Natural Disaster Housing Reform Act of 2006

Mr President, there are countless examples of times when FEMA, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, did more harm than good in the aftermath of the 2005 hurricanes. While they could not avoid some of the problems and better planning could have helped avoid others, FEMA's lack of expertise in one area in particular has been especially problematic: disaster housing. Today, I am introducing the Natural Disaster Housing Reform Act of 2006 to put long-term disaster housing in the hands of the agency with the appropriate expertise: the Department of Housing and Urban Develpment, HUD. Congressman Baker introduced this legislation in the House of Representatives. I congratulate him on his leadership.

I am not introducing this bill simply to gang up on FEMA. One could argue that the Agency is an easy target. Let me assure my colleagues that this is not my intention. I simply believe that for future disasters, the Federal Cabinet Agency with the expertise in housing should run disaster housing assistance.

HUD has housing expertise. FEMA does not. HUD oversees 1.2 million public housing units. It administers the section 8 rental assistance program for 2.1 million families. They provide supportive housing for 320,000 senior citizens and people with disabilities. HUD also has a network of more than 3,000 public housing agencies in cities and counties across the country, so it has the infrastructure already in place to meet emergency housing needs. In all, HUD provides housing assistance to over 3.3 million households nationwide. FEMA is simply not equipped to deal with the housing needs of hundreds of thousands of people after mass disasters like Katrina and Rita.

FEMA's expertise lies in disaster preparedness and response, as well as short-term recovery needs: emergency shelter and financial assistance, infrastructure rebuilding, and financial support to communities. In smaller disasters that do not impact as widespread an area, FEMA can provide short-term housing assistance either by putting people up in hotels or giving them trailers to live in. But the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people over a wide area and the need to provide all of those people with housing assistance proved too much for FEMA. Its administration of the hotel program was marked by confusion and unrealistic termination deadlines that were constantly extended, causing additional anxiety for displaced victims who did not need more uncertainty. At such a time, an agency should not provide additional housing problems--it should provide housing solutions.

The travel trailer program is extremely costly and inefficient. The cheapest trailer cost between $16,000 and $20,000 to purchase. Over the 18-month life of assistance, including installation and maintenance, the travel trailers cost $59,800. That's $3,300 per month for the travel trailers--the low-end option. Mobile homes cost $76,800 over 18 months. Compare this to the roughly $500 average monthly cost of a HUD section 8 rental voucher. These vouchers could be provided on an emergency basis at a far less than FEMA programs. HUD programs are also easily accessible. Everyone who was displaced by Katrina and Rita ended up near one of the 3,000 public housing authorities that administer HUD programs.

The bill also contains provisions that my colleague from Louisiana, Senator Vitter, included in his bill S. 2771, the Disaster Housing Flexibility Act of 2006. That bill amends the Stafford Act to allow hurricane victims to receive modular housing if the President determines that such housing is more cost effective. I am pleased to include these provisions in the legislation I am introducing today.

Mr. President, hurricane season starts next week. Across the Federal Government, agencies are getting ready. This legislation will help us avoid repeating some of the mistakes of the past in the event of another storm. This bill will create a more efficient, effective and responsive Federal housing assistance program for future disasters. Disaster victims need this efficiency and certainty, not a repeat of FEMA's woeful performance during Katrina.

I thank the Chair and ask unanimous consent that my entire statement and a copy of the legislation be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, I rise today to introduce legislation to establish the Land Between the Rivers National Heritage Area in southern Illinois. I am pleased that my colleague, Senator Obama, is an original cosponsor of this legislation.

The unique landscape of southern Illinois helped to shape the history of our Nation, from the Revolutionary War through the Civil War, from westward expansion to trade along the rivers. Designating this area a National Heritage Area will help to provide assistance in both the conservation and historic preservation of southern Illinois and many areas that influenced events in our Nation's history.

The name ``Land Between the Rivers'' was a phrase first used by Native Americans to describe the area covered by this bill. It includes 17 counties in the southernmost region of Illinois located between the Mississippi and the Ohio Rivers and between the Mississippi and Wabash Rivers. Native Americans arrived in southern Illinois about 10,000 years ago and formed the largest settlement north of the Mayan/Aztec civilization.

The arrival of the Europeans, including French, British and Spanish explorers, began a period of settlements and fortifications in the area. The Spanish first explored the Mississippi River in 1542, followed by the French in 1673.

The French founded Cahokia in 1699 and Kaskaskia in 1703. While the British occupied much of the area after the French and Indian War and the Treaty of Paris in 1762, British control of the area lasted only until the onset of the Revolutionary War. In 1778 and 1779, George Rogers Clarke and a group of about 200 men forced the British out of the area and captured the British occupied Fort Cahokia and Fort Sackville at Vincennes.

Southern Illinois's central location made the area a hotbed of racial issues as well as a pivotal point militarily, socially and politically during the Civil War. As the southernmost slavery-free location, southern Illinois, and particularly Cairo and the surrounding area, was the destination of numerous runaway slaves. As the Civil War approached, thousands of African-Americans fled to southern Illinois, seeking the help of southern Illinois abolitionists such as Benajah Guernesy Roots. During the Civil War the Union Army maintained its southernmost point of operations in southern Illinois with BG Ulysses S. Grant headquartered in Cairo. Southern Illinois is also the home to numerous victories of the Union Army along the Mississippi River. The inland Union Navy came through to defeat the Confederate forces culminating in the capture of Vicksburg in July 1863.

Finally, this area of southern Illinois has tremendous historical significance in the transport of trade goods along the Mississippi River. The oldest Illinois town, Shawneetown, was once the most important entry port on the Ohio River. Steamboat transport flourished in the early part of the 19th century with more tonnage on the Mississippi and Ohio Rivers than on the Atlantic coast. Towns such as Chester, Elizabethtown, Cairo, Metropolis, and Golconda were created during the steamboat era.

The legislation I am introducing today, would call for Southern Illinois University Carbondale to be designated as the management entity for the Land Between the Rivers National Heritage Area.

The unique natural history of southern Illinois combined with its historical and cultural features are making it an important contribution to tourism in Illinois. Creating the Land Between the Rivers National Heritage Area will provide the ability to connect the entire region into one cohesive historic unit in which the places and events of the past can be united to provide the full story of southern Illinois's influence in the shaping of our Nation.

Mr. President, yesterday we learned that personal information, including names, dates of birth, and social security numbers of as many as 26.5 million Americans--overwhelmingly veterans-- may have been compromised. I know we are all shocked and concerned that so many of America's veterans could be in jeopardy of identity theft.

The case is unique in many ways. This is not the result of computer hacking or private companies failing to protect data. This data was stolen from the home of a Department of Veterans Affairs employee.

We have been told that the FBI, local police, and the VA Inspector General are all investigating. That aspect of this case should be left to them. There are other issues associated with security practices that must be explored by the VA and the appropriate oversight and investigatory bodies of Congress.

But we in Congress have another responsibility. We must act now to help veterans secure their own identity and protect their credit. As we read in this morning's papers, experts tell us that this is the largest breach of Social Security numbers in history. A criminal

can use this information to do grievous harm and perpetrate fraud on a massive scale.

Mr. President, this isn't a private company that is responsible for this breach. It's the Department of Veterans Affairs of the United States Government and we have a moral obligation to make sure that we protect the identity and credit of every American veteran.

That is why today I am introducing the Veterans Identity Protection Act of 2006--to ensure the government assumes its rightful responsibility to protect the identity security of so many Americans.

This legislation will require the Department of Veterans Affairs to provide 1 year of credit monitoring to each affected individual. After that year, this legislation requires the VA to provide one free credit report to each person in addition to the free credit report already provided by the Fair Credit Reporting Act. As a result, after the full year of credit monitoring, those affected by this theft will have access to four free credit reports over the course of 2 additional years.

The legislation provides $1.25 billion in budget authority in the first year to pay for these programs. The total cost over 3 years is estimated at $2.5 billion. That is a lot of money and I would urge the VA to negotiate reduced costs with the service providers. To be sure, this is no insignificant sum and the VA has many needs, but I hope my colleagues will join me in recognizing that this is not an optional course of action. It is something we have to do to protect American veterans. It is also an expense that the VA cannot realistically fund out of its strapped budget. We will need an emergency appropriation to fund this security initiative--but let us begin to do right by our veterans.

Mr. President, I believe that caring for America's veterans is a continuing cost of war. I also believe that the United States government has a moral obligation to protect the identity security of those who are in jeopardy because of mistakes or the lax security practices of government employees.

America's veterans put their lives on the line for all of us throughout history. Those who served in peace and in war, from Iwo Jima and Normandy to Baghdad and Kabul, shouldn't be forced to bear the additional cost and worry of protecting their security identity because the government put them at risk. We must act.

Mr. President, thank you.