Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I appreciate the opportunity to be here. I appreciate Mr. Grijalva as well for joining me here on this particular bill. There are three types…
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I appreciate the opportunity to be here. I appreciate Mr. Grijalva as well for joining me here on this particular bill.
There are three types of trail bills that the National Park Service has: historic, recreational, and scenic. This happens to be the last of those; a scenic trail. We have not done one of those since 1983. It would seem that after 25 years, one of the things we ought to be able to do is at least do it the right way.
In the 107th Congress, a study was mandated on this particular trail and was not to go forward until the study was completed, the environmental review was completed. The study has not yet been completed. It is close to it, but not, which is, once again, one of the reasons we will be talking in a few minutes about an amendment to say this should go into place once regular order has taken place, the study has been completed, and then, appropriate to our rules to move forward at that particular time.
This particular trail has been, since 1931, done on a volunteer, local operation. People there have automatically authorized the use of their land, private property, for trails. It has been that way for over 70 years, has functioned well, and it should be one of those things of which we are extremely proud in this country, that people can actually come together and work together on a local area to do something that is good, without the heavy hand of the Federal Government helping them along the way. We have had 70 years of experience with that.
Now, one of the things I'd like to talk about, because I am an old history teacher, is simply one of the things we need to do as a Congress and as a people is to learn the lessons of history. We obviously know the hackneyed cliche that if we don't learn those lessons, we will repeat them. Or, as P.J. O'Rourke did a much better corollary, he who did not learn the lessons of history probably didn't do well in English or remedial math as well.
This Congress ought to do well in all of those, and one of those is the potential of those lessons of history. It is from those of us in the West who have had a sad experience dealing with Federal issues on Federal land issues. So our good friends in the East have not had that experience yet.
The State of Massachusetts has a grand total of 1.8 percent of its State owned by the Federal Government. The State of Connecticut has a whopping .4 percent of its State owned by the Federal Government. Very little interface with the Federal Government, which may be one of the reasons why Mr. Young of Alaska or Mr. Heller of Nevada, who stand up with concerns, should be taken into consideration, because 90 percent of their State is owned by the Federal Government, or Mr. Flake of Arizona, with half of his State, over half controlled by the Federal Government, or 70 percent of my State is controlled by the Federal Government. And we have had, by sad experience, seen where well-meaning and well-intentioned efforts on behalf of the Federal Government have led to some negative and unfortunate situations.
I want to tell you one story in an issue that is different than a trail setting. I want to talk about Gene, an old farmer, third- generation farmer, growing sugar beets, which, by definition, is a root crop and cannot grow in wetlands. Gene decided he would rent part of his sugar beet land for alfalfa, and to make sure that the water, which was going from an irrigation pipe from the creek to his land, would get to the high point, he allowed it to pool in the lower point.
One day, one of the Federal regulators, given authority under a very vague Federal law, came there and said that land is obviously a wetland. Actually, what he simply said is that the Great Salt Lake is part of our interstate commerce system, Logan Creek is part of it going into the Great Salt Lake. Therefore, the irrigation pipe is part of the navigable waterways of the United States, and the water is a wetland.
It didn't matter that Gene was able to get the Soil and Conservation Corps in there to prove the land was not conducive to wetlands; didn't matter that once he stopped the irrigation pipe, the water went away. In fact, that same regulator from the Federal Government threatened to throw him in jail if he actually stopped that water from going into the navigable rivers, i.e., irrigation pipes of the United States.
The end result is that this old gentleman, who in his entire experience in working with the Federal Government I never heard him utter one swear word, although I did on many occasions, had his entire heritage regulated and controlled by, not taken, because that means the Federal Government would have had to pay him for it, instead, they regulated and controlled it. They told him what he could or could not do. They took away not only his heritage, but took away his pension. They also took away his pension and legacy for his children, and, yes, I am mad about that.
When this Congress passed the Clean Water Act, which has to be a wonderful act; no one would be opposed to the Clean Water Act, we did not intend to take Gene and ruin his life. But because the language was vague, we allowed government entities to interpret it their own way, and, in fact, we harmed that old gentleman. It's not what we intended to do. No one wanted to do it, but, nonetheless, that citizen was harmed.
We have already talked in the rule debate over one citizen who wanted out of this trail system, and by the fact she had enough money and time and determination, she was allowed to be exempt from that. Whether that is isolated or indicative of a greater situation is what we must be very careful of; otherwise, our good intentions will actually harm and hurt individuals, which is not what we should be doing.
We did have testimony coming in of other people who were in this same situation in this same area. The government should not be in the business of harming people. We should be in the business of protecting the little guy so that his home, his farm, his legacy is neither harmed by anything that we will do. Too many irregularities with government land have happened in the past to say that we can do anything less than making sure that our language in these types of bills is specific and direct as to what we intend to be the net product. If we say we want to save somebody's property, we don't want to take it, it must be specific and direct and say that; otherwise, like we had with the Clean Water Act, people can interpret it in a different way, and American citizens get harmed.
Mr. Chairman, under the pronouncement, the point that was made by Mr. Grijalva at the very beginning of his motion, I would like to submit letters into the Record indicative of individuals who have those same problems dealing with the Federal Government. It wasn't intended for them to be harmed, but they have been harmed and they have been harassed in like situations.
We have proposed several amendments which in all sincerity if adopted would make us happy with this bill, and we could support it in every sense of the word.
One of the issues deals with the concept of hunting and gun rights. Long in the 75-year-plus history of this trail, there has been a cooperative effort to make sure that those rights were not infringed and that local ordinance and local concerns would be the dominant factor. We want to make sure that that is very clear in this bill. It is the intent of the sponsor, but we insist that the verbiage has to be specific to make sure that that is never put into any
question or doubt by some future Congress, some future regulator, some future judge.
We will have an amendment also to be presented to do exactly that, to make sure that it is very clear that is our intent, that local law will take precedence.
We have said before that we are concerned about a potential eminent domain loophole within this bill. We are concerned about that, and at some time we will want to address that as we go through with this particular debate.
April 14, 2007.
Re H.R. 1528.
Chairman Nick Rahall,
Ranking Member Don Young,
House Committee on Natural Resources.
Chairmen Rahall and Ranking Member Young: My name is
Katherine (Kitty) Breen and I am writing to testify in
opposition to H.R. 1528, the New England Trail Bill.
My family owned Saddleback Mountain and Ski Area in
Rangeley Maine. The Appalachian Trail traversed over
Saddleback Mountain and bisected the mountain's ski terrain.
The negotiation between my family and the NPS over what could
have been a simple land donation exceeded 20 years and had a
serious, long-term detrimental affect on my family, the ski
area and the surrounding community. Eventually, after
millions of dollars lost, countless hours of time from our
highest ranking state and federal public officials, strained
professional careers of an entire ``at risk'' community, and
negative health and financial repercussions for my family
members, the Saddleback Issue was resolved. For now.
I speak to you as someone who has been NPS classified as a
``willing'' seller. In reality, we were bullied, pressured,
intimidated, threatened, ignored, played with and forced. In
the end, we escaped, we are still alive, financially solvent,
and able to be grateful to those who helped us. Most land
owners who deal with the NPS administrators are not as
fortunate. For this reason, I feel a moral responsibility to
speak out.
I have previously submitted testimony on July 26, 2005
describing many of the legal details and strategies devised
by the NPS to take more land than was legally allowed or
intended by Congress. Let me just say here, that during the
entire 23-year conflict, which began in 1978 and ended in
2001, my family was acting honorably and in good faith,
trying to donate the required land to secure a permanent
passageway for the Appalachian Trail. Many offers were put in
writing, countless face to face negotiations were held (many
which were observed or even facilitated by Senators Snowe and
Collins and their staff), thousands of citizens wrote letters
and a unanimous resolution passed by the state Senate urged
acceptance of our donation offers. And yet, inexplicably, the
NPS not only refused to accept or seriously consider our
offers but in an increasingly intimidating manner, proceeded
to bully and emotionally threaten us for more.
I am opposed to this Bill because in our experience, the
authority you think you are granting the NPS, will not be
what they will implement. They will find ways to interpret
that authority in ways unforseen by Congress, to achieve
goals Congress may even be explicitly forbidding. In our
specific case, even when we were able to point out
inconsistent and incorrect intrepretations of power, even
when a sitting U.S. Senator commanded them to behave, it
became clear that no one had the oversight or authority to
stop them. Based on our experience and those of others with
whom we have spoken along the Trail, they can and will
interpret this bill and its authority inappropriately to
bully landowners.
I am writing this letter because we are not typical
landowners. On reflection, we were fortunate to have a
constellation of resources, political capital, expertise,
moral determination and luck that others would not be likely
to have. My family had another business which financed us.
Our long-standing relationship with a community which
supported us and wanted us to succeed enabled us to undertake
a grass roots campaign involving thousands of supporters. We
were lucky that all of the Maine Congressional Delegation
were honest, hardworking, reputable public servants who would
listen to us, provide neutral environments conducive to
resolution, observe injustices, and ultimately take action
that achieved resolution. Ultimately, our problem was
resolved by Secretary Babbitt himself, who worked with ex-
Senator Mitchell and Senators Snowe and Collins and
Congressmen Baldacci and Allen. Our case was resolved on the
day Clinton left office.
In sum, we had not only luck, but tremendous resources and
political pressure on our side. We cannot imagine any other
single land owner having the financial resources,
determination, intellectual capacity, political capital or
emotional/physical health to fight the NPS administrators who
use unjust tactics to achieve unintended program goals.
Following are a few examples of what we consider unjust
tactics: we experienced repeated attacks on our integrity,
often by radio in our home town. My family has a deep and
broad commitment to public service, so these attacks hurt.
While our longstanding reputation protected us from these
attacks, it was nonetheless hurtful and continues to be so.
Nothing has been unaffected: my career, my husband's career,
my family's reputation.
They also conducted biased ``scientific'' studies and
publicly vilified us regarding financial viability in order
to justify our existence. With limited resources, we were
placed in a position where we had to defend ourselves and
refute their studies instead of being able to spend what time
and resources we did have growing the business. We were shut
out from public opportunities to set the record straight
despite requests from a sitting U.S. Senator to allow us to
do so.
The negative campaign conducted trashing Saddleback's
business viability continued to have repercussions long after
the settlement. When my father retired, it was very hard for
us to convince future owners of the mountain's viability.
There were stacks of inaccurate NPS studies showing otherwise
and we had to disprove everything. Additionally, despite
verbal agreements that the NPS would not come back for more
land once we had left, the NPS refused to put such a
statement in writing.
In our experience, the NPS uses the Appalachian Trail
Conference (ATC) to do the work they are legally prevented
from doing. The two work in inappropriate partnership in this
regard. In all negotiation sessions, the ATC presented
scenarios on behalf of the NPS, and were presented to us as
representing the NPS. But agreements forged with the ATC were
then retracted by the NPS. In this way they were able to
squeeze more concessions out of us.
Showing up to negotiation sessions with no decision making
authority was another common tactic and any level playing
field requirements we requested were turned against us. For
example, they refused to negotiate at all if we required
transcripts of the negotiations and agreed upon outcomes. And
after refusing multiple invitations for negotiation during
the nine months of my pregnancy, they sent a letter to my
office a week after my son was born threatening eminent
domain if I didn't meet to negotiate immediately. Only a few
weeks later a Maine newspaper headline screamed that
negotiations were off due to my baby's ``colic''. You can
imagine how a first time mother who had left her chosen
career and worked tirelessly in good faith throughout her
pregnancy would feel.
Today, six years after resolution, we are still recovering
from the personal toll the conflict took on us. I am just now
starting to feel like the anger I developed as a result of
the Saddleback/NPS experience is starting to leave me, and
that I can begin to talk about it without negative
repercussions. Even so, I try not to talk about it or think
about it and I work to shield my 76 year old father from it.
My husband and I are grateful the sense of betrayal and anger
has finally left our house.
The general public does not want to believe that NPS
administrators are the bullies they have shown themselves to
be. But they are and as our elected officials you need to
know that. Based on conversations with other land owners, I
believe that a majority of land owners who have had to
negotiate with the NPS have similarly devastating experiences
to share.
It is hard to come forward. We still have land at
Saddleback, and fear that they will retaliate. Other people
will feel the same way. It is not in my family's best
interest to write this letter, I did not want to write this
letter, but I feel a moral responsibility to my country to do
so.
My family and the Western Region of Maine had the benefit
of an amazing constellation of resources and good luck. I can
not imagine such luck striking twice or that most land owners
would be able to withstand the indecent tactics employed by
the current NPS administration. Nor can I envision a way that
you can regulate against them once you have empowered them.
While I can support the creation of a multistate trail
system, I cannot in any way support NPS or ATC involvement in
such a cause. Please create the Trails under the State
regulators and under the guidance of state citizens with
access to State Government. Please join me in opposing NE
trail Bill H.R. 1528.
Thank you,
Kitty Breen,
Former Executive Vice President and Chief Negotiator for
Saddleback Mountain.
Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the ranking member of the Natural Resources Committee, the gentleman from Alaska (Mr. Young).
(Mr. YOUNG of Alaska asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Chairman, I would like to talk about one other potential problem with this particular bill. It is not really a problem, but it is a concern that needs to be addressed in some particular way.
We have talked a great deal over the past year about the concept of
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays), one of the cosponsors of the bill. Hopefully by the end of this day we can accept some amendments that would make all of us happy with this particular bill.
Mr. Chairman, I wish to address one last element of this particular bill. As I've said, it is my hope that with some of the amendments that can be passed or added, some modification, this can be a very, very good bipartisan bill.
There is one concern I have that I want to specifically address, and it's been talked around the edges by everyone, but it is the concept of eminent domain. I have said before, in the original remarks, that oftentimes as a government we do things not intending to actually harm people, but that's the net result. And unless we are crystal clear on the language that what we intend to do is what will happen, that sometimes, down the road, tends to be the net result, and I want to try to avoid this in this particular trail situation.
The National Park Service is unique in that it does have condemnation power. This is an amendment to the National Trails System Act. The condemnation power within that act is not modified in any way. The language is there. It stays. It's not terminated. It's not finished in some particular way.
It is the intent, I assume, and I believe of the sponsor of this legislation, that condemnation would not be used on any of the private lands within this trails system. I think he's very sincere and legitimate in that. That is our effort as well. But the text of the bill, the amendment to the total act, is not crystal clear as to that point.
What they have tried to do in the text of this bill is say that land, if it's going to be taken over by the park service, would have to come from willing sellers. That is an effort to try and stop the Federal Government from using the condemnation power to take over land.
The problem is, though, is the definition of ``willing seller'' sometimes gets murky as time goes on, and what is specifically not allowed in the bill, or not solved, not clearly stated in the bill is what I call the loophole. It's that even though the Federal Government would have to buy from only willing sellers, State and local governments would not. State and local governments could condemn the property, and then they could become the willing seller. And as the act encourages the National Park Service to accept or acquire property, that is a way around the concept of what we're talking about. And I don't think that's what the sponsor intended. I'm not trying to put words in his mouth. Clearly, by the testimony in front of the committee, I don't think that's what he intended. I don't think that's what the committee intended to see happen. I know that is what we fear, and I know we do not want that to be the concept taking place. What we need is very succinct and crystal clear language that said that no land will be accepted by the Federal Government if any of it was taken by the concept of eminent domain. So whether the Federal Government tries to use eminent domain or whether the State and local government uses eminent domain and then the State becomes the willing seller to give it to the Federal Government, that will not be a way our citizens will be treated in this trails system. That language is important to me. I think it's important to our side. That is what I talked about in the protection of the little guy who may not even know this is going to be imposed upon him. In this post-Kelo decision world, those kinds of concepts become important. If this issue was to be solved, it would be one of the things that I think would solve any other kind of acrimonious debate that would go forward. A couple of issues. This is one of the key ones. It's one of the important ones. And I bring that up because I know the language was put in there to prohibit the Federal Government from using eminent domain, but there is still a loophole, so the Federal Government could end up with land that had been condemned by the second party, which would be the State and the local governments. We should be very crystal clear that we do not wish to do that.
One of the amendments proposed to the Rules Committee said specifically that no land would be taken that had been acquired through eminent domain. That's one of our concepts. That's one of the principles. That's one, I think, of the elements that I think is significant.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.
Mr. Chairman, I have every intention of saving the committee some time on this particular amendment. It is, I think, very straightforward.
In the 107th Congress a bill was passed that said there would be a study, a feasibility study based on this project. The gentleman from Massachusetts was the author of that piece of legislation.
Bottom line is the feasibility study has yet to be completed, period. This is simply a concept of regular order. What this says is that this trail will not be slowed down, but it will be enacted once we have gone through the process outlined before, regular order, and the feasibility study is finalized and presented. Then the trail would actually be enacted. It's an effort to try and maintain the standards and the process that we have established before.
With that, actually, Mr. Chairman, I will yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, this particular amendment is one of the key concerns that we do have with this bill, that if it were solved would go a long way to satisfying our concerns with this particular bill.
It is one of the unique concepts that a power has been given to the National Park Service that is not given to the Bureau of Land Management or to the National Forest Service to regulate gun laws and hunting laws within their jurisdiction, even if it violates something that the local government in that jurisdiction would like to imply, something that happens to be different.
This trail, as we said, has been around for over 70 years, very efficiently and very effectively on private and state lands. And the argument that we made is that there is no reason that you should deny Park Service authority to curtail these activities because they're not going to get these activities or they're not going to get control of the land.
The problem is that there is a unique history on this trail of voluntary cooperation. That is not necessarily the same thing that takes place once the Federal Government takes ownership or the Federal Government takes administrative control of this particular trail.
The Park Service does have the authority to change the rules of local government. This is the language that's given in the bill. It is not modified by this particular act. Even though the intent may not be as we have heard to have the Federal Government take over property in this land, it is the intent of the management plan that is there.
If you look at the management plan, it talks about a blueprint for recommendations to utilize restrictive zoning, height restrictions, land acquisition easements, et cetera, et cetera, going through all sorts of other concepts.
This simply means this: this legislation authorizes and encourages the Federal Government, the Park Service, to gain land in the future in this trail system. Once the Park Service has gained control of that land, then Park Service rules and regulations which limit and restrict hunting rights and gun rights would take precedence over it.
There is also a unique concern that none of us really know the answer to. If the National Park Service is the administrator of these lands, do they actually have the ability of imposing the rules and regulations on these lands, whether they own it or not, which is something that today we may know the answer, but you cannot predict what will happen in the future with some legislator, some judge, some administrator somewhere along the line; and as I said very early in a concept of this particular bill, often times the Federal Government does things, and we don't intend to hurt people but we end up hurting people.
What this amendment clearly says is that along this trail we will protect what has historically been done for the last 70 years. But whether the Federal Government, the Park Service, in particular, has administrative control or whether they access and acquire land in the future, that local ordinances will take precedence, that local ordinance on hunting rights, on gun rights, on fishing rights, will be what will take precedence in this particular situation.
This to us is important. We want it to be crystal clear. But what I think everyone intends in this trail is in reality what happens both now and in the future.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Madam Speaker, I offer a motion to recommit.
Unfortunately, without this, yes.
Madam Speaker, as we said at the very beginning of the discussion of this entire bill, there are some amendments that are made in an effort to slow down a bill or stop it from coming to passage. This is not one of those. That is why you will notice very carefully the verbiage here is ``forthwith.'' We want to try and fix the bill so it can go on with its process, not send it back to committee.
What I have in front of me here is the poster of the language that you find in the Trail Act itself. What we are debating is not the Trail Act. It's simply an amendment to the Trail Act, and in the act itself it says the appropriate Secretary may utilize condemnation to acquire private property without the consent of the owner.
That is the language about which we object. It would be nice if at some time we could actually go in and attack this language and perhaps solve the problem once and for all forever. But as the time is right now, this condemnation power is still in the act. It's still in the bill. It's still in the act. It is still out there as a potential and a possibility. We do not believe that the sponsor ever intended this to be the way of things.
But the bottom line is the National Park Service still has the ability of condemning. The Federal Government still has the ability of condemning. As we said before, the committee, the sponsor, tried to solve that problem by saying land will only be taken from a willing seller. That may deal, hopefully, with the Federal Government aspect, but the Federal Government has to take the land from a willing dealer, but it also leaves a loophole for some other entity to do condemnation powers. The State or local government could still condemn property, and then they would become the willing seller who could offer this land to the Federal Government.
Please remember, the Federal Government is empowered in this act and bill to acquire property. They are encouraged to acquire property coming from a willing seller. I don't have a problem with that, if the willing seller is truly a willing seller.
And so the motion to recommit tries to cover every potential in the future, with once again the concept being that you want to make sure that individuals will always be protected in every circumstance in the future, many of which we cannot predict. It would be nice if everyone was simply wonderful and courteous, but that's not the way the real world is. We have to make predictions and plans for the future to protect individuals.
This bill says the Federal Government may not acquire land from anything other than a willing seller, but it also says they cannot accept land that has been condemned, regardless of whether it comes from a willing seller. It prohibits State and local governments from doing an end-run from the purpose of this act and protects private property.
We told you before that one person was able to come here and say I don't want my property part of this bill because she had the financial resources and the time to come down here to Washington to lobby. She's exempt. That's right, it's fair. It's the right thing to do. The committee should be commended for that.
The question is, are there others in like circumstances? And in the committee testimony there are. What we just put in by unanimous consent, there are, and that is the concern. Our concern has to be for the little guy whose home, whose property, whose heritage, whose farm may be put in danger by an overzealous local government that uses condemnation power to try and expand the scope of this particular trail.
It is possible. And the language should be crystal clear that that may not be what we do. That may not be our concept.
If only one individual is harmed by this act because we do not close every potential loophole, that is one individual too many. Our goal should be, and must be, to ensure that wherever a possibility of a loophole exists, we will close that loophole, and that we will make sure that every potential to save somebody's property will be there, and that no opportunity to do a laundering of land and make an end run around the purposes and goals of this bill will be there.
The language in the motion to commit is crystal clear, that no land may be taken by any level of government for any reason to be used in this trail. In our post-Kelo world, it is important that we make sure that every word in this bill make sense; it is clear, it is precise, it is our goal, it is our purpose. That's what this does. It solves this problem. And it solves it in a way that makes this a very, very good bill. Without it, it's a huge loophole that could be used to harm people in the future. We can never do that.
Madam Speaker, whatever time I don't have, I yield back.
Madam Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.