Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2798) to reauthorize the programs of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and for other purposes, as amended. Mr. Speaker, I…
Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2798) to reauthorize the programs of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, and for other purposes, as amended.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the bill now under consideration, and on the next three resolutions that the House will consider, H. Res. 521, H. Res. 380, and H. Con. Res. 139.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I would like to thank the many colleagues who have been involved in crafting this legislation, including Chairman Lantos, Ranking Member Ros-Lehtinen, Ranking Member Royce, Mr. Manzullo, Ambassador Watson and others. Their assistance was critical in the bipartisan effort of making the Overseas Private Investment Corporation even more effective.
As I proceed, I will point out that the Overseas Private Investment Corporation is saddled with the most unfortunate acronym in Washington, OPIC. Let us hope it is not confused with that other, nefarious organization, OPEC.
OPIC's mission is ``to mobilize and facilitate the participation of United States private capital and skills in the economic and social development of less developed countries and areas.''
Since its creation in 1971, the Overseas Private Investment Corporation has generated $71 billion in U.S. exports, supported over 271,000 U.S. jobs, and supported projects in over 150 developing countries.
OPIC uses a nimble, private-sector model to accomplish its important public-sector goals, to further development in poor countries, including unstable countries, and to support the goals of American foreign policy. It supports targeted investments in some of the world's poorest countries, many of which would otherwise not benefit from American private-sector projects because the private sector would be otherwise unwilling to take the risks involved.
OPIC, being part of the Federal Government, is uniquely qualified to carry out this mission. There are private sector organizations which will sell on rare occasions expropriation insurance, but they often refuse to sell such insurance or refuse to finance projects in difficult and problematic countries because if expropriation did occur, they would only have their private-sector contacts to persuade the foreign government to relent. In the case of OPIC, it is able to rely on the United States State Department to convince foreign countries not to expropriate projects and assets funded by or guaranteed by the United States agency.
OPIC has a sophisticated system that reviews applications and funds projects in some of the places where companies are least likely to get the very kind of insurance they are most likely to need; namely, insurance for political risk. In fact, OPIC requires applicants for assistance to seek insurance in the private market and certify that it was unavailable before OPIC will offer its services.
OPIC operates at no net cost to the United States taxpayer. Amazingly, it has turned a profit in every single year of its operations and now has reserves of $5.3 billion on deposit in the U.S. Treasury. Despite working in some of the least developed countries of the world, it has amassed this $5.3 billion in reserves. If all of our government agencies ran this way, perhaps even those on the other side of the aisle would be more favorably disposed to Federal programs.
Today's bill not only reauthorizes OPIC but improves both its strategy and oversight to make it the most responsible investor it can be.
With this bill, the new and improved OPIC will work in countries and with companies, private sector companies, in a manner which provides greater protection for international worker rights.
The new and improved OPIC will take additional steps to guarantee that its projects do not damage the environment and, in fact, move toward a greener economy.
The new and improved OPIC will be as transparent as possible and more transparent than any Federal agency I am aware of.
I want to especially focus on section 10 of the bill because it contains a provision that is unique as to bills that have come to this floor, but which is being talked about in a wide variety of our other bills, designed to focus on using the economic power of the United States to deal with terrorist countries, particularly those who are committing genocide, such as Sudan, or developing nuclear weapons, such as Iran and North Korea.
If this bill is enacted, this provision would be the only statute requiring a screen for companies doing business with a U.S. government agency that requires the private sector companies to certify that neither they nor any entity, as part of their affiliated group of corporations, is engaging in an enterprise which is helping terrorist states as defined in the bill.
Now, one of the toughest issues for anyone trying to use the economic power of the United States to achieve our foreign policy objectives must ask is, what types of investments are we trying to discourage? The broader the definition of what we're trying to discourage, the less focused the pressure that we put on private sector entities.
In this bill, and this is a bill that I hope will form a template for the divestiture movement in the United States, for procurement laws that come before this Congress, et cetera, we focus rather narrowly the economic pressure of the United States. We tell these multinational corporations that we're not going to bar you from dealing with OPIC if you sell a candy bar to a private store in Tehran or you sell paper clips to a stationery store in Khartoum.
Rather, you must certify that your corporation and all its affiliates have abstained from two very important actions: first, that you have made no loan to the terrorist government; and, second, that you are not investing significant assets in the oil and energy sector of a terrorist State, particularly no more than $20 million.
This builds on what used to be called the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act, now the Iran Sanctions Act, which draws the line and finds the pressure point for both Iran and Sudan, and probably Syria as well, in stating that our goal is to prevent investments of more than $20 million in the terrorist states' oil sector.
Also, OPIC would not be able to approve an application if the applicant company has an outstanding loan or extension of credit to one of the state sponsors of terrorist governments. Sales of goods other than food and medicine on anything other than a cash basis would constitute U.N. extension of credit for these purposes.
Now, section 10 of the bill would apply these prohibitions, as I've pointed out, to foreign subsidiaries of the applicant. In order to benefit from partnering with OPIC, the entire group of affiliated corporations would have to make the certification.
Section 10 of the bill would require the CEOs of any applicant and the CEO of the applicant's ultimate parent corporation to certify that none of the affiliated groups have engaged in the prohibited activities.
Section 10 is also narrowly targeted with regard to the geography of the Sudan in that it does not prohibit activities in those regions of Sudan not under the power of the Khartoum government.
For 35 years, OPIC has funded and ensured the type of infrastructure- building that no one else would do in some countries where no private corporation would otherwise go. OPIC has paved the way for roads and bridges, buildings and energy facilities in countries marked by conflict and war.
For these reasons, we should reauthorize OPIC.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I have no requests for time. Let me yield myself just a couple of minutes and reemphasize, this is an agency that has conducted its activities at no cost to the Federal Treasury and, in fact, made a profit. It is appropriate that we reauthorize OPIC.
Second, this bill is, I believe, the first to come before this House which defines what precisely it is that we want international corporations to stop doing, and that is, investing in the oil sector of terrorist states, and, second, making loans to terrorist states. That is why I think that this bill may be an important template for other legislation, and I hope it will become a guide for what we expect of companies in procurement legislation, Ex-Im Bank, et cetera.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move that we adopt the bill.