Mr. President, I recently returned from Iraq where I am proud to report that the men and women of the American military continue to perform magnificently. They are the best of America, and we owe…
Mr. President, I recently returned from Iraq where I am proud to report that the men and women of the American military continue to perform magnificently. They are the best of America, and we owe them and their families a special debt of honor and gratitude.
Today, I am introducing legislation to strengthen our military and enact a ``Military Family Bill of Rights.'' My hope is that Congress will act quickly to build the military ready to meet the challenges of this century. That requires a larger Army, a larger Marine Corps, and better policies for Americans in uniform and their families.
We must begin by building a military sized and shaped for the challenges of the future. The military today, in particular the Army and the Marine Corps, is too small for the missions it faces. The evidence is everywhere.
In the past, the Army gave units 2 years to reset, re-train, and prepare between combat deployments. Instead the 3rd Infantry Division is headed back to Iraq after only one year. The 101st Airborne and the 4th Infantry Divisions are headed back later this year after less than 2 years. The First Marine Expeditionary Force is already in the middle of its second deployment to Iraq.
Even with this timetable, we have made ends meet only through large contributions from the National Guard and Reserve. But in planning the next rotation of U.S. forces, we are running out of Guard and Reserve units to call on because they've already been deployed. Fourteen of the National Guard's 15 most combat-ready units are either in Iraq now, recently demobilized, or on alert for duty in the coming year. Of the 205,000 Army Reservists, only about 37,000 remain available for deployment for the types of missions needed in Iraq. Last year the Army dipped into the Individual Ready Reserve. More recently, the Army has even begun to call back military retirees, ranging in age from their mid-40s to their late 60s.
The situation is so grave that Lt. General James Helmly, chief of the Army Reserve, recently warned that the reserves are ``rapidly degenerating into a broken force''--and cautioned that at this rate we will not be able to meet the needs of ``future missions.''
The war on terror--which we know requires a comprehensive approach-- will have a military component. Surprises happen and our armed forces must be ready to meet those challenges, wherever and whenever they occur.
Since the end of the Cold War, every major commitment of American military power, including the ``Air War'' in Kosovo, has required a sizeable commitment of American ground forces, at the very least to provide post-conflict security and stability. There's no technological substitute for boots on the ground, and we must always plan for the worst, so we never expose our troops to the unintended consequences of wishful thinking.
The CIA's internal think-tank, the National Intelligence Council, recently drew an important conclusion about conflict over the next 15 years: ``Weak governments, lagging economies, religious extremism, and youth bulges will align to create a perfect storm for internal conflict in certain regions.'' That's a warning about the danger of failed states--and this should be a wake-up call for American strategy.
Failed states can become havens for terrorists. It was a failed state in Afghanistan that provided a training ground for al-Qaida. It was a failed state where al-Qaida made its plans, grew its forces, and emerged to threaten our national security.
We need a comprehensive foreign policy strategy to deal with failed states, but we must also have a military ready to act if necessary. For the foreseeable future, the United States will need a
larger ground force. Failure to build one now will only diminish our national security in the future.
The war in Iraq proved that a lightning-fast, high-tech force can smash an opposing Army and drive to Baghdad in three weeks. But there is no substitute for a well-trained and equipped infantry to win the peace or secure a failed state. Those missions require an investment in the men and women of the American military--to expand their number, and to increase the number of forces that specialize in certain skills.
To meet these needs, this legislation will expand the Active Duty Army by 30,000 and the Marines by 10,000 personnel.
The men and women of the American military are sustained by the bonds they share within their unit, and by the love and strength they draw from home--from their families, their spouses, their children, their parents. Military families are unsung heroes who receive neither medals nor parades--giving everything they can to the men and women they love, men and women who have been called to war. They answered the call. And so must we--with a new commitment to smarter defense policies, like those I outlined earlier, and better care for military families.
So the legislation I offer today also includes a Military Family Bill of Rights, a set of policies enshrined in law, to provide assistance to the families of the American military.
Investing in military families isn't just an act of compassion--it's a smart investment in America's military. Good commanders know that while you may recruit an individual soldier or Marine, you ``retain'' a family. Nearly 50 percent of America's service members are married today. If we want to retain our most experienced service members, especially the non-commissioned officers that are the backbone of the Army and Marine Corps, we have to keep faith with their families. If we don't, and those experienced, enlisted leaders begin to leave, America will have a broken, ``hollow'' military.
We can begin by increasing the financial support military families receive. We can help them meet the increased expenses every military family faces when a loved-one is deployed. Thousands of reservists, for example, take a cut in pay when called to active duty. Some employers make up the difference in lost wages. We should reward those patriotic business leaders. And since small businesses don't have the workforces that make it possible to spread such costs, we should offer a Small Business Tax Credit to those who make up the difference between a reservist's civilian and military pay. This legislation would also establish Military Reservist Economic Injury Disaster Grants to buttress existing loan programs that help small-businesses survive when a vital employee, or even the owner, is mobilized. It also creates the Reservists Enterprise Transition and Sustainability Task Force to help small businesses prepare for and cope with the mobilization of reservist-employees and owners. For all service members, this legislation permits penalty free withdrawals from Individual Retirement Accounts for deployment-related expenses, such as increased child-care and other costs.
As many as one-in-five members of the National Guard and Reserves don't have health insurance. That is bad policy and bad for our national security. When units are mobilized, they count on all their personnel. But when a member of the National Guard or Reserve is mobilized, and unit members fail physicals because they haven't seen a doctor in 2 years, that's bad for readiness and that's bad for unit effectiveness. As part of the Military Family Bill of Rights, we will extend military health insurance eligibility to all members of the National Guard and Reserve, whether mobilized or not.
One of the unfortunate truths about war is that it takes lives--and mostly young lives. For their survivors, much of life remains, and we must be generous in our efforts to help them put their lives back together. Almost a year ago, I proposed increasing the military's death benefit to $250,000. When combined with the Servicemembers Group Life Insurance, a family would receive $500,000 when a loved-one dies in the service of our nation. No one can ever put a price on a life, but we ought to do what we can to help families coping with the worst of news. The President recently embraced a formula to reach the $500,000 threshold, and I'm glad he has joined this effort.
Our generosity must not stop there. At present, survivors of those killed in action have 180 days to move out of military housing. But for those with young children in school, 180 days may mean starting a school year in one State, and finishing it in another. With all the disruption the loss of a parent will bring to their lives, survivors should have the flexibility to stay in their homes for one year after the death of a service member. It's the least we can do for those who have paid the ultimate price.
But let's be honest: No piece of legislation will ever anticipate all the needs of America's military families. Someone will always fall through the cracks. And the legislation I intend to offer will try to fix that. Take the case of Jay Briseno. Jay was wounded in Iraq and left paralyzed from the neck down. The law authorizes the VA to provide $11,000 to modify a disabled veteran's vehicle, but it doesn't provide the resources a family needs to buy the specially out-fitted vehicle Jay needed. In his case, a generous member of the community donated the van the Briseno's now use to drive Jay to doctors appointments and hospital visits. And we are all grateful for that act of generosity. But no family should ever have to be so dependent on charity to meet a basic need.
Americans will do everything in our power to help military families. But not all Americans can afford to buy modified minivans for wounded veterans, and not all military families have the same needs. So as part of my Military Family Bill of Rights, we will establish a Military Family Relief Fund. Every American who pays taxes will be able to contribute by checking a box on their income tax returns. Just as we let Americans donate a few dollars to finance our presidential elections on their tax forms, we should give them this opportunity to say thank you to our troops. The program will meet the needs we can't expect with the flexibility and responsiveness our service members, veterans, and their families deserve.
Supporting military families must also extend beyond service in uniform--with programs across government to help with jobs, VA benefits, healthcare, and education.
Veterans possess great leadership and technical skills, but they often lack the financial resources to turn that potential into a viable enterprise. A recent report by the Small Business Administration stated that 22 percent of veterans plan to start or are starting a business when they leave the military. For service-disabled veterans, this number rises to 28 percent. So the legislation I introduce today will create a new program, administered by the Small Business Administration, to provide very-low interest loans, up to $100,000, to help veterans start new small businesses.
But in this time of war, we have another obligation to meet the needs of those suffering with the experience of war.
The Pentagon believes that as many as 100,000 new combat veterans across the country will need some level of mental health care. The New England Journal of Medicine has reported as many as 1 in 6 soldiers returning from Iraq show symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder. Fewer than 40 percent of those sought help. Military officials and mental health providers predict that up to 30 percent of returning soldiers will require psychiatric services associated with their experience in war. Through July of last year, 31,000 veterans of Operation Iraqi Freedom had applied for disability benefits for injuries--and 20 percent of those claims were for psychological conditions. These are levels not seen since the Vietnam War.
Our VA medical facilities are not ready for increased demands for the treatment of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. In fact only 86 of 163 VA Medical Centers have PTSD treatment centers. We must do better. The wounds of war are not always visible, and we cannot sit back and wait for people to ask for help. We have to be proactive.
Soldiers and Marines returning from war want to go home. They don't want to do anything that could jeopardize
their homecoming. That's what happened to Jeffrey Lucey, a Marine Reservist from Belchertown, MA. When he was leaving Iraq, his first instinct was to report traumatic memories of things he had seen in the war. But someone told him it might delay his return home, so Jeff kept quiet. But the safety, security, and joy of homecoming eluded Jeff. Haunted by the war and what he had seen, he began to drink heavily. He was plagued by recurring nightmares, and began talking about suicide. Last summer, Jeff took his own life. Jeff's story is a preventable tragedy, and a call to action. As part of the legislation I plan, keeping faith with Jeff's family who have become committed advocates in his memory, we will expand PTSD programs within the VA and require outreach efforts to find the veterans who need the care.
Our obligation is to keep faith with the men and women of the American military and their families--whether they are on active duty, in the National Guard or Reserves, or veterans.
Those who have stood for us should know that we stand with them, today and always. Each of us can do something to ease their burden--but truly supporting our troops requires that we act not just as individuals, but as a nation. We owe our troops the opportunity to serve in the best-planned, best-equipped, and best-led military force in the world, and we owe them the peace of mind that comes from knowing that they and their families will be taken care of if they sacrifice life, limb or the ability to sleep without war's nightmares. We owe them not just thanks and best wishes, but action here in Congress. In today's ever-changing and perilous world, there is not a moment to lose.