultative Assembly shall consist

of the members elected in Tehran and the provinces, and shall

be held in Tehran.

Article 4--The number of elected members of the national

consultative assembly has been fixed, in accordance with the

electoral law, separately promulgated, at one hundred and

sixty-two, but in case of necessity the number of the members

may be increased to two hundred.

Article 5--The members of the national consultative

assembly shall be elected for two whole years. This period

shall begin on the day when all the representatives from the

provinces have arrived in Tehran. On the conclusion of this

period or two years, new representatives shall be elected,

but the people shall have the option of re-electing any of

their former representatives whom they wish and with whom

they are satisfied.

Article 6--The members of the national consultative

assembly who have been elected to represent Tehran shall, as

soon as they meet, have the right to convene the national

consultative assembly and to begin their discussions and

deliberations. During the period preceding the arrival of the

provincial delegates, their decisions shall depend for their

validity and due execution on the majority (by which they are

carried).

Article 7--On the opening of the debates, at least two

thirds of the members of the national consultative assembly

shall be present, and, when the vote is taken at least three

quarters. A majority shall be obtained only when more than

half of those present in the Assembly record their votes.

Article 8--The periods of session and recess of the

national consultative assembly shall be determined by the

assembly itself, in accordance with such internal regulations

as itself shall formulate. After the summer recess, the

national consultative assembly must continue open and remain

in session from the fourteenth day of the month of Mehr (Oct.

6th), which corresponds with the anniversary of the opening

day of the first assembly.

Article 9--The national consultative assembly can sit on

occasions of extraordinary public holidays.

Article 10--On the opening day of the national consultative

assembly, an address shall be presented by it to His Imperial

Majesty, and it shall afterwards have the honor of receiving

an answer from that Royal and August quarter.

Article 11--Members of the national consultative assembly,

on taking their seats, shall take and subscribe to the

following form of oath:

(Form of the Oath.)

``We the undersigned take God to witness, and swear on the

Qur'an, that, so long as the rights of the national

consultative assembly

and its members are observed and respected, in conformity

with these regulations, we will, so far as possible,

discharge, with the utmost truth, uprightness, diligence and

endeavor, the duties confided to us; that we will act loyally

and truthfully towards our just and honored sovereign, commit

no treason in respect of either the foundations of the throne

or the rights of the people, and will consider only the

advantage and well-being of the people and the country of

Iran.''

Article 12--No one, on any pretext or excuse, shall have

any right, without the knowledge and approval of the national

consultative assembly, to molest its members. Even in case of

the members committing some crime or misdemeanor, and being

arrested flagrante delicto, any punishment inflicted upon him

must be with the cognizance of the national consultative

assembly.

Article 13--The deliberations of the national consultative

assembly, in order that effect may be given to their results,

must be public. According to the internal regulations of the

assembly, journalists and spectators have the right to be

present and listen, but not to speak. Newspapers may print

and publish all the debates of the assembly, provided they do

not change or pervert their meaning, so that the public may

be informed of the subjects of discussion and the detail of

what takes place. Everyone, subject to his playing due regard

to the public good, may discuss them in the public press, so

that no matter may be veiled or hidden from any person.

Therefore all newspapers, provided that their contents are

not injurious to any one of the fundamental principles of the

government or the nation, are authorized and allowed to print

and publish all matters advantageous to the public interest,

such as the debates of the assembly, and the opinions of the

people on these debates. But if anyone, actuated by

interested motives, shall print in the newspapers or in other

publications anything contrary to what has been mentioned, or

inspired by slander or calumny, he will render himself liable

to cross-examination, judgment and punishment, according to

law.

Article 14--The national consultative assembly shall

organize and arrange, in accordance with separate and

distinct regulations called the Internal Code of Rules, its

own affairs, such as the election of a president, vice-

presidents, secretaries, and other officers, the arrangements

of the debates and formation of committees, etc.

Duties of the Assembly, its Rights and its Limitations.

Article 15--The national consultative assembly has the

right in all matters and issues to propose any bill which it

regards as conducive to the well-being of the government and

the people, after due discussion and deliberation thereof in

all sincerity and truth; and, having due regard to the

majority of votes, to submit such bill, in complete

confidence of safety and security, after it has received the

approval of the senate, by means of the Prime Minister of the

country, so that it may receive the Royal Approval and be

duly carried out.

Article 16--All laws necessary to strengthen the

foundations of the country and throne and to set in order the

affairs of the realm and the establishment of the ministries

must be ratified by the national consultative assembly.

Article 17--The national consultative assembly shall, when

occasion arises, bring forward such bills as shall be

necessary for the creation, modification, completion or

abrogation of any law, and, subject to the ratification by

the senate, shall submit it for the royal sanction, so that

due effect may thereafter be given to it.

Article 18--The regulation of all financial matters, the

construction and regulation of the budget, all changes in

fiscal arrangements, the acceptance or rejection of all

incidental and subordinate expenditure, as also the new

inspectorships (of finance) which will be founded by the

Government, shall be subject to the approval of the national

consultative assembly.

Article 19--The national consultative assembly has the

right, after the senate has given its approval, to demand

from the ministers that effect shall be given to the bills

thus approved for the reform of the finances and the

facilitation of co-operation between the different

departments of the Government by division of the departments

and provinces of Iran and their respective offices.

Article 20--The budget of each ministry shall be concluded

during the latter half of each year for the following year,

and shall be ready fifteen days before the festivities of

Norooz. (March 21, the Iranian new year)

Article 21--Should it at any time be necessary to

introduce, modify or abrogate any bylaws regulating the

(functions of the) ministries, such change shall be made only

with the approval of the national consultative assembly,

irrespective of whether the necessity for such action has

been declared by the assembly or enunciated by the

responsible ministers.

Article 22--Any proposal to transfer or sell any portion of

the national resources, or of the control exercised by the

government or the throne, or to effect any change in the

boundaries and frontiers of the kingdom, shall be subject to

the approval of the national consultative assembly.

Article 23--Without the approval of the national

consultative assembly no concession for the formation of any

public company of any sort shall, under any plea whatsoever

be granted by the government.

Article 24--The conclusion of treaties and covenants, the

granting of commercial, industrial, agricultural and other

concessions, irrespective of whether they are granted to

Iranian or foreign nationals, shall be subject to the

approval of the national consultative assembly, with the

exception of treaties which, for reasons of state and the

public advantage, must be kept secret.

Article 25--All government and national loans, under

whatever title, whether internal or external, must be

contracted only with the cognizance and approval of the

national consultative assembly.

Article 26--The construction of railroads or chausses, at

the expense of the government, or of any company, whether

Iranian or foreign, depends on the approval of the assembly.

Article 27--Wherever the assembly observes any defect in

the laws, or any neglect in giving effect to them, it shall

notify the same to the minister responsible for that

department, who shall furnish all necessary explanations.

Article 28--Should any minister, acting under

misapprehension, issue on the royal authority, whether in

writing or verbal, orders conflicting with one of the laws

which have been enacted and have received the royal sanction,

he shall admit his negligence and lack of attention, and

shall, according to the law, be personally responsible to His

Majesty.

Article 29--Should a minister fail to give a satisfactory

account of any affair conformable to the laws which have

received the royal sanction, and should it appear in his case

that a violation of such law has been committed, or that he

has transgressed the limits imposed (on him), the assembly

shall demand his dismissal from His Majesty, and should his

treason be clearly established in a Court of Law, he shall

not again be employed in the service of the State.

Article 30--The Assembly shall, at any time when it

considers it necessary, have the right to make direct

representations to His Majesty by means of a committee

consisting of the president of the national consultative

assembly and six of its members chosen by the six ranks. This

committee must ask permission, and make an appointment for an

audience with His Majesty through the Chief of Protocol.

(Wazir-i-Darbar).

Article 31--Ministers have the right to be present at the

sessions of the national consultative assembly, to sit in the

places appointed for them, and to listen to the debates of

the assembly. If they consider it necessary, they may ask the

President of the assembly for permission to speak, and may

give such explanations as may be necessary for purposes of

discussion and investigation.

On the Presentation of Issues to the National Consultative

Assembly.

Article 32--Any individual may submit in writing to the

Petition Department of the Archives of the assembly a

statement of his own case, or of any criticisms or complains.

If the matter concerns the assembly itself, it will give him

a satisfactory answer; but if it concerns one of the

ministries, it will refer it to that ministry, which will

enquire into the matter and return a sufficient answer.

Article 33--New laws which are needed shall be drafted and

revised in the ministries which are respectively responsible,

and shall then be laid before the national consultative

assembly by the responsible ministers, or by the Prime

Minister. After being ratified by the assembly, and signed by

His Majesty, they shall be duly put into force.

Article 34--The President of the national consultative

assembly can, in case of necessity, either personally, or on

the demand often members of the assembly, hold a private

conference, consisting of a selected number of members of the

national consultative assembly, with any minister, from which

private meeting newspaper correspondents and spectators shall

be excluded, and at which other members of the assembly shall

not have the right to be present. The result of the

deliberations of such secret conference shall, however, only

be confirmed when it has been deliberated in the said

conference in presence of three quarter those selected (to

serve on it), and carried by a majority of votes. Should the

proposition (in question) not be accepted in the private

conference, it shall not be brought forward in the national

consultative assembly, but shall be passed over in silence.

Article 35--If such private conference shall have been held

at the demand of the president of the national consultative

assembly, he has the right to inform the public of so much of

the deliberations as he shall deem expedient; but if the

private conference has been held at the demand of a minister,

the disclosure of the deliberations depends on the permission

of that minister.

Article 36--Any minister can withdraw any matter which he

has proposed to the assembly at any point in the discussion,

unless his statement has been made at the instance of the

assembly, in which case statement has been made at the

instance of the assembly, in which case the withdrawal of the

matter depends on the consent of the assembly.

Article 37--If a bill introduced by any minister is not

accepted by the national consultative assembly, it shall be

returned, supplemented by the observations of the assembly;

and the responsible minister, after rejecting or accepting

the criticisms of the assembly, can propose the aforesaid

bill a second time to the assembly.

Article 38--The members of the national consultative

assembly must clearly and plainly signify their rejection

or acceptance of bills, and no one has the right to

persuade or threaten them in recording their votes. The

signification by the members of the assembly of such

rejection or acceptance

must be effected in such manner that newspaper

correspondents and spectators also may perceive it, that

is to say their intention must be signified by some

outward sign such as (the employment of) blue and white

voting-papers, or the like.

On the Introduction of Bills and Other Proposals by the

Assembly.

Article 39--Whenever any bill is proposed by one of the

members of the assembly, it can only be discussed when at

least fifteen members of the assembly shall approve the

discussion on that bill. In such case the proposal in

question shall be forwarded in writing to the President of

the assembly, who has the right to arrange that it shall be

subjected to a preliminary investigation in a Committee of

Enquiry.

Article 40--On the occasion of the discussion and

investigation of such bill as is mentioned in Article 39,

whether in the assembly or in the Committee of Enquiry,

notice shall be given by the assembly to the responsible

minister, if any, concerning that bill, that if possible he

himself, or, if not, his deputy, shall be present in the

assembly, so that the debate may take place in the presence

of one or other of them. The draft of the (proposed) bill,

with its additions, must be sent from ten days to a month

before the time (with the exception of matters added at the

last moment) to the responsible minister; and so likewise the

day of its discussion must be determined beforehand. After

the bill has been discussed in the presence of the

responsible minister, and in case it should, by a majority of

votes, receive the approval of the assembly, it shall be

officially transmitted in writing to the responsible

minister, so that he may take the necessary actions to

implement it.

Article 41--If the responsible minister cannot, for any

reason, agree with the national consultative assembly about

the said bill, he must offer his excuses to it and give it

satisfaction.

Article 42--Should the national consultative assembly

demand explanations on any matter from the responsible

minister, the minister in question must give an answer, which

answer must not be postponed unnecessarily or without

plausible reason, save in the case of secret matters, the

secrecy of which for some definite period is to the advantage

of the country and the people. In such cases, on the lapse of

the definite period the responsible minister is bound to

disclose that matter in the assembly.

On the Conditions Regulating the Formation of the Senate.

Article 43--There shall be constituted another assembly,

entitled the Senate, consisting of sixty members, the

sessions of which, after its constitution, shall be

contemporaneous to the sessions of the national consultative

assembly.

Article 44--The regulations of the Senate must be approved

by the national consultative assembly.

Article 45--The members of this assembly shall be chosen

from amongst the well-informed, discerning, pious and

respected persons of the realm. Thirty of them shall be

nominated by His Imperial Majesty (fifteen of the people of

Tehran, and fifteen of the people of the provinces), and

thirty shall be elected by the people (fifteen elected by the

people of Tehran, and fifteen elected by the people of the

provinces).

Article 46--After the convocation of the Senate, all

proposals must be approved by both assemblies. If those

proposals shall have been originated in the Senate, or by the

cabinet of ministers, they must first be amended and

corrected in the Senate and accepted by a majority of votes,

and must then be approved by the national consultative

assembly. But proposals brought forward by the national

consultative assembly must, on the contrary, go from this

assembly to the Senate, except in the case of financial

matters, which belong exclusively to the national

consultative assembly. The decision of the assembly, in

respect to the above-mentioned proposals, shall be made known

to the Senate, so that it in turn may communicate its

observations to the national consultative assembly, but the

latter, after due discussion, is free to accept or reject

these observations of the Senate.

Article 47--So long as the Senate has not been convoked,

proposals shall, after being approved by the national

consultative assembly, receive the Royal assent, shall then

have the force of law.

Article 48--If any proposal, after undergoing debate and

revision in the Senate, be referred by a minister to the

national consultative assembly, and be not accepted, such

disputed proposal shall, in case of its being of importance,

be reconsidered by a third assembly composed of members of

the Senate and members of the national consultative assembly

elected in equal moieties by members of the two assemblies.

The decision of this (third) assembly shall be read out in

the national consultative assembly. If it be then accepted,

well. If not, a full account of the matter shall be submitted

to His Majesty and should the Royal judgment support the view

of the national consultative assembly, it shall become

effective; but if not, orders will be issued for a fresh

discussion and investigation. If again no agreement of

opinion results, and the Senate, by a majority of two thirds,

approves the dissolution of the national consultative

assembly, this approval being separately affirmed by the

cabinet of ministers, then the Imperial decree will be issued

for the dissolution of the national consultative assembly,

and at the same time orders shall be given for the holding of

fresh elections, the people, however, have the right to

re-elect their former representatives.

Article 49--The new representatives of Tehran must present

themselves within the space of one month, and the

representatives of the provinces within the space of three

months. When the representatives of the Capital are present,

the Assembly shall be opened, and shall begin its labors, but

they shall not discuss disputed proposals until the

provincial representatives shall arrive. If, after the

arrival of all its members, the new assembly shall by a clear

majority confirm the first decision, His Most Sacred and

Imperial Majesty shall approve that decision of the national

consultative assembly, and shall order it to be carried into

effect.

Article 50--In each electoral period, which consists of two

years, orders for the renewal of representatives shall not be

given more than once.

Article 51--It is agreed that the kings of our successors

and posterity shall regard as a duty of their sovereign state

and an obligation incumbent upon them the maintenance of

these laws and principles, which we have established and put

into force for the strengthening of the edifice of the

country, the consolidation of the foundations of the Throne,

the superintendence of the machinery of Justice, and the

tranquility of the nation.

14 of the month of Dhu'l-Qa'da, in the year of 1324 A.H.

(=December 30, 1906).

``These constitutional laws of the national consultative

assembly and the senate, containing fifty-one articles, are

correct.

(Dhu al-Qi'dah 14, A.H. 1324''

(=December 30, 1906).

(Underneath the concluding words is the signature of the

Muzaffaru'd-Din Shah, and on the back of the page are the

seals of the then Crown Prince or Wali-'ahd (the deposed

Shah, Muhammad'Ali), and of the late Mushiru'd-Dawla.)

I want to thank the gentleman from California, and I appreciate your commitment to constitutional democracies. My statement here today, while I can certainly agree with the sentiment that was expressed and the spirit of this resolution with respect to hoping for constitutional democracies, I think we need to look at the letter of the resolution and put it in the context of the administration's policies.

First of all, this particular resolution expresses its profound hope that the people of Iran will once again enjoy a democratic government in the spirit of the Iranian Constitution of 1906. I would like to read from some research that is available on the Web, Recent Iranian History from Wikipedia. It says that: with the rise of modernization in the late 19th century, desire for change led to the Persian Constitutional Revolution of 1905 to 1911. In 1921, Reza Shah Pahlavi staged a coup against the weakened Qajar dynasty.

During World War II, Britain and the USSR invaded Iran from August 25 to September 17, 1941, to stop an axis-supported coup and secure Iran's petroleum infrastructure. The allies of World War II forced the Shah to abdicate, in favor of his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, whom they hoped would be more supportive.

In 1951, a pro-democratic nationalist, Dr. Mohammed Mossadegh, rose to prominence in Iran. Now, Mossadegh was elected its first Prime Minister. As Prime Minister, Mossadegh alarmed the West by his nationalization of an Anglo-Iranian oil company that was later named BP, which controlled all the country's oil reserves.

Britain immediately put an embargo on Iran. Members of British Intelligence Service approached the United States under President Eisenhower in 1953 to join them in Operation Ajax, a coup against Mossadegh. President Eisenhower agreed and authorized the CIA to assist the BIS in overthrowing Mossadegh. The Shah at first attempted to formally dismiss Mossadegh, but this backfired and Mossadegh convinced the Shah to flee to Baghdad.

Regardless of this setback, the covert operation soon went into full swing conducted from the U.S. embassy in Tehran under the leadership of Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. Agents were hired to facilitate violence, and as a result protests broke out across the nation, anti- and pro-monarchy. Protesters violently clashed in the streets leaving almost 300 dead. The operation was successful in triggering a coup, and within days pro- Shah tanks stormed the capital and bombarded the Prime Minister's

residence. Mossadegh surrendered and was arrested on the 19th of August 1953, tried for treason, and sentenced to 3 years in prison.

Now, keep in mind that on March 8 of 1951, Mossadegh submitted to the Iranian mullahs his proposal to nationalize Iran's oil. According to the Cornell University library, the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, most of whose stock was owned by the British Government, had been paying Iran much less than the British Government took from the company in taxes. Mossadegh's nationalization bill scared the company into concessions that were made too late. The Premier was committed to nationalization. Much to the surprise of the British, he went through with it right down to the expulsion of British technicians without whom the Iranians could not run the Abadan refinery. Results? The West lost the Iranian oil supply, and the Iranian Government lost the oil payments.

When we are talking about democracy in Iran, Iran had a democratic government which was overthrown because of oil. So let's celebrate democracy and not try to at the same time praise a process that resulted in an overthrow of democracy.

I think when we look at this particular resolution, you have to read these resolutions to the letter to get an idea of what is going on here.

Here we are expressing the profound hope that the people of Iran will once again enjoy a democratic government in the spirit of the Iranian Constitution of 1906. They had a democratic government. The U.S. helped overthrow it.

One of the last resolutions, we talked about initiating an active and consistent dialogue with other governments in the European Union in order to persuade the Government of Iran to rectify its human rights practices. We should be talking to the Government of Iran if we object to their human rights practices.

Resolution 415 says human rights will be considered a significant factor in the foreign policy of the United States with regard to Iran, but we are not stating that with the other countries that have violated the human rights of their citizens.

My concern is that while these resolutions in and of themselves may have elements that are salutary, at the same time you have to put them in the context of the administration's policy, which is a buildup to war against Iran. That is why I am raising a note of caution here. You have to see why we have three resolutions on the floor of the House dealing with Iran on the same day our President is before the United Nations making a statement which characterizes Iran in much the same way that Iraq was characterized before the United Nations in another visit by the President. I think we have to be very cautious about the path this country is taking.

We can stand for democracy and human rights in Iran. We can do all of those things without taking steps and letting our efforts, which might be in good faith, by the way, without letting those efforts be used as a buildup towards war. I am saying look at all of this in the context in which it is occurring.

Look at Time magazine this week and look at the stories that have been published in The New Yorker. Watch the development of this administration with respect to covert activities in Iran.

Madam Speaker, you might be interested to know that our House Subcommittee on Government Operations, which has jurisdiction over national security and international relations, we were supposed to have a classified briefing by the State Department and by the Department of Defense on this issue on what is going on in Iran. They refused to appear. They still refuse to appear. They are not accountable to Congress. I am raising this issue so my colleagues know that you have to look at the context in which these resolutions are being offered.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from California for the opportunity to present these observations.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I might consume.

I want to congratulate my friend and distinguished colleague from Iowa, Congressman King, for introducing this important resolution commemorating Iran's democratic revolution of 1906. I want equally to congratulate my friend and committee colleague, Mr. Blumenauer, who introduced the resolution on the very same topic at virtually the same time.

The issues raised by the King and Blumenauer resolutions are both simple and complex. On the one hand, it is important simply that we commemorate the events of 1906, a popular uprising that led to the drafting of a constitution brimming with democratic guarantees.

Indeed, this was a heady time for tens of thousands of Iranian liberals, as the writings of the esteemed contemporary British scholar Edward G. Browne make abundantly clear.

Recalling these events reminds us that the yearning of the people of the Middle East for democracy has a long and storied history. In fact, there were other significant manifestations of democratic sentiment in the Middle East in the late 19th and early 20th centuries including both in Egypt and in the Ottoman Empire.

At the same time, we cannot help but acknowledge that the high hopes of the 1906 Constitutional Revolution were quickly dashed on the shoals of reactionary resistance, foreign interference, and the lack of unity among the constitutionalists. Iran has gone through many permutations since 1906, but it has experienced very little democracy.

Today's Iran is a far cry from that envisioned by the revolutionaries and constitution writers of a century ago. The Iran of today is an authoritarian, intolerant, theocratic regime in which ultimate authority rests with the clergy, and a minority of clergymen at that.

There are elections and there is a parliament in Iran, but candidates must first be approved by an unelected clergy. The democratic promise that Iranians set out for themselves in 1906 remains unfulfilled, but it is not forgotten. It stands as a beacon of democratic hope for Iran and for others throughout the Middle East.

At a time when we have committed our resources to supporting the emergence of a liberal, tolerant Middle East, it is very appropriate that we recall one of the earliest efforts in that region to establish a constitutional democratic regime. And we honor those Iranians who struggled for positive change. That is why I support this resolution and urge all of my colleagues to do likewise.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield to my good friend and distinguished colleague from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich) as much time as he might consume.

Madam Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 942) recognizing the centennial anniversary on August 5, 2006, of the Iranian constitution of 1906.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of H. Res. 942 introduced by my friend, my colleague Mr. King from Iowa. H. Res. 942, Madam Speaker, recognizes the centennial anniversary on August 5 of the Iranian Constitution of 1906.

The resolution acknowledges the democratic revolution of the Iranian people going back 100 years. It notes the democratic political system created from this movement, with clearly defined separation of powers. Finally, the resolution expresses the hope that the people of Iran will be inspired by their democratic history and once again enjoy democratic rule.

You might be surprised to learn that Persia was the first country in the Middle East to introduce a constitution and create a constitutional monarchy with an elected parliament and popular sovereignty in 1906. The then-Shah signed the electoral law and the fundamental law of Persia that established an independent legislature and an independent judiciary.

While the constitutionalist movement was temporarily undermined in 1908 during the reign of Mohammed Ali Shah Qajar, it was later rescued by the reign of his son.

The ideals of the constitutional revolution were abolished with the demise of the dynasty and the rise of an absolute monarchy in 1925, and then with the Iranian revolution in 1979.

Madam Speaker, this resolution is an opportunity for the American people to send a positive message to the Iranian people about their indigenous democratic tradition. We hope that this tradition will be an inspiration for the Iranian people as they seek to increase their political freedoms.

I strongly support the passage of this resolution. I thank Mr. King for introducing it.

I reserve the balance of my time.

I am so pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman

from Iowa (Mr. King), the prime sponsor and author of the resolution.

Madam Speaker, I also have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 942, recognizing the centennial anniversary on August 5, 2006, of the Iranian constitution of 1906. I, too, introduced are solution recognizing the 100th anniversary of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution at the same time as Mr. King, H. Res. 967.

The Iranian Constitutional Revolution was a pivotal event in Persian and Middle Eastern history. In the face of a corrupt and authoritarian Qajar monarchy, and in order to defend Persian interests against British and Russian imperialism, the Persian people rose up and forced the creation of a parliament and the adoption of a constitution containing basic democratic rights for the first time in Iranian history.

In this time that the United States faces very serious and difficult issues with regards to Iran, this historic event demonstrates that the Iranian people's long-standing desire for democratic self-government, free from authoritarian rule or foreign interference. I believe that understanding these values common to the Iranian and American peoples, as well as Iran's political history, will help us develop a constructive policy towards Iran. It is also an important sign of support for the Iranian people and our Iranian-American constituents.