Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute. Mr. Chairman, this is an historic day. This is an important piece of legislation, broadly and eagerly supported by virtually every organization in this country…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute.
Mr. Chairman, this is an historic day. This is an important piece of legislation, broadly and eagerly supported by virtually every organization in this country seeking to expand the supply of affordable housing for low-income people, and also from the leading business groups that understand the need for an increase in the housing supply. So from the Low Income Housing Coalition and all the homeless groups, over to the National Association of Homebuilders and the National Association of Realtors, this is a day they have long waited for; and I submit the following for the Record:
National Association
of Realtors,
Washington, DC, October 9, 2007.
House of Representatives,
Washington, DC.
Dear Representative: On behalf of the 1.3 million members
of the NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS', I urge
your support of H.R. 2895, the ``National Affordable Housing
Trust Fund Act of 2007''. The number of families facing
critical housing needs is significant and growing. Today, one
in seven U.S. households--both owners and renters--spend over
50% of their household income on housing. A dedicated fund to
produce, rehabilitate, and preserve affordable housing could
make great strides towards addressing this crisis.
NAR has consistently maintained that homeownership serves
as a cornerstone of our democratic system of government. We
believe that homeownership continues to be a strong personal
and social priority for most Americans. Living in one's own
home is a measure of security and success in life. The
homeownership rate fell slightly during the recent housing
market slowdown. Despite modestly lower home prices in many
regions of the country, many deserving American families
continue to face obstacles in their quest to own a home.
NAR has equally and forcefully maintained that rental
housing has an immediate and beneficial effect on the
prosperity of a community. Rental housing provides a range of
housing options that not only attract top employers but also
generate local taxes, fees and income that benefit local
economies. Sadly, the stock of affordable and available
rental units is declining. As a result, approximately 25% of
renters spend more than half of their household income on
housing costs. Perhaps even more sobering, there is no
location in the country where a household headed by a single
minimum-wage worker can afford a two-bedroom rental
apartment.
The NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF REALTORS' recognizes
that accessibility to safe, decent and affordable housing at
all levels must be one of our nation's highest priorities.
NAR strongly endorses H.R. 2895 and urges your support of
this important legislation.
Sincerely,
Pat V. Combs,
2007 President, National Association
of Realtors.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
My friend from Alabama said that there are 30 programs that this would duplicate. I know of one program which helps build family affordable housing. That is what this does. I would yield to the gentleman. Would he name some of the other programs?
The question is, what are the 30 programs that help construct, not Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and FHA, he said there were 30 HUD programs that help build affordable family housing.
I would yield to the gentleman if he would tell me what they are.
I'm sorry, Mr. Chairman, I take back my time. I yielded for a specific purpose. He has as much time as I do. I asked him, and he has had time to get the list from people: What is the list of programs that build affordable family housing? Construction.
And I will yield.
Mr. Chairman, I take back my time. I think the gentleman doesn't have 30; he doesn't have three.
Would the gentleman please abide by the rules.
He made a statement, and I am yielding my time. He has equal time. I don't think there are 30 programs. I don't think they can come up with them.
The HOME program, I agree, there are reasons why this must be in addition to the HOME program.
Community Development Block Grants are not supposed to be primarily a construction program. Mayors and city council members and others all over the country will be appalled to be told that they are supposed to put CDBG primarily in housing construction; they aren't. It is for a whole variety of programs. People know that.
We do have programs to build housing for the elderly and for the disabled, but there is simply not a list for housing construction.
Secondly, the gentleman from Alabama says, Why don't we fix these programs? Of course, the Republican Party was in control of both Houses of Congress and the Department of Housing and Urban Development for 6 years. Apparently, they didn't do anything.
He then says, Why don't we fix FHA and GSE? Well, I was surprised by that, Mr. Chairman. The gentleman knows that this House has, in fact, passed bills that do make reforms in both the FHA and the GSE. For him to say why don't we fix FHA and GSE when he knows we have passed bills to do it seems, to me, strange because we have done that.
Here is the point. We do have the HOME program. It is subject to annual appropriations. And we do have local
housing trust funds. It is the local housing trust funds that want this bill. The gentlewoman from Illinois mentioned the Low Income Housing Coalition. They are the major driver behind this bill because they understand its importance.
We want to supplement the funds. What is the problem with the one program that builds affordable housing, the HOME program, there is not enough money. It competes with other appropriated funds.
By the way, the argument that somehow we are being unfair to the elderly, in this bill, unlike what happened during the Republican rule, we limit the fees that can be charged to the elderly under the HOME equity mortgage program. We do that. They didn't. We limit what the FHA can charge for mortgage insurance. OMB ordered HUD to raise the fees so they would make even more of a profit. We said you can't do that. We authorized some additional activity. We have limited the fee increases, and we have taken some of the money from the additional activity, not from fee increases.
The fact is this: The Republican Party has opposed any funding for affordable housing construction. They inherited the HOME program. They haven't been very good to it in the appropriations process. This says we need to get back in the business in a major way of helping build affordable housing. There is no 30 programs that build affordable housing for low-income people. That is not what CDBG is intended to do, and it is not what CDBG largely does. Most of the money goes for other things.
This list of 30 programs is mythical. I await its reality, but I don't have any high expectations.
Mr. Chairman, I yield to the gentleman from Virginia for a colloquy.
First, there was allusion by the gentleman from Alabama to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. In fact, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in the bill we passed, which we did do some reforms in, we did say that they should in their secondary mortgage activity be supportive of people at 80 percent of median. We have given them the affordable housing goals, and people who understand this issue understand that there is a distinction, as the gentleman from Virginia understands. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac have primarily and historically been aimed at helping people in the more moderate income range. We have actually lowered it to 80 percent of median. This gets to people much below that in general, which is why there is no overlap between Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and this program.
Secondly, to the gentleman's argument, what we want to do here is give as much flexibility as we can to the local communities. That is why, yes, we are not creating a Federal bureaucracy here. The Federal Government will largely be passing this money through to the State and local housing trust funds who can focus on the needs of their own community. They would have the ability, with the 15 percent, to spend it where they think best. If they thought it was needed for the lowest income people, they could do that. But if they felt, as in the gentleman's area, this needs to go to people at 60 percent of median, and ultimately when we get the fund up to 80 percent of median, they would have the ability to do that. So the 15 percent is within the discretion of the local communities.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume to underline an important distinction that appears to have escaped the gentleman from Alabama: There is a difference between a section 8 voucher program which gives people money to pay their rent on a year-by-year basis and does not encourage the construction of any housing, there is a difference between that and a program to help people build affordable housing. The gentleman now has disclaimed the list to some extent. He says it is not his list; it was when he first mentioned it, it seems to me. Now it is HUD's list.
It is a list that he very carefully reworded, the phraseology, I think. It is a list that assists people who are poor with housing. Yes, it builds shelters for the homeless. That is probably one or two of the programs. It gives section 8 vouchers.
The HOME program is the only one of that list that helps build affordable housing. It helps build it. So the gentleman's list, and he doesn't want to read it, and I understand why. He mentioned Community Development Block Grants. No one familiar with Community Development Block Grants think they are primarily for housing construction. That is not what it does. There are programs that help build housing for the disabled and the elderly. But other than the HOME program, there aren't programs that help build affordable housing.
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are now aimed at helping people at 100 percent of median and above. We say that should be dropped to 80 percent of median, not 100, but it doesn't help people in the lower income categories. There are no such programs. And so that's the answer to what the gentleman said.
He keeps talking about, Well, we should fix the programs. Of course for 6 years with a Republican President and a Republican-led Congress, they didn't do much.
There are fixes this year. The House did try last year on the FHA. We have repeated that. So we do improve the FHA program. We improve the GSE program, and we also take additional nontax dollars and make them available.
Again, I await this list of programs that help the construction of affordable rental housing. I think I will wait a very long time.
The only other point I make is that I regret we have limited time. I was sorry that the Ways and Means Committee didn't yield time to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Hensarling) since he talked about trade and taxes, none of which have anything to do with this bill. So maybe Ways and Means owes us a few minutes, and when their bill comes up later, maybe I will come talk about housing to offset the gentleman from Texas talking about trade and taxes.
I now yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Scott).
How much time remains, Mr. Chairman?
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute just to say that the assertion that this is ignoring the private market would be more persuasive to me if it were not for the fact that every organization that is engaged in the private market building of housing disagrees.
The National Association of Realtors and the National Association of Home Builders, neither of which are known for its socialist tendencies, have written letters in support of this bill exactly as it has been presented. They who fully understand the market, and we don't just use boilerplate rhetoric to describe it, understand the importance of interactivity between some public sector participation and the market, and this creates no new government bureaucracies.
This funds existing State and local housing programs. The Federal role will be for HUD by a formula to distribute it. It is a funding mechanism for the State and local authority.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Al Green).
Yes, in decades. I thought the gentleman said 30 years. I would not claim that it was the largest in 30 years, but it certainly has been the largest since the Republicans took power 12 years ago since they tried to kill them all.
I would say 20 years.
I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode Island, my neighbor, Mr. Kennedy.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I regret to say that my colleague from Alabama does not appear to be familiar with the bills. I will say, this argument that, oh, how can we do this and create a housing trust fund at the moment that we have a subprime crisis has no validity, it's purely tactical, because exactly the same arguments were being made before the subprime crisis. There's an ideological objection to getting the Federal Government in the business of helping build affordable housing.
The gentleman finally named some of the programs: Building intermediate nursing home facilities, housing for people with AIDS.
My question to him, repeated and ultimately unanswered was, where are the programs that help build affordable family housing? It is not an annual section 8 voucher program which doesn't help build housing. It's not intermediate nursing home facilities. It's not help for people with AIDS. It's none of those programs. HOPE VI, yes. It exchanges some kind of housing for others. HOPE VI has not resulted in any net addition to housing. We're trying to prevent it from being a net diminution.
He then says, well, you're taking money from the FHA and they won't help low-income people. Totally and completely false, portraying a total misunderstanding of the bill. In fact, it is the bill that we passed, unlike the bill that passed under the Republicans, that prohibits the FHA from raising mortgage insurance premiums on people and give that money to the Treasury. That was the Republican approach. We capped those fees.
Here's where the FHA money comes from. We take the limit that the Republicans allowed to stand for years on the number of home equity mortgages the FHA can insure. We also, unlike the Republicans, limit the amount that the elderly can be charged for the first time under those by the servicers, and we are told by CBO that as we increase the volume of FHA home equity mortgages at a lower price for the elderly than existed under the Republican rule, we will generate money.
Now, if we didn't pass this bill, this administration would take that money and put it into the Treasury so it could go help fund the war in Iraq; it could go help fund highway projects, agricultural subsidies.
That's the choice. Do we, having created an additional revenue stream for the FHA, while limiting fees, let it go to the Treasury for agricultural subsidies and the war in Iraq, or do we put it into affordable housing?
With the GSEs, until we talked about helping build affordable low- income housing, my Republican friends were very critical of the GSEs on the whole. The stockholders were getting too much money and too much return for too little.
Nothing in this bill will increase the amount that people have to pay on the mortgages any iota. What it says is that out of the profits of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, we're going to make them divert some of this for these public purposes. So in direct contradiction to what the gentleman says, there are not 34 programs that help build affordable housing. There is one, now there will be two, and I hope the bill passes.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I don't believe any of these are controversial.
The first thing we do, we had in the committee an adoption of an amount, a minimum amount that would go to each State. Remember, this is largely a distribution to the States. It's not an existing Federal. This would not be administered at the Federal level. It would be sent to the States.
And some of the smaller States raised a question, and the smaller communities that they might be excluded. Indeed, while this is not exactly what the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Bilirakis) had wanted to offer, which I thought was perfectly reasonable, it comes close to, it touches on the same area. So this would make sure that no State would go without, and at least one community in every State would get some funding.
Next, we had a provision that really didn't make sense requiring a mixed income requirement in elderly projects. We didn't think that was reasonable, and we take it out.
We have a clarification involving the number of units that go to people who are below 50 percent, and we say that applies to all units.
And finally, in response to concerns in the House, we had language that could be better worded. It was somewhat hastily added at the last minute, and I hope it will be improved as we go forward, which seeks to say that no one who is in the country illegally should be allowed to be a resident of one of these projects.
That's the manager's amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time with gratitude to my colleagues.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, the gentlewoman from California, in consultation with a number of groups, put this forward, and it's to give more flexibility to the recipients.
I yield to the gentlewoman from California who will explain the amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, as the designee of the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee), I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from Washington has been a strong advocate of energy efficiency and reducing excess energy costs. He approached the committee and argued that it would be very useful to have in the bill the language of this amendment, which says that you will take into account, in making the grants, the extent to which the money would reduce utility costs for residents. This would, of course, have the dual advantage of making it less expensive for these low-income residents and also conserving energy. So it seemed to us an entirely reasonable approach, and I was glad to tell the gentleman from Washington that I agree with him and, in fact, to serve as his designee in offering it.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, as the designee of the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey), I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, the gentlewoman from California, representing a high-cost area, Marin County, especially, in California, confronts the problem that many others confront, but she has it particularly in her district where workers in a municipality can't afford to live in the city in which they work.
So what her amendment does is to propose that with one- to four- family owner-occupied housing, the grantees who receive this money can give preference to public safety officers, teachers, et cetera.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey) so that she can speak for herself.
Mr. Chairman, as the designee of the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin), I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, we have in our committee been working hard to try to incorporate pro-environmental, energy- saving measures, measures that would reduce global warming. And this is an amendment offered by the gentleman from Rhode Island that is very much in tune with this.
Mr. Chairman, for further elaboration, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. Chairman, the gentleman is absolutely right. And that same issue, as he knows, is arising in the context of our work on HOPE VI. We want to do the green building standards. We want to do them in a way that will be sensible and reasonable.
Let's be very clear. There aren't enough law enforcement people in the world to make this work if there isn't a willingness on the part of those involved to do it. If people think it is too rigid or inflexible, it's just not going to work as well. I think we have a wide willingness now on the part of the homebuilders and others to be participating in this.
And, yes, we will make this very much a collaborative enterprise. Of course if the gentleman's substitute were to pass, it wouldn't be relevant. But in case it didn't, we will work together.
Mr. Chairman, as the designee of the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen), I offer the amendment that is now in order.
Mr. Chairman, this is a very reasonable and thoughtful amendment from the gentleman from Maryland. What it says is that we hope this program is established, we hope that there will be entities that will be repeat applicants. We just want to make explicit that if people have gotten a grant and now come back for another one, they be very explicit about what they have done with it. It is, I think, a very useful kind of oversight that's built into the program. It may seem obvious, but we sometimes read about people getting renewed programs when they haven't done a very good job in the last one. This won't make that absolutely impossible, but it will make it less likely. I think it is a very useful amendment by the gentleman from Maryland, and I hope it's adopted.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition.
Mr. Chairman, this is an unusual amendment. The actual author offered it, and the Member rising in opposition actually opposes it for the first time today. And I appreciate the cooperation we've had.
I want to say that I appreciate, not just that, but the gentleman from Texas, who has been a very constructive member of the committee. We have some differences. That's why we have different parties. But we have a great deal in agreement. And the gentleman's expertise in the homebuilding field has been very helpful as our committee has gone forward. And here is, perhaps, a philosophical difference between us.
The main difference here is that the gentleman's amendment, recognizing, as he does from his own experience, the value of additional housing construction, would do away with our two funding sources. Now, we chose to go in addition to the HOME program, which is the one program where there is a parallel, for a couple of reasons. First of all, the HOME program is, of course, subject to annual appropriations, and that's appropriate for most government work. But we did want to have in the government a program for housing construction that had a little bit more assurance for people than an annual appropriation. Appropriations get caught up in omnibus issues, CR issues. The trust fund will be outside of the kind of deadlock that we have had in the past and may, we hope not, but may have in the future. If you're trying to build housing, the notion that your funding has been slowed down because there has been a fight over some unrelated issue, like the debate about the Iraq war funding, could slow you down, we want to avoid that, so we keep the HOME program. But we have an additional program, and again, it's for the construction of affordable housing, unlike any other program, except HOME, and we want to give it some assurance to operate in a trust fund. And this is, to some extent, modeled after the highway trust fund. It is a trust fund that will still be subject to work by the Appropriations Committee, but it won't be bogged down as the rest of the government gets bogged down, and that's important when you are doing construction when you have an ongoing situation.
Secondly, we do have two additional funding sources. Now, there is some debate about that. I do want to stress, in the FHA bill, which was already voted on by the House, we say in the first place that if any question arises about the solvency of the fund, if the FHA fund should appear to be in trouble, not a penny can go into the affordable housing fund that year. Only after the HUD Secretary has certified that the money won't be needed to hold down premiums or prevent insolvency will this go forward.
We have said that by the creation of a new funding stream, namely, allowing an unlimited amount of home equity and mortgages, we get a lot of money that CBO made available. And I should note, by the way, that some of that money, as the gentleman from Texas, among others, have suggested, has gone to upgrade the computer system of the FHA. Some of it will go for a great increase in counseling to homeowners, which is, again, supported on both sides. A good chunk will be left over, we're not sure exactly how much, we hope it will be $200 million a year. But it only goes to the housing trust fund if it would otherwise have gone to the Treasury. There is zero chance, the way this bill is written, for it to force that kind of an increase. That, by the way, is why CBO gives us a flat score on this. There is no budget deficit situation here at all.
Similarly, with Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and here I have to say some of my Republican colleagues have been a little inconsistent, the administration, some of them, they've been critical of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. They've said, you know, we give all these advantages to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, a line of credit, some people think they're government-run, there used to be government members on the board, although we will not have that if our bill passes, and here they are, they're making all these profits and they're not doing enough for public purposes. Well, in our Fannie and Freddie bill, we amend that to some extent by increasing the housing goals they have by dropping the credit they get from 100 percent to 80 percent immediately. But we also say, you know what? You've been doing pretty well, you're making a lot of money and your sales are doing well, so without in any way impinging on your mortgage functioning, we are going to take some of the profit you've made and put it in the affordable housing trust fund.
By the way, I find it a little odd that people who have said that we should basically reduce the portfolio of Fannie and Freddie and make them securitize more, which they believe will do more damage to their ability to function
than anything else, that now they become very concerned when we talk about a housing trust fund. I should be clear that that does not describe the gentleman from Texas, who understands very well how best to help Fannie and Freddie. And I think we put through a bill that will enhance their ability to function while better regulating them.
So, in other words, we have 800 or $900 million, we hope, in the first year, and we hope it will go up. And this is the main difference between us, it doesn't come from appropriated funds. And I believe we have written it so it will not interfere with either Fannie and Freddie or FHA's ability to function. And we do not create a new bureaucracy. We distribute it to the State and local housing funds. Indeed, many of the amendments that we've adopted here in agreement by both sides, and some that we adopted in committee, I was looking it over, in committee we adopted a number of amendments, more from the Republican side than the Democratic side because I don't have to worry about other people telling me where we are on that. We have, in every one of these amendments, increased the flexibility for the local housing trust funds.
So with that, I hope that the substitute is defeated and that we will continue to improve this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, I rise to try to save the bill from this effort to kill it.
Yes.
First, if this were a serious effort to put on a work program, it might have been offered as an amendment to the bill. It wasn't offered before the Rules Committee.
Secondly, it would have said ``report back forthwith,'' and it would have been voted on and it would have been
added. It says ``promptly.'' Now it is true that if we were to adopt a motion to recommit that says ``promptly,'' it would go back to the committee.
Our committee is a fairly busy one. We have the subprime issue before us. We have credit card reform issues. House floor time is fairly busy. I am told there are Members who don't think working here on Friday is the best thing that has ever happened to them. We are getting towards the end of this session. We have the appropriations bills. So the choice of ``promptly'' rather than ``forthwith'' is clearly motivated by animus against the bill.
Having failed in several tries to kill the bill as a whole, they now say, let's do it this way. And on its own merits, here is the problem. I have not been a supporter of the work requirement within the public housing area, but at least in public housing you have administered a framework where it can be applied, although I think inappropriately.
Here we are talking about a program whereby the Federal funds will be distributed. And by the way, they are not mostly taxpayer; they are shareholders of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac dollars in the largest amount. But what we are going to do is distribute this money to hundreds of local housing funds, State and local funds. You talk about unfunded mandates. This says to all of the grantees, the Catholic Church in some places, or B'nai Brith housing or other local housing groups, Habitat for Humanity or any of the others, you must, in addition to building the housing, undertake to administer this kind of volunteer work program. Lest anyone think this is something that they can do easily, read the third page of the recommittal motion.
``Administration. A grantee providing assistance with Trust Fund grant amounts may administer the work activities requirement under this subsection directly, through a resident organization, or through a contractor having experience in administering work activities programs within the jurisdiction of the grantee.''
This takes some of the limited amount of money that would be available for housing and creates another new set of contractors. Maybe Blackwater will lay down their guns and come over here now when they get run out of Iraq and so a whole new set of contractors will be dealing with this. And the organizations that get this money, they are religious organizations, they are nonprofits, they are homebuilders. They will now have this new mandate to go and make people work, and it becomes a complicated one.
Here's what it says. For example, if you are ``a single custodial parent for a child who has not attained 6 years of age,'' then you have to go out and do this volunteer work for 20 hours a week, unless you can show that you couldn't get child care. You've got to show that it's unavailable. There are three different kinds of paragraphs. It's a very complicated thing to administer.
So you say to people, you know what, thank you for helping build affordable housing, thank you to the archdiocese, thank you to the Methodists, thank you to Habitat for Humanity, thank you to these charitable groups. Oh, and by the way, you are now in charge of making the parents of small children go to work unless they have first shown to you the unavailability of child care, and you have to go out and hire somebody to administer this for you.
So, even if it were ``forthwith,'' I would be opposed to it, but ``promptly'' means that the people who are opposed to using funding to help build affordable housing want to at best delay the bill, and maybe if they're lucky enough, because they can combine this with other filibusters, kill it.
This is a very difficult program to administer. It is not one for which there has been any demand. I guarantee you it will be strongly opposed by all of the organizations, the charitable and nonprofit organizations, that will be told to administer this housing. It is an unfair imposition on some of the best-motivated organizations and people. It doesn't give them any money to do it. It gives them this very difficult task. It delays the bill at best, and I hope it is defeated for what it is meant to be, an effort to derail a bill that can't be derailed in a more straightforward fashion.
Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Parliamentary Inquiries
Parliamentary inquiry.
Madam Speaker, is there anything in this recommittal motion that would allow me, as chairman of the committee, to ignore the rule that requires a 3-day notice before there is a markup, which would seem to me to make it impossible for me to report it tomorrow, on the day of a funeral, very sensitive, but is there anything in this amendment that would waive the 3-day requirement for a markup before we could proceed?
Well, then, let me ask in general. Does a recommittal motion waive the rules----
Further parliamentary inquiry. Is there anything in this process that would allow the chairman of the committee to waive the requirement in the rules that there be at least 3 days before there can be a markup in committee?
So much for tomorrow, Madam Speaker.
Madam Speaker, can the standing rules of a committee be waived by actions on the floor?
Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.