Mr. Speaker, this will be a debate on a bill of complete congeniality, because I don't think any of us are really opposed to a lot of what is attempted in this underlying bill. I certainly am not,…
Mr. Speaker, this will be a debate on a bill of complete congeniality, because I don't think any of us are really opposed to a lot of what is attempted in this underlying bill.
I certainly am not, Mr. Speaker, one who likes to say ``I told you so,'' but I told you so. You see, it was said in the history of this particular bill, the first time it was passed it was passed with a 5- year reauthorization and it passed unanimously in both houses. The second time it was reauthorized 5 years and it passed unanimously in both houses. Last year you decided to take the reauthorization away, not impose the 5-year limit, and we said on the floor if you actually put that back in there it would have a significant enhancement of its ability to pass the Senate, and you didn't do it. It didn't pass the Senate, so we are back here a year later doing the same thing again.
So I don't want to say I told you so, but to quote that great philosopher Yogi Berra, this is like deja vu all over again. For, indeed, a year ago, last year, instead of talking about energy issues, which were primarily on the minds of the American people, we brought up this particular bill and apparently did the same thing we are doing this year when health care is primarily on the minds of most people.
This is a particular bill which, in fact, is the only bill we are going to debate this week under a rule. I appreciate the majority leader being here and his statements on this particular bill. I don't know if I appreciate flying back for 4 hours just to do this bill this week. But, nonetheless, it is still the only one we are going to have here, even though there are significant issues we should be discussing, that the American people want us to discuss.
The majority leader was slightly in error in what he said though. Everything he said about the cleanup of the Chesapeake Bay was accurate. But this is not a cleanup bill. This is not an environmental protection bill. This is not an EPA bill. This is a recreation bill. I don't oppose that, but it is clear this is a recreation bill. And the National Park Service has made several suggestions, because once again there are no Federal waters or Federal assets associated in this particular area, the National Park Service did say that we should give technical assistance to this area, but they did not recommend fully funding on a nonrenewable basis other types of grant programs to this particular area. Indeed, the Obama budget does not have money in it for this particular bill.
So one of the things we need to talk about is if we are going to abrogate our oversight responsibilities, and if we decide not to abrogate our oversight responsibilities and treat this bill as other bills from the Resource Committee have been treated, we will probably have a better chance of actually passing the bill this year in both Houses of Congress and not coming back for a third try next time around.
Mr. Speaker, I have an amendment made in order under the rule.
Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the opportunity of presenting this particular amendment, not because we have any antipathy towards the Chesapeake Bay or the recreational purposes that may be there, and I appreciate the fact that you enjoyed the first speech, but because it's about time we do it right way. Surely we can bully through this any way we want to, but we need to do it the right way, the way it was done the first time and the second time and the way it should be done this particular time.
When this bill last year came out of the Resources Committee, it was compiled with six other bills, all of which had 5-year reauthorizations. Some of the bills that Resources has sent out here have not had those type of reauthorizations. However, they had another factor which put a cap on the kind of appropriations that could be there, and that's why a 5-year reauthorization process is the perfect kind of compromise.
It's a position between the National Park Service which last year said there should be technical assistance, but was opposed to any kind of grant process going through this because they said this program had matured to the point it no longer needed to be supported by the Federal Government, or the sponsor's approach, which simply says, take off limit and continue on with what has been now close to $9 million of earmarks for this program.
It's not a problem. The appropriations is not a problem. What is the problem is we are now giving up our rights to review these types of programs, which is not what an authorizing committee ought to do. There is, in past experience, not here but in past experience, where sites that no longer have to be renewed by Congress do become lethargic and no longer have that desire for innovation to produce results. That's not necessarily to say it will happen here, but that has been the process that we have learned through history.
The purpose of an authorizing committee is to authorize and then review those authorizations, which is why it has been tradition for committees to put in an authorization period for those particular reviews. And it is not wise for Congress to abrogate our congressional responsibility for those purposes. What we're talking about is simply saying, look, what we need, as a Congress, are the options to review this in the future and not take the options off the table.
That's the one thing all Americans are talking about more than anything else is the idea of options. Like my family just gave me an Ipod. And I don't know how to download stuff, but they can put music on there. When I was growing up, if I wanted a song and,
Mr. Speaker, you're probably in the same situation I was, I had to buy the entire record to get the song. I don't need to do that. I now have more options. If I want to go and buy cereal, I look at an entire store and there is an entire wall of potential cereals up there which I can buy. I am given options. If I want to order vanilla ice cream, I can still go to a store that offers me 31 flavors. There are 59 different kinds of Eggo waffles.
Our entire life is provided by options. And yet, as a Congress, we decide and seem to have this tendency to take options off the table so we don't have them for the future. That, to me, is just a mind-boggling approach to it. It's the same thing that we're talking about in health care, which is the topic on the minds of the American people which we should be talking about today on this floor, rather than reauthorizing a bill we all like and support.
But in that, the issue once again, is options for the American people. There are myriad types of proposals being put out there by some of my Republican colleagues, all which deal with the concept of giving options to the American people: options to buy their own health care, options to get HSAs, options to have new association pools, option in which they can buy across lines, options in which we can have tort reform. All those things should be on the table, and that's what we should be doing.
In like manner to this particular bill, we are, once again, limiting our options, which is the exact opposite thing government should be doing. Now, that's what's important, and that's where we should be going. Like I said, a year ago we had this particular bill, this particular amendment again, which would have made it better and probably then had helped the Senate to actually include it in their list of bills to be passed.
If we do this particular amendment, to do what we have traditionally done with other bills, what we are doing is simply providing Congress with the options Congress should accept, and make sure that we are always reviewing the programs we have to see what they are doing, and a 5-year period is the norm. It is traditional.
This simply would say we're going to do this bill and we're going to do it the right way, do it totally the right way, so once again it might be passed unanimously, as it was the first time when they had a review in there and the second time when they had a review in there, and was not passed the third time when they decided not to put a review in this particular piece of legislation.
We've got options. We should be doing it. Mr. Speaker.
I reserve the balance of my time.
I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Fleming).
I yield the gentleman 1 additional minute.
I am ready to use my final minute if I might, Mr. Speaker.
I don't want to be cantankerous about this. We are talking about a decent bill from a decent program with a decent sponsor, but we are not in the system of sending out messages. We are a legislative body that is supposed to review and that is supposed to budget, and in that way, we should not be abrogating our responsibilities over to the appropriators. It's an authorizing concept. It's what authorizers ought to do. It's what we should be doing. NEPA is renewed. Endangered Species is renewed, as is the Clean Water Act. In fact, the only thing we have not renewed--and it's on a permanent basis--is the Nautical Charting Act that was started in the 1700s by Thomas Jefferson.
So what we are talking about is doing what is the norm and doing what is rational and doing this bill the right way and actually--I hate to say this--but once again, to try and not limit what we are doing as a body.
Health care is what we should be talking about. The bill that Pelosi has put on the floor is not the only idea. There are better bills out there that think outside of the box, but unless we put the Price bill, the Shadegg bill, the Ryan bill, and the Gohmert bill on the floor to be discussed and debated, we will not have all of the options open to us. That is also why I am arguing that we should have a permanent review, a review every 5 years, of this program. It is what Congress does, and we should do it and do it the right way.
I yield back the balance of my time.