Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, this bill has gone through quite a process. And although this bill contains several meritorious separate pieces of legislation,…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, this bill has gone through quite a process. And although this bill contains several meritorious separate pieces of legislation, and three parts of this omnibus bill are mine, I might add, the negatives in this bill and the failure to consider it under regular order of any kind of open, inclusive process outweigh any reason, in my mind, to go forward.
By now, it is well known that Republicans have tried to amend this bill to restore needed House provisions, to remove egregious provisions, and add protections for Americans' second amendment rights.
If we had been allowed to offer these amendments, we might have produced legislation almost all Members of the House could support; however, we have been blocked at every opportunity from participating in this process.
This package is largely a product of closed-door deal-making. It is designed to ensure that just enough congressional districts receive something to induce support for very controversial measures that underwent no public hearing.
The Democrat leadership likes to argue that the full House has acted on more than 70 provisions in this bill. What they don't say is that at least 100 provisions have not been considered by the full House.
Mr. Speaker, this may look familiar to some people. It is a large, large bill. Of that, only this amount has been considered by the House. It seems like we haven't learned from what past experience has taught us about trying to put massive bills through the House without having somewhat of an open process.
Every motion, procedure, and action of this body has been used to deny the House Republicans any meaningful participation in this bill. The House's failure to study these 100 provisions will have serious consequences, in my view, for an ailing economy.
Before the House rejected this package under suspension of the rules, our friends on the other side of the aisle argued that this bill is just what America needs in difficult times. Well, it seems to me the discussion in this new Congress has been around the economy and the need for American jobs. And I think that we can all agree that Americans need jobs. Although H.R. 146 might create a few jobs, these jobs will be mostly limited to bureaucrats putting up ``Do Not Enter and No Access'' signs all over America's public lands. And these few jobs will be far outnumbered by the jobs that would be killed by this bill.
Are our memories so short that we have forgotten the energy crisis of just last summer and the role that it played in the economic downturn that we experienced in the second half of last year? Evidently, the Democrat leadership's answer to this is to close off energy-rich public lands forever.
This package contains 19 provisions to block American-made energy production, locking away hundreds of millions of barrels of oil and trillions of cubic feet of natural gas. More than 3 million acres of public land are permanently locked away from energy development. Now, these are public lands, in a time when our economy is slowing, in a time when we need to try to get the economy going, and no sector could be better I think than the energy sector, especially the American energy sector; yet, this bill goes the opposite way of what I just cited.
It is ironic, while Democrat leaders accuse industry of stockpiling Federal oil and gas leases, the truth is that the Federal Government, through the actions of the Democrat majority in this Congress, is stockpiling lands to block energy production.
H.R. 146 has many other problems. It could--and I say ``could''-- result in a ban on the use of vehicles and other technology to patrol the U.S. border. It bans recreational access to millions of acres of public lands. Even worse, it denies those dependent on wheelchairs, including disabled veterans, from fully enjoying public lands like everyone else. It fails to address a Federal judge's decision of only last week, when we could have acted on this, that overturned the Bush administration's regulations to protect second amendment rights in parks and wildlife refuges. In other words, to make consistent our laws on public lands. H.R. 146 even hurts civil liberties. It could mean jail time and asset forfeiture for several innocent actions by Americans.
Yesterday, we received a letter from a coalition of civil rights groups, including the American Civil Liberties Union, the Competitive Enterprise Institute, the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, and others, who have grave concerns. And I will quote, ``The bill creates many new Federal crimes using language that is so broad that the provisions could cover innocent human error.''
These organizations also say, and, again, I am quoting, ``Above all, we are concerned that a bill containing new Federal crimes, fines and imprisonment and forfeiture provisions may come to the House floor without first being marked up by the House Judiciary Committee.''
Mr. Speaker, this bill was not even marked up by the House Natural Resources Committee. This bill was not marked up by any committee in the House. This is a bill that came over, again, over 1,100 pages, from the Senate. So this wasn't even marked up, and it has these provisions in it.
I just have to ask you, Mr. Speaker, does this sound familiar? None of the several committees with jurisdiction over this bill had any hearing on the troubling provisions within this bill.
So, Mr. Speaker, that is not how the people's House ought to work. This House is the House wherein no Member has ever served that was not elected. It
is the closest to the people. And when we have concerns, then let's debate those concerns, and let's have a vote. And I understand how that works. We have three buttons, but I generally only press two, yes and no; and, whoever has the most votes prevails. But we have been denied even that basic opportunity in the people's House on this bill.
The amendments I offered, for example, last night in the Rules Committee that were rejected, all on a party-line vote, I might add, were bills that only address the most egregious parts. We had a discussion with some of the members of the Rules Committee where they were talking about some of the provisions they worked on were carefully crafted. In fact, the distinguished chairman mentioned that. And I totally agree; I know there are provisions that have been crafted. But for those provisions in the bill that have some dissension, some difference of opinion, then let's discuss that, and then we can have a vote and whichever side prevails, prevails. That is the way the people's House ought to work. But, once again, that process is being denied with this huge bill that is slightly larger, I think, than the stimulus bill, if you want to make some sort of a comparison. But here we are again, today, going through that same procedure.
So with that, Mr. Speaker, while there are three provisions in this bill that I have worked several Congresses on, I have to say that this bill on the whole is not worthy of my support, and I urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, before I yield to the gentleman from California, I yield myself 15 seconds to simply say that the NRA does not endorse this bill. The NRA endorsed the gentleman's amendment that he offered 2 weeks ago, but it does not endorse this bill.
National Rifle Association of America, Institute for
Legislation Action,
Fairfax, VA, March 10, 2009.
Hon. Nancy Pelosi,
Speaker, House of Representatives, H-232, The Capitol,
Washington, DC.
Hon. John Boehner,
Republican Leader, House of Representatives, H-204, The
Capitol, Washington, DC.
Dear Speaker Pelosi and Leader Boehner, on behalf of the
National Rifle Association, I am writing to express our
support for the Altmire amendment to S. 22, the Omnibus
Public Land Management Act of 2009. The Altmire amendment
would ensure that the provisions of S. 22 will not be used to
close lands that are currently open to hunting, fishing,
trapping, target shooting and other forms of traditional
recreation. In addition, the amendment clarifies that the
states retain the authority to manage resident fish and
wildlife.
Encroaching development and the increasing population
demand for open space has resulted the closure of federal
lands that were once open to traditional forms of recreation,
such as hunting and target shooting. Whether it is the
closure of a trail that served as the access point for a
generations-old hunting camp or the closure of large areas to
target shooting, the sportsman's way of life has been under
attack. There are those who would exacerbate this situation
by attempting to use land designations to further close
federal lands to sportsmen. This is why the Altmire amendment
is necessary.
The Altmire amendment has already been applied to the
National Landscape Conservation System Act within S. 22. It
is critical to extend this protection for sportsmen to other
areas of the bill, specifically Titles V and VIII pertaining
to Rivers and Trails and National Heritage Areas,
respectively. This is precisely what the Altmire amendment
would do.
While the NRA takes no position on S. 22 as a whole, the
meaningful protections provided by the Altmire amendment are
critical to preserve access for sportsmen and the authority
of the states to manage resident wildlife populations. For
these reasons, we support its inclusion in S. 22.
Should you have any questions or need additional
information, please do not hesitate to contact me directly at
(202) 651-2560.
Sincerely,
Chris W. Cox,
Executive Director NRA-ILA.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock), a new Member, and a new member of the Resources Committee.
Mr. Speaker, how much time remains on both sides?
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Georgia, a member of the Natural Resources Committee, Mr. Broun.
Mr. Speaker, the last time I inquired about time there was a disparity. So I think I will reserve my time until we catch up.
Mr. Speaker, once again can I inquire of the time on both sides.
Mr. Speaker, I will reserve my time again so we can equalize the time.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gohmert), a member of the Natural Resources Committee.
Mr. Speaker, again, to equalize the time, I will reserve my time.
I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore . The time is equal on both sides. There are 9\1/4\ minutes remaining for the gentleman from Washington, and there are 9\1/2\ minutes remaining for the gentleman from West Virginia.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Utah, a
member of the Natural Resources Committee (Mr. Bishop).
I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, I will reserve my time. I am the last speaker on this side.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, in my opening remarks, I talked a bit about process, that we seem to have a pattern in this new Congress of taking up bills like this that are not fully vetted. This is just the latest example of that. I hope it is the last, but I am not holding my breath.
But I also made an observation in my opening remarks that there are enough individual bills in here to cover enough individual congressional districts that this bill will probably pass, and I suspect that it probably will.
I listened very intently to all of my friends on both sides of the aisle that spoke in favor of this bill. In every one of the projects they talked about, at least one way or the other, they suggested that there is a lot of work at home, there is a lot of vetting on that. And I totally agree.
When I went to the Rules Committee last night to try to address some of the problems I had, none of those projects that the Members on the other side talked about were what I was talking about with what I had problems with this bill. And that gets us then back to the point that we are making. On those areas where there is disagreement, in the people's House, Mr. Speaker, we should have an opportunity to discuss the differences and then have a vote and find out which side prevails. But all we heard today on debate on this was those that had good projects. I certainly don't argue with that. I mentioned I have three of them in here myself.
And so, the process, I guess, is what disturbs me more than anything else. The issue that I had a concern with was the issue of the judge's decision last week on second amendment rights. Nobody talked to defend that. The issue I had was the language that was taken out as to homeland security environmental concerns. Nobody came down to the floor to discuss that or defend that position. I raised concerns about the interpretation of people with disabilities having access to our wilderness areas. Nobody came down to the floor to discuss that.
Those are the issues that we should have had a discussion on, not the issues that everybody agreed upon. Had we gone through normal process, that probably would have been vetted. There probably would have been a compromise worked out so that we could have resolved the issues for everybody and a bill like this truly could have passed with well- overwhelming support.
But as it is, Mr. Speaker, because it is a bill in which a lot was vetted, in which there are a lot of unanswered questions and unintended consequences--which we see is becoming a pattern in this Congress by taking up bills that don't get a lot of time to be looked at--we will probably come back and have to make some changes. In fact, I would not be surprised that there will be a bill to address the issue of the judge's decision very shortly. I bet probably there will be a bill that will clarify the border security. Well, we could have done that with this lands bill.
So, Mr. Speaker, even though I have pieces of legislation in here, I am going to urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this bill.
With that, I yield back my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.