United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012

Madam Speaker, once again the U.S. House is acting on legislation, this time H.R. 4133, to restate what has been stated frequently in Congress, by President Obama, and by virtually every candidate running for federal office in the United States: that the U.S. and the State of Israel have a special bilateral and a very important strategic relationship. Congress strongly supports the State of Israel and we demonstrate our support annually by providing many billions of dollars in direct taxpayer funded assistance to ensure Israel's security. As a former member of the State and Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, I have helped to pass funding, often in excess of $3 billion in foreign aid, to ensure Israel's security.

While Congress is ever mindful of Israel's security, we have a Constitutional duty to first and foremost protect and defend the security of the United States. No one is more aware of this than President Obama. Over the past year, the Obama Administration has been leading a coalition of nations to peacefully prevent Iran--through tough economic sanctions--from starting down the path to developing a nuclear weapon. These sanctions are working and they must be allowed to continue to work. I fully support the efforts of the Obama Administration and our allies to keep the pressure on Iran.

The Government of Israel has also been focused on Iran and has articulated repeatedly that a unilateral military strike against Iran is a possibility. According to the Washington Post on February 2, 2012:

``U.S. officials fear being blindsided by an Israeli strike that could have widespread economic and security implications and might only delay, not end, Iran's nuclear pursuit.

`` `The Obama administration is concerned that Israel could attack Iranian nuclear facilities this year, having given Washington little or no warning,' said Cliff Kupchan, a former State Department official who specialized in Iran policy during the Clinton administration and recently returned from meetings with Israeli officials. He said `Israel has refused to assure Washington that prior notice would be provided.'

``Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta is one of several administration officials to express concern publicly that Israel is positioning itself for a surprise attack. Last month, the administration dispatched the Joint Chiefs chairman,

Gen. Martin E. Dempsey, to the Israeli capital for high level discussions about the possibility of a unilateral Israeli strike. `Israel has indicated they're considering this, and we have indicated our concerns,' Panetta told reporters.''

While Israel's prime minister has not been shy about the possibility of an Israeli military strike, the consequences of such action would be significant for the U.S. According to the New York Times on February 29, 2012, ``American officials who have assessed the likely Iranian responses to any attack by Israel on its nuclear program believe that Iran would retaliate by launching missiles on Israel and terrorist- style attacks on United States civilian and military personnel overseas.''

Despite the strong belief that Israeli military action against Iran would result in direct attacks on Americans and American interests, many right-wing politicians seem to believe that Americans and members of our armed forces, after eleven years of war in Afghanistan and nine years of war in Iraq, are desirous of a war with Iran precipitated by unilateral Israeli military action. As one Middle East expert stated, ``Israel can commence a war with Iran, but it may well take U.S. involvement to conclude it.''

Let me be clear, I do not want U.S. forces engaged in a war with Iran. My constituents do not want a war with Iran. Clearly, I do not want to see Iran developing nuclear weapons, but the Obama Administration and the international community are working to keep the pressure on the leadership in Tehran.

In February and March of 2012, the neo-conservative ``go to war with Iran'' echo chamber was appallingly reminiscent of 2002 when the Bush Administration (along with many of the same conservative pundits who are supportive of an Israeli attack on Iran today) declared the definitive presence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq a threat to U.S. national security. The result of their deception is now well known. We have seen this same march to war before, built on a foundation of half-truths, distorted intelligence, and politically motivated deceit.

President Obama has called out those who would send other peoples' sons and daughters to war, but never put themselves in harm's way. Addressing the annual AIPAC conference in Washington on March 4, 2012, the New York Times reported President Obama as saying, ``Already, there is too much loose talk of war. Over the last few weeks such talk has only benefited the Iranian government by driving up the price of oil, which they depend on to fund their nuclear program. For the sake of Israel's security, America's security and the peace and security of the world, now is not the time for bluster.''

To be clear, an Iran armed with nuclear weapons would be a serious threat to the stability of the Middle East and to the security of the United States and our allies. America's top intelligence analysts, however, have repeatedly stated that there is no concrete evidence that Iran has yet decided to build a nuclear bomb. In his January 2012 testimony before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper stated that ``they are certainly moving on that path, but we don't believe they have actually made the decision to go ahead with a nuclear weapon.''

Yet today, the House of Representatives is voting on H.R. 4133 which calls upon the U.S. to provide Israel with ``defense articles and defense services through such mechanisms as appropriate, to include air refueling tankers, missile defense capabilities, and specialized munitions.' By providing this specialized military capacity--all required by Israel for an airstrike on Iran--the U.S. would be removing the very limiting factors that may be preventing Israel from launching an attack that could draw the U.S. into another war.

The Director of the Central Intelligence Agency from 2006 to 2009, Michael Hayden, has been quoted as saying that airstrikes capable of seriously setting back Iran's nuclear program were ``beyond the capacity'' of Israel, in part because of distance that aircraft would have to travel and the scale of the task, according to a February 19, 2012 New York Times article entitled, ``Iran Raid Seen as a Huge Task for Israeli Jets.''

The same Times article states, ``Israel has American-built F 15I and F 16I fighter jets that can carry bombs to the targets, but their range--depending on altitude, speed and payload--falls far short of the minimum 2,000 mile round trip. . .Israel would have to use airborne refueling planes, called tankers, but Israel is not thought to have enough.''

The same article identifies ``another major hurdle is Israel's inventory of bombs capable of penetrating the Natanz (nuclear) facility, believed to be buried under 30 feet of reinforced concrete, and the Fordo site, which is built into a mountain. Assuming it does not use a nuclear device, Israel has American-made GBU 28 5,000 pound `bunker buster' bombs that could damage such hardened targets, although it is unclear how far down they can go.''

By supplying air refueling tanks and bunker buster bombs to Israel that would then be used in a military strike against Iran, the U.S, would be explicitly supporting the military action in the eyes of the Iranians and the world, even if Israel never notified the U.S. of its actual intent to strike. Such a level of vulnerability and exposure on the part of the U.S. is not tolerable. Israel is an ally, but their primary interest is their own national security, not the security of the U.S.

On a final note, the fact that the New York Times referenced that Israel has the option of using a ``nuclear device'' against the Iranian targets should be cause for tremendous alarm for Americans. Even the consideration of using a nuclear weapon against Iran to prevent it from pursuing a nuclear weapons program should be categorically rejected by Israel, the U.S., and all nations committed to nuclear non- proliferation. The worst kept secret in the world is that Israel possesses nuclear weapons. The U.S. and this Congress should be guaranteed that our ally, Israel, will never use those weapons as a first-strike capability.

Israel's security is important and I have voted dozens of times to provide funds, weapons, and support. H.R. 4133 is more than ``a sense of Congress,'' more than feelings. It sends a signal to the world that Israel should be provided with the military capacity by the U.S. to strike Iran. That I do not support.

Out of respect for the importance of the U.S.-Israel relationship I intend to vote ``present'' on H.R. 4133, but I must express my strong opposition to endorsing any actions by a foreign power that could potentially drag the U.S. into a military conflict with Iran.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4133) to express the sense of Congress regarding the United States-Israel strategic relationship, to direct the President to submit to Congress reports on United States actions to enhance this relationship and to assist in the defense of Israel, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012, of which I am an original cosponsor; and I thank the distinguished majority leader and minority whip for sponsoring this important legislation.

The democratic Jewish State of Israel is our closest and most important ally. We share the same interests. We share the same values. And, lamentably, we share the same threats.

Today, 64 years after Israel's founding, these same shared threats to both of our nations are stark and they are growing--particularly the threat posed by the Iranian regime, which continues racing towards nuclear-weapons capabilities, and by Iran's partner in crime, the Assad regime in Syria. Israel continues to face the danger of Iranian- sponsored violent extremists, including Hamas and Hezbollah, which continue to expand their capabilities to threaten Israeli civilians and its infrastructure with tens of thousands of rockets, mortars, and missiles.

As a result of our shared commitments, the United States and Israel have worked together to advance technologies and policies to keep both of our countries safe and secure. Israel's proximity to the Iran-Syria- Hamas-Hezbollah nexus eliminates any room for error in Israel's defense capabilities.

We are here today to reaffirm our unequivocal support for Israel's right to

defend herself. And even beyond affirming Israel's right to defend herself, we aim to expand Israel's ability to protect her citizens against the dangers which they are subjected to day after day.

This bill expresses the sense of Congress that our country should support an increase to the totality of our bilateral security relations--from joint missile defense systems, intelligence cooperation, military exercises between the United States and Israel, to increasing Air Force training as well as providing increased excess defense articles and munitions to Israel.

This legislation also seeks to counter the Israel bashing that has become commonplace in international forums such as the United Nations. The United States must not allow Israel to be isolated and demonized in international organizations and must work together to withdraw U.S. participation in and funding from organizations that do so.

This legislation also extends the authority to provide loan guarantees to the Israeli Government that provide the Jewish state with a cushion of support in times of need at no cost to the American taxpayer.

As the United States and Israel work together to stop the challenges posed by the Iranian and Syrian regimes, and by violent extremists like Hezbollah and Hamas, the U.S.-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act, the bill before us today, marks the triumph that we have achieved through our existing cooperation and advances our alliance to new levels.

I want to again thank my colleagues from both sides of the aisle for their strong support for this measure.

And with that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to submit remarks and include extraneous material on the legislation under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I am so pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), who has the honor of chairing our Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe), a member of our Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Judiciary.

Mr. Speaker, what an honor it is to yield 1 minute to our esteemed majority leader, Mr. Cantor, the coauthor of this important legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Kelly), an esteemed member of our Committee on Foreign Affairs.

I thank my good friend from California. We just have a few more speakers.

Mr. Speaker, I am so pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Dr. Murphy, a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Duncan), who is a member of our Foreign Affairs Committee and also a member of the Homeland Security and Natural Resources Committees.

I am proud to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights.

(Mr. SMITH of New Jersey asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gohmert), a member of the Judiciary and Natural Resources Committees.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the remaining time, and I thank my good friend from California (Mr. Berman) for his leadership role in bringing this bill to the floor today. I thank our majority leader, Mr. Cantor, as well as the minority whip, Mr. Hoyer.

This bill before us, Madam Speaker, the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act, is an important one. It sends a clear signal and a clear message throughout the world, to our friends and to our enemies, that the United States stands foursquare with our indispensable ally, the democratic Jewish State of Israel. This bill is a reaffirmation of our staunch commitment to Israel's security, its right to self-defense, and its right to exist. It is a testament to our friendship with Israel that has served us so well for the last 64 years, and will continue to serve us well for many generations to come. And it is a pledge that the United States and Israel, continuing to work together, will address the challenges to our common security so that we can ensure a safe, prosperous, and free future for both of our Nations.

With that, Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 4133, the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012, and I yield myself 3 minutes.

I would like to thank my friends, the majority leader, Mr. Cantor, and minority whip, Mr. Hoyer, for bringing this important bill to the floor. Their cooperation on this legislation is an outstanding example of Congress' bipartisan support for the United States-Israel relationship.

Mr. Speaker, since its founding, Israel has faced innumerable challenges to its survival, but the serious threats it faces today are unprecedented. Only weeks ago, a massive barrage of rockets was fired from Gaza at Israeli population centers by Islamic jihad and other terrorists. But unlike previous incidents where terrorists targeted Israel, the Iron Dome anti-missile system--funded in part by the United States--changed the rules of the game. In fact, Iron Dome intercepted a remarkable 90 percent of the incoming rockets aimed at once-defenseless population centers.

Currently, there are only three Iron Dome batteries operational in Israel, with two more on the way, but more are needed in order to protect all of Israel's 8 million citizens.

I'm pleased to say that H.R. 4133 incorporates language from the Iron Dome Support Act, bipartisan legislation that the chair and I recently introduced and which now has nearly 90 cosponsors, expressing support for providing Israel assistance to produce additional Iron Dome batteries.

The bill also pledges to assist Israel with its ongoing efforts to forge a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that results in two states living side by side in peace and security. Despite all of the obstacles to achieving this goal, we can't give up trying, as peace is profoundly in Israel's strategic interest. I applaud Prime Minister Netanyahu's willingness to negotiate anywhere, anytime. The Palestinians should take him up on that offer instead of pursuing a campaign to delegitimize Israel at the U.N. and elsewhere.

Mr. Speaker, perhaps the greatest threat to both American and Israeli security today is that posed by Iran's nuclear weapons program. I hope fervently that this can be solved diplomatically. But as we all know, only massive pressure from the United States and our allies has any chance of persuading Iran to give up its quest for nuclear arms. This bill makes clear that the U.S. Congress will continue to help Israel meet the Iranian threat.

Gaza-based terrorism, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the Iranian nuclear problem are not the only threats faced by Israel. Recent events in Egypt and Syria, along with the presence of Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, require Israeli vigilance against danger from all directions. To that end, this bill reaffirms our determination to support Israel's qualitative military edge against any possible combination of regional threats.

I yield myself 30 additional seconds.

And reinforcing that commitment to Israel's security, this bill extends for 4 years a loan guarantee program for Israel that was initiated in 2003, an extension based on legislation that Chairman Ros- Lehtinen and I introduced in March.

Our relationship with our ally Israel is one of the most important, and closest, that we have with any nation in the world. We face many of the same threats, and we share the same values.

Israel's Defense Minister Ehud Barak recently said that he can hardly remember a better period of U.S. support and cooperation and common U.S.-Israel strategic understanding than the current one. Passage of this bill will help ensure that this cooperation continues into the future. I encourage all of my colleagues to support the legislation.

I reserve the balance of my time.

General Leave

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to my friend from New York (Mr. Israel).

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the very distinguished member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, the ranking member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, on a resolution that does not affect--well, it does affect the Western Hemisphere because it affects us, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel).

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the other main cosponsor of this legislation, our Democratic whip, a leader for so many years on the issue of the U.S.-Israel relationship.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I reserve the balance of my time.

I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to my friend from Texas (Mr. Al Green).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

We've had a group of speakers come down to the floor, including the majority leader, the Democratic whip, the chair of the committee, and a number of other Members to talk about our solidarity with Israel, the U.S.-Israel relationship, the bipartisan nature of it.

To the extent there was an implication--which I heard--from the last speaker that this is not a view shared by this administration, I just want to rise and indicate how wrong such an implication is. The President of the United States has indicated that these bonds are unbreakable. He has raised the level of security cooperation and intelligence sharing to unprecedentedly high levels between the United States and Israel. He is leading the international effort to get Iran to abandon its nuclear weapons program. He has stood with Israel in the wake of the Goldstone Report, in the wake of the efforts of the Human Rights Commission to demonize and delegitimize Israel, and in the context of vetoing resolutions which unfairly single out Israel on a number of issues. Any implication to the contrary is unfounded and seeks to undercut the very bipartisan nature of the support that is so essential to this relationship.

With that, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 2165) to enhance strategic cooperation between the United States and Israel, and for other purposes.

I ask unanimous consent, Mr. Speaker, that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on Senate bill 2165.

I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012.

I would like to thank the distinguished majority leader and the minority whip, Mr. Cantor and Mr. Hoyer, for sponsoring the House version of this legislation, as well as Senators Boxer and Isakson, who sponsored the Senate version that this House is considering today.

For over 64 years, since the United States recognized Israel just 11 minutes after its creation, the democratic, Jewish State of Israel has been one of our closest allies.

Our shared commitment to peace and to freedom have been the foundation of a special bond that has reinforced the safety and the security of both of our countries. We have forged a defense partnership that has yielded advanced technologies and policies that have benefited both of our nations and helped to keep our citizens secure. Our fates are tied together. A threat to one of our countries is a threat to both.

And so, as the Iranian regime continues to race toward nuclear weapons and sponsor violent extremists like Hamas and Hezbollah, we must work together to counter this growing threat, Mr. Speaker.

And while the United States and Israel are targeted by many of the same threats, Israel's proximity to the Iran-Syria-Hamas-Hezbollah nexus leaves us no room for error. Our goal, with this legislation, is to ensure that Israel has the ability to protect its citizens against the dangers that touch their lives every day, against the rockets, against the bombs, against the missiles that their enemies stockpile while making well-publicized threats every day against the Jewish state.

How do we achieve this goal, Mr. Speaker? By increasing the totality of our bilateral security relations. That means increasing joint missile defense systems, joint military exercises, and intelligence cooperation. We get to learn from them, and they get to learn from us, and we all sleep a little more soundly knowing that we have done all we can to help our citizens.

It also means providing increased excess defense articles and munitions to Israel. With a host of entities stirring the pot of hostility against the Jewish state, it is critical that the United States stand foursquare with Israel.

This legislation also extends authority to provide loan guarantees to the Israeli government that provide the Jewish state with a cushion of support in times of need, and at no cost to the American taxpayer.

Mr. Speaker, our ally, Israel, needs our help, and we are situated to lend a friend this hand while strengthening our own security in the process. Let us stand together today and say that we support a strong and secure Israel, not only because Israel is our friend and ally, but also because a strong and secure Israel means a strong and secure America.

Now is a particularly important time to send that message, as we face the looming specter of this sequester that we're all talking about and working hard to prevent.

Mr. Speaker, if nothing is done to avert this crisis, we will face an almost $450 million cut to security assistance to Israel. This would include over $100 million in cuts to cooperative missile defense programs. These cuts would damage the security of our Nation and our ally, Israel, and they must be averted.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I am so pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the coauthor of this legislation, our leader, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor).

I thank the gentleman for his remarks, and I reserve the balance of my time.

I am so pleased to yield 4 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), who is the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights.

I am so pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), who is the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia. He deals with these issues every day.

Mr. Speaker, I only have some closing remarks and have no further requests for time, so I will wait for my colleague from California to yield back.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

The United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012 states, and it makes it very clear, that U.S. policy is to: reaffirm the commitment to Israel's security as a Jewish state; also to provide Israel with the military capabilities to defend herself and help preserve its qualitative military edge; also to expand military and civilian cooperation; to assist in a negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that results in two states living side by side in peace and security, which is all of our goals; and also encourage Israel's neighbors to recognize Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state.

This bill expresses the sense of Congress that the United States should take specified actions to assist in the defense of Israel; it amends the 2005 Department of Defense Appropriations Act to extend authority to transfer certain Department of Defense items to Israel; it amends the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 to extend authority to make additions to foreign-based defense stockpiles; and, lastly, it amends the Emergency Wartime Supplemental Appropriations Act of 2003 to extend specified loan guarantee authority to Israel.

This is in the U.S. national security interest, and I hope that the House overwhelmingly passes this important bill.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of S. 2165, the United States-Israel Enhanced Security Cooperation Act of 2012, and I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

I want to thank, first of all, my friends, Majority Leader Cantor and Minority Whip Hoyer, for bringing this important bill back to the floor of the House so that we can accept the Senate's constructive additions and send it to the President's desk.

I'd also like to thank, as did my chairman, Senators Boxer and Isakson, and Senator Collins, for their leadership on this resolution in the Senate.

And finally, I want to thank my friend and chairman, the gentlelady from Florida, for her continued leadership on the issue of the U.S.- Israel relationship.

Members should recall that in May we passed the House version of this bill, H.R. 4133, by a near-unanimous vote. We will be taking another vote today because the Senate has added an important extension of military stockpile reserve authorities. I strongly support this addition and thank the Senate for its contribution.

Mr. Speaker, since its founding, Israel has faced innumerable challenges to its survival, but the serious threats it faces today are unprecedented. Deadly cross-border attacks from the Sinai Peninsula have taken both Israeli Arab and Israeli Jewish lives.

Terrorism still penetrates Israel from Gaza in the form of rocket and mortar attacks. But unlike in years past, the Iron Dome Anti-Missile System, funded in part by the United States, has changed the rules of the game. In fact, Iron Dome has been successful in intercepting a remarkable 90 percent of incoming rockets aimed at once defenseless population centers.

Currently, there are only a handful of Iron Dome batteries operational in Israel. More are needed in order to protect all of Israel's 8 million citizens.

I'm pleased to say that S. 2165 retains language from the Iron Dome Support Act, bipartisan legislation I introduced which now has nearly 110 cosponsors expressing support for providing Israel assistance to produce additional Iron Dome batteries.

This bill also pledges to assist Israel with its ongoing effort to forge a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that results in two states living side by side in peace and in security. Despite all the obstacles to achieving this goal, we cannot give up trying, as peace is profoundly in Israel's strategic interest.

I applaud Prime Minister Netanyahu's willingness to negotiate anywhere, anytime. The Palestinians should take him up on that offer, instead of pursuing a campaign to delegitimize Israel at the U.N. and elsewhere.

Mr. Speaker, perhaps the greatest threat to both American and Israeli security today is that posed by Iran's nuclear weapons program. I hope this problem can be solved diplomatically, but as we all know, only massive pressure from the United States and our allies has any chance of persuading Iran to give up its quest for nuclear arms.

In fact, we are currently negotiating a sanctions bill with the Senate, the Iran Threat Reduction Act, which Chairman Ros-Lehtinen and I introduced and which the House passed late last year. That bill will dramatically increase the economic pressure on Iran. Meanwhile, the bill before us today makes clear that the U.S. Congress will continue to help Israel meet the Iranian threat.

Gaza-based terrorism, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the Iranian nuclear program are not the only threats faced by Israel. Recent events in Egypt and Syria, along with the presence of Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, require Israeli vigilance against danger from all directions.

To that end, this bill, once again, reaffirms our determination to support Israel's qualitative military edge against any possible combination of regional threats. In reinforcing that commitment to Israel's security, this bill extends for 4 years a loan guarantee program for Israel that was initiated in 2003. The extension is based on legislation that Chairman Ros-Lehtinen and I introduced in March.

Mr. Speaker, our relationship with our ally Israel is one of the most important and closest that we have with any nation in the world. The United States and Israel face many of the same threats, and we share the same values. Israel's defense minister, Ehud Barak, recently said that he can hardly remember a better period of U.S. ``support and cooperation'' and common U.S.-Israel strategic understanding than the current one.

The passage of this bill will help ensure that this cooperation continues into the future. I encourage all of my colleagues to support this legislation.

I reserve the balance of my time.

I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentleman representing American Samoa and the ranking Democrat on the Asia and the Pacific Subcommittee of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Faleomavaega.

(Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, may I ask how much time is remaining on each side.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 5 minutes to our distinguished whip, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

I yield the gentleman an additional 2 minutes.

After what we just heard, I would not suggest any further speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.