Mr. Speaker, today the House considers the BP respill bills. That might not be what they are officially called, but it's a much more accurate title for this legislation. It's clear that the authors…
Mr. Speaker, today the House considers the BP respill bills. That might not be what they are officially called, but it's a much more accurate title for this legislation. It's clear that the authors of these BP respill bills did not learn any lessons from the Deepwater Horizon disasters. These bills would make offshore drilling more dangerous for offshore workers, 11 of whom died on the Deepwater Horizon. These bills would make offshore drilling more dangerous for the environment, which was coated with 4.1 million barrels of oil along the Gulf Coast and is killing fish and wildlife in the area to this day as a result of BP's recklessness.
These bills would make offshore drilling more dangerous for our national security because they reinforce the complete myth that America can somehow drill our way out of dependence on oil. And these bills are more dangerous for the economy, risking destroying fishing and tourism jobs in affected areas.
But one thing these bills do not do is make filling up at the pump any more affordable at all for American families. According to the American Petroleum Institute itself, the main advocacy group for oil interests, even if we opened all Federal land to oil drilling, including offshore areas, including Alaska's wildlife refuge and all Federal land that is in the national parks, they can't even say that it would reduce gas prices or oil prices. In fact, the cheap oil analyst at the Oil Price Information Service, which calculates gas prices for AAA, the motorist organization, said: ``This drill, drill, drill thing is tired. It's a simplistic way of looking for a solution that doesn't exist.''
So if this legislation isn't about reducing the price at the pump, what is it about? It's about exploiting our legitimate concerns about high gas prices to deliver another huge giveaway to Big Oil, an industry that made over $35 billion in profits in the last quarter alone. Meanwhile, the majority refuses to end Big Oil's nearly $50 billion of special interest tax breaks.
Yesterday in the Rules Committee, Mr. McGovern brought forth a bill that would have ended the giveaway of tax revenue to Big Oil. Unfortunately, the Republican majority chose not to allow that amendment in this rule.
Had that been allowed under the open rule that Mr. McGovern proposed, I would have brought forth an amendment on the floor to use those $50 billion of revenue to reduce the corporate tax rate to help create jobs in America. Instead, the Republican majority is continuing to seek to keep American taxes high, to keep corporate taxes high, and this is another example of a job-destroying bill that keeps taxes high while picking winners and losers in the economy and using government subsidies to aid an industry that is one of our most profitable industries.
We should allow American businesses of all sizes to compete. The America corporate tax rate of 35 percent is higher than most of the rest of the world, which is why many companies continue to engage in operations overseas. If we can reduce it from 35 percent to 30 or 28 or 26 percent--and we could have done had Mr. McGovern's amendment passed in the Rules Committee yesterday, and that is one of the reasons I oppose this rule today--that would create an enormous engine of economic growth.
While frequently the Republicans give lip service to lower taxes, they continue to use special interest tax breaks to keep taxes high on small- and middle-sized American companies that don't have the same lobbyists here in Washington to lobby us for special interest tax breaks.
We know that Big Oil would rather do without the fuss of showing that they can drill safely; but that's what this bill, in fact, delivers. This legislation states that the Interior Secretary must act on any drilling permit within 60 days, or it's automatically approved. What should be a very serious process to ensure safe drilling, to ensure that there aren't further disasters, and to ensure that jobs are not destroyed turns into little more than a rubber stamp, a rubber stamp for the further degradation of our economy and of our environment.
The second bill this rule makes in order claims to restart the process, or issuing, of oil and gas leases. Now, what the majority is doing in this is essentially validating what the administration has already done. The administration has already restarted offshore drilling in February. In fact, the administration has announced plans to offer all three Gulf of Mexico lease sales that are mandated in this bill this year or early next year. Again, this particular policy is one that I don't agree with fully with the administration, but I am glad to see that the Republican majority is validating President Obama's leadership on this energy issue.
Together, these bills will not relieve pain at the pump, but they will increase the chances of another Deepwater Horizon disaster, costing lives, livelihoods, and hurting some of our precious natural resources. Why? Because that's what Big Oil wants. If Big Oil wants to keep taxes high for American companies, if Big Oil wants to destroy jobs, then the Republican majority is giving them that. In fact, even the problem the majority purports to be addressing with these bills, the speed of permitting in the gulf and restarting offshore oil drilling, doesn't even exist.
Here are the facts: Following the temporary pause on deepwater drilling last year, what Secretary Salazar listed in October, the oil industry wasn't able to demonstrate that it possessed the capacity to contain a deepwater blowout until February 2011. Once oil companies demonstrated that they had the capability to contain a blowout, the first permit was issued 11 days later, February 28, 2011. There have now been a total of 10 deepwater drilling permits issued since that time. In addition, there have been 39 shallow water permits approved since last October, matching the number from before the spill. Let me repeat that: matching the number of permits from before the spill. If anything, the majority, by acting through this bill, is effectively congratulating the administration on its leadership for speedily approving permits.
In addition, in the gulf region, the number of jobs that depend on tourism and fishing is five times the number of jobs related to the oil and gas industry. Gulf jobs related to oil and gas and other resource extraction total about 154,000. The total number of jobs for tourism and fishing are 777,000 jobs. So with this bill, the majority is putting at risk those 777,000 jobs for the benefit of 154,000. We should not put them at risk just to make the permitting process easier for Big Oil to exploit.
Passage of these bills is not good for the gulf coast's economy or its ecology, although it is best for Big Oil.
Again, while I appreciate the Republican majority's efforts to validate the leadership of President Obama on energy issues, this rule could be a lot better. Rather than keeping corporate taxes high, we could help make America more competitive by reducing corporate taxes and helping make American businesses more competitive, including the critical tourism and fishing industries in the gulf coast.
I reserve the balance of my time.
I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline).
I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer).
Mr. Speaker, with regard to the subsidy issue, the simple fact of the matter is that the Republicans are not for free markets. But what they are for is Big Oil co-opting free markets. In fact, 70 percent of all energy-related subsidies go to fossil fuels like oil and coal. Less than 5 percent of subsidies go to renewable energies like wind and solar.
The gentleman from Utah pointed out that many of these subsidies help small drillers, and, in fact, that can be true. But it is easy to apply changes only to the Big Oil companies and not even affect independent producers.
There's simply no excuse not to end this corporate welfare which keeps taxes for all Americans who pay their taxes artificially high. In fact, at the same time that BP was reaping sizable tax benefits from leasing the Deepwater Horizon rig, it turned out that the company was using the tax break for the oil industry to write off 70 percent of the rent for Deepwater Horizon. That tax subsidy cost American taxpayers $225,000 a day since the lease for Deepwater Horizon began. And that's just one example of many.
I also want to address some misperceptions regarding President Obama's policies regarding oil resources. The Obama administration is allowing, on average, more drilling than the Bush administration did. In fact, the Obama administration approved more leases in 2010 than the Bush administration did in any year except one of his presidency.
Again, in moving forward and reissuing permits, which the administration has already begun to do, this bill helps validate President Obama's leadership on this issue.
The real issues at hand are the subsidies that the industry continues to receive. As long as we continue a policy of using taxpayer dollars to artificially pick winners and losers in the economy, the winner here being Big Oil, the loser being American taxpayers, we will continue to hurt energy security, destroy jobs, and continue to put our environment at risk.
I reserve the balance of my time.
I yield myself 30 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the rule to provide that, immediately after the House adopts this rule, we will bring up H.R. 1689, the Big Oil Welfare Repeal Act of 2011.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.
The nonpartisan Joint Committee on Taxation, in its analysis of the administration's budget, stated that the repeal of oil and gas preferences are ``likely to have no effect on the world price of fossil fuels, and any increase in prices for domestically consumed fossil fuels are likely to be attenuated.''
Again, when we talk about ending the giveaway to Big Oil and Gas, it will have no effect with regard to actual energy prices.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California, the Democratic leader, Ms. Pelosi.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Markey), the ranking member of the Natural Resources Committee.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida, a former member of the Rules Committee, Ms. Castor.
I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Holt), the ranking member of the Energy and Natural Resources Subcommittee.
I yield the gentleman an additional 15 seconds.
I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Keating).
Mr. Speaker, how much time remains?
I yield myself the balance of my time.
With regard to the last comment, it is the oil cartels that drive prices, not the normal functions of the market and supply and demand.
With regard to the oil subsidies, Mr. Speaker, we have an opportunity here today to see where the Republicans and the Democrats in the House stand on deficit reduction. Mr. Speaker, by defeating the previous question, we can and we will reduce the deficit by over $12.8 billion. We have the chance to have the discussion around the continuing resolution, around the budget, around deficit reduction. And here we have an opportunity, without impacting the price of oil, without impacting what consumers pay at the pump, to reduce the deficit by $12.8 billion by defeating the previous question. I think that's what the American people want to see.
The American people spoke out in the last election. Let's reduce the deficit. Let's work across the aisle to see what we can do to cut unnecessary government expenditures, to make those decisions to help make sure that we can leave something other than a legacy of debt to the next generation.
I think, Mr. Speaker, this is an easy one. Let's defeat the previous question and reduce the deficit by $12.8 billion.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to submit for the Record a document from the Treasury Department which states that the manufacturing deduction for oil and gas effectively provides a lower rate of tax with respect to a favored source of income. In fact, it distorts the market by encouraging more investment in the oil and gas industry than would occur under a neutral system.
Again, by returning to the free market, we are able to reduce the deficit by over $12.8 billion instead of having Big Government trying to pick winners and losers in the economy with regard to tax policy.
General Explanations of the Administration's Fiscal Year 2012 Revenue
Proposals--Department of the Treasury, February 2011
Repeal Domestic Manufacturing Deduction for Oil and Natural Gas
Companies
Current Law
A deduction is allowed with respect to income attributable
to domestic production activities (the manufacturing
deduction). For taxable years beginning after 2009, the
manufacturing deduction is generally equal to 9 percent of
the lesser of qualified production activities income for the
taxable year or taxable income for the taxable year, limited
to 50 percent of the W-2 wages of the taxpayer for the
taxable year. The deduction for income from oil and gas
production activities is computed at a 6 percent rate.
Qualified production activities income is generally
calculated as a taxpayer's domestic production gross receipts
(i.e., the gross receipts derived from any lease, rental,
license, sale, exchange, or other disposition of qualifying
production property manufactured, produced, grown, or
extracted by the taxpayer in whole or significant part within
the United States; any qualified film produced by the
taxpayer; or electricity, natural gas, or potable water
produced by the taxpayer in the United States) minus the cost
of goods sold and other expenses, losses, or deductions
attributable to such receipts.
The manufacturing deduction generally is available to all
taxpayers that generate qualified production activities
income, which under current law includes income from the
sale, exchange or disposition of oil, natural gas or primary
products thereof produced in the United States.
Reasons for Change
The President agreed at the G-20 Summit in Pittsburgh to
phase out subsidies for fossil fuels so that the United
States can transition to a 21st-century energy economy. The
manufacturing deduction for oil and gas effectively provides
a lower rate of tax with respect to a favored source of
income. The lower rate of tax, like other oil and gas
preferences the Administration proposes to repeal, distorts
markets by encouraging more investment in the oil and gas
industry than would occur under a neutral system. This market
distortion is detrimental to long-term energy security and is
also inconsistent with the Administration's policy of
supporting a clean energy economy, reducing our reliance on
oil, and cutting carbon pollution. Moreover, the tax subsidy
for oil and gas must ultimately be financed with taxes that
result in underinvestment in other, potentially more
productive, areas of the economy.
Proposal
The proposal would retain the overall manufacturing
deduction, but exclude from the definition of domestic
production gross receipts all gross receipts derived from the
sale, exchange or other disposition of oil, natural gas or a
primary product thereof for taxable years beginning after
December 31, 2011. There is a parallel proposal to repeal the
domestic manufacturing deduction for coal and other hard
mineral fossil fuels.
Mr. Speaker, I would also like to submit for the Record a July 3, 2010, New York Times article regarding oil subsidies.
Again, this talks of the oil subsidies that continue to benefit this industry to the detriment of the American taxpayer and to the detriment of future generations of Americans who will continue to suffer under an increasing mountain of debt unless we defeat the previous question here today.
[From NY Times, July 3, 2010]
On Subsidies
But an examination of the American tax code indicates that
oil production is among the most heavily subsidized
businesses, with tax breaks available at virtually every
stage of the exploration and extraction process.
According to the most recent study by the Congressional
Budget Office, capital investments like oil field leases and
drilling equipment are taxed at an effective rate of 9
percent, significantly lower than the overall rate of 25
percent for businesses in general and lower than virtually
any other industry.
And for many small and midsize oil companies, the tax on
capital investments is so low that it is more than eliminated
by various credits. These companies' returns on those
investments are often higher after taxes than before.
Efforts to curtail the tax breaks are likely to face fierce
opposition in Congress; the oil and natural gas industry has
spent $340 million on lobbyists since 2008, according to the
nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics, which monitors
political spending.
Some of the tax breaks date back nearly a century, when
they were intended to encourage exploration in an era of
rudimentary technology, when costly investments frequently
produced only dry holes. Because of one lingering provision
from the Tariff Act of 1913, many small and midsize oil
companies based in the United States can claim deductions for
the lost value of tapped oil fields far beyond the amount the
companies actually paid for the oil rights.
Other tax breaks were born of international politics. In an
attempt to deter Soviet influence in the Middle East in the
1950s, the State Department backed a Saudi Arabian accounting
maneuver that reclassified the royalties charged by foreign
governments to American oil drillers. Saudi Arabia and others
began to treat some of the royalties as taxes, which entitled
the companies to subtract those payments from their American
tax bills. Despite repeated attempts to forbid this
accounting practice, companies continue to deduct the
payments. The Treasury Department estimates that it will cost
$8.2 billion over the next decade.
Mr. Speaker, 1 year after the national tragedy of Deepwater Horizon, the majority party has decided not to address a single problem that led to this economic and environmental tragedy. Instead, the majority is pushing through these bills, simply rubber-stamping offshore drilling and maintaining taxpayer subsidies and giveaways to Big Oil, which increase the deficit.
During a Special Order speech just the other night, a Member on the other side of the aisle said all you need is an eighth grade understanding of supply and demand to understand why gas prices are high and how we can lower them by drilling more. Fortunately, for those of us who have more than an eighth grade education, like economists and other experts, we know that America cannot drill its way out of high gas prices. Even the American Petroleum Institute, the mouthpiece for Big Oil, is saying that we cannot drill our way out. ``Drill, Baby, Drill'' may look good as a bumper sticker, but it's not a serious energy policy.
I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the bill and to defeat the previous question so we can reduce the deficit.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.