Mr. Speaker, thank you for the opportunity this evening. I'm joined by my colleague from Ohio, Marcy Kaptur. I want to thank our colleague from Texas for the explanation he gave about the tragedy at…
Mr. Speaker, thank you for the opportunity this evening. I'm joined by my colleague from Ohio, Marcy Kaptur.
I want to thank our colleague from Texas for the explanation he gave about the tragedy at Fort Hood. It was, indeed, an American tragedy, as were other acts of violence against this country, both within the country and around the world.
No doubt that there is radical Islam, no doubt that it is killing, not only Americans, but others around the world. And it is part of our task to find an appropriate way to deal with it. It's also part of our task to appropriately recognize the tremendous sacrifice made by our soldiers, both here, as in the Fort Hood incident, and certainly in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Today marks a very, very special day in American history. It is the end of one of the great American tragedies, and that is the war in Iraq. No matter how we may think of this today, I think we can be very confident that this war of choice was, indeed, a very bad choice. More than 4,000 Americans have been killed in this war, and perhaps several times that number injured.
Physical injuries, we often see them just off the floor as these men and women return from their medical treatment at the Bethesda hospital, and we mourn their physical loss.
The mental problems that our veterans have incurred after multiple deployments in Iraq will go on for years, as will the physical injuries. Post-traumatic stress syndrome is a major,
major problem among the thousands of veterans, hundreds of thousands of veterans that have returned. These are issues that we must deal with.
And as we mark, today, the final withdrawal of American troops from Iraq, our heart, our compassion, and indeed our actions go out to those veterans who have served this Nation in this war. Whatever we may think of the war, we must always think well and appropriately of these soldiers, men and women, multiple tours, National Guard, the Reserves, and the active Army and Navy and Air Force and Marines, all serving this country.
Many things have happened here on the floor to deal with those issues that they have incurred. Just 2 weeks ago we passed major pieces of legislation that are a followup to earlier pieces of legislation for the veterans. The Democratic Congress, in 2009 and `10, enacted the most far-reaching veterans benefits since the end of World War II. A new GI bill is in place. Job opportunities and training are in place. Enhancement of the medical services through the Veterans Administration and many other that were culminated last week--wrong word. Not culminated, but added to last week with the legislation that provides a very strong incentive for employers to hire unemployed veterans.
The unemployment rate for veterans is generally twice as high as the average American unemployment rate. Those benefits go to the employer, reducing their taxes by $2,600 for every veteran they hire. If they hire a long-term unemployed veteran, it'll be $5,600, and if it happens to be one of the disabled veterans, perhaps one that we often see outside this Chamber, then it's a $9,600 reduction in the taxes for that employer. We hope employers all across this Nation hear this and reach out to the veterans in their community and give them a job.
The rest of the time we have tonight I'd like to talk about jobs for Americans. As much as we may want to think about the wars, and today we did, we passed the Defense Authorization Act, we have to also think about Americans here at home that need a job. We've been working for some time on a program that we call ``Make It in America,'' a rebuilding of the strength of the American manufacturing industry.
Over the last 20 years, we have seen a rapid decline in the manufacturing base of America because that's where the middle class found its place. That's where the middle class found their opportunity to use the skills, whatever training they may have, whatever education they may have, and get a good, solid job that would support a family. Twenty million Americans were employed in manufacturing 20 years ago. Today, it is just over 11 million, almost a 50 percent decline.
We can't let this continue. We cannot allow the outsourcing of American jobs. We have to bring those jobs back home, and there are many ways that we can do that. And our ``Make It in America'' agenda by the Democratic Party here in Congress is taking root. And tonight we're going to talk about many parts of that.
Joining me is Marcy Kaptur from Ohio, which once and will be the heart of the American manufacturing sector. I know you have many pieces of legislation, and I know your intense passion on rebuilding the manufacturing sector in America. So let's talk about some of the things that are going on here in Congress and what we can do.
It really does, if I might take a moment here.
You raised one of the very important points. I know later in this discussion you're going to take this up in much more detail. But it's very, very clear that the financial sector, in their rush for profit, created the housing bubble. Didn't do it all by themselves. There was plenty of greed on the part of certain people that bought houses, and the real estate community was involved in that, the mortgage community.
But here we are after bailing out Wall Street. What is Wall Street doing to bail out Main Street? Not much.
I heard a discussion earlier today from a banker that said, Oh, we're making all kinds of SBA loans. Yes, that's guaranteed. Those are loans guaranteed by the Federal Government. But what risks are they taking?
We passed the Dodd-Frank language, which was designed to rein in Wall Street. Good. Very good. As strong as I would like? No. I would go back and put in place the Glass-Steagall Act. I was the insurance commissioner before the Glass-Steagall Act disappeared, and insurance was over here and banks were over there and investment banking was separate. So that the kind of problem that existed in 2000 where the banks went berserk and crazy in greed creating all of these CDOs and other kinds of really fake instruments, they couldn't do it. But nonetheless, the Dodd-Frank is there. Our Republican colleagues are refusing to fund the implementation of that program, putting all of us at risk once again.
I want to go back to the manufacturing sector and some of the issues that arise there, and particularly the unemployment rate in your communities.
Now, we have to reauthorize the unemployment insurance program; otherwise, is it 3.3 million Americans are going to lose their unemployment insurance in the first of the year? And when you have such high unemployment as you do in your communities, what are they going to do? How are they going to feed their families, pay their mortgages? And when you provide an unemployment check, it immediately goes into the economy and creates $1.6 for every dollar of the check.
And I know you see this in yours, and you've talked to me about the unemployment and the way in which the cessation of the unemployment insurance would just devastate people here
at holiday season. So share with us what you were sharing, just this, earlier in the week when we were talking about this issue.
I see it in my own district in California.
One of the things that we've been trying to do is to take up the President's call on this matter. The President, back in September, put forth the American Jobs Act. Many pieces of it. We'll talk about some of those pieces today.
But in the American Jobs Act, there was an extension of the unemployment insurance, which economists, left, right, and center, all say it's the best way to stimulate, to keep the economy moving. He suggested that we extend it for those who have been unemployed for 2 years or more. And I think it's the only humane and compassionate thing to do, particularly here at the holiday season.
He also made the suggestion that we continue the payroll tax reduction, which was 2 percent, that is from 5\1/2\ percent to 3\1/2\ percent. He suggested that the reduction be 3.1 percent.
Now, we are as concerned as our Republican colleagues about the deficit, and the President is, too. And he suggested that this needs to be paid for. We cannot borrow money from China to do the unemployment insurance or to do the payroll tax deduction.
Now, the payroll tax deduction, it's rather important. It's over $1,500 in the pocket of every working person in this Nation. That's an enormous amount of money for a person that's earning $10, $20 an hour. So he wanted to do that.
How is he going to pay for it?
He suggested that we pay for this in what is called tax fairness, that we take the upper income, those people that have earned a million dollars a year or more, and increase the tax that they pay over a million dollars by 3\1/2\ percent. A 3\1/2\ percent increase above a million dollars--not below but above. Now, that's fairness, because these folks have had an enormous tax reduction over the last decade, part of the Bush tax cuts.
Unfortunately, that didn't happen, and you and I have been here. And perhaps we ought to share with the public what happened yesterday when a bill came to the floor to provide unemployment insurance extension and a payroll tax deduction. It was really not a shining day for the House of Representatives.
We'll go into some detail here, but essentially what happened was that the legislation put forth by our Republican colleagues basically said, okay, we'll continue the payroll tax deduction, not at 3.1 percent but at a 2 percent reduction, which is about a thousand dollars for an average worker, and that's good, certainly better than not doing anything; and we will also do the unemployment insurance, but only for half the time that the President suggested.
And here's the kicker. All of that will not be paid by those who earn more than a million, the millionaires and billionaires. That will be paid for by the middle class. It was the 99 percenters that were going to have to pay for this. Not the 1 percenters, but the 99 percenters. It was the great shell game, and a very, very sad day. Fortunately, the President said, I will veto that if it ever gets to my desk; and the Senate has said, No way; this is not fair to the working men and women of America.
Now, we were here, and we heard some of the debate. Share with us your thoughts about all that went on yesterday in that rather sad piece of legislation.
Yes.
If I might interrupt for just a moment, you raised a very, very important point about the fate of the American middle class and of the extraordinary benefit that has grown for the top 1 percent. This is where the 99 percent comes in.
Let me just show you this chart. It has become one of my favorites. This chart is about the growth of income.
Down here on the bottom are the bottom 99 percent of Americans and the income that they have seen since 1979: virtually no real growth in the income of the working men and women, of the middle class of America. So, if you look at these lines, this is the top quartile; this is the middle quartile and the bottom quartile here: no growth or just a little tiny growth. Incidentally, most of that comes because now both the husband and wife are working, not because just one of the wage earners has seen it.
This top line, Marcy, is the 1 percenters. We can see, over the last 25, 30 years, the 1 percenters have done very, very nicely, and there are many reasons for this. One, they are very productive. They've been able to find good opportunities and to make the most of them. We wouldn't deny anybody that opportunity to become very, very wealthy in America if they play by the rules. I know, a little later,
you're going to talk about some who have not played by the rules and who have become extraordinarily wealthy. But if you play by the rules, you ought to be able to do very well in America.
Yet what we're talking about here is tax fairness. A lot of this growth right here in the last decade was as a direct result of tax policy. Now, the George W. Bush tax cuts for the super wealthy, which were supposed to create jobs, didn't create jobs. In fact, we had a loss of employment in the United States. Even if you discount and take out the great crash of 2007-8, in the George Bush era, the argument for reducing the high-income tax rate was that it would create jobs because these were the job creators. It didn't create jobs. It did not create jobs. So now we're talking about how do we keep this economy going, about how do we provide for those who don't have jobs. How do we put money back into the economy? As you say, it will be spent. We do it with tax fairness.
As the President suggested, for those people who earn more than $1 million a year after all the deductions, the amount of income above $1 million would be taxed an additional 3\1/2\ percent. That's fair. That's fair to the American workers, if they're unemployed or if they're looking for jobs, so that they'll have an opportunity.
Before we go back to Make It in America, which is our principal policy, at least among those of us who are talking about the Make It in America agenda, I want to just make it very clear that this debate over the payroll tax reduction and the unemployment insurance is not over. We've got a little bit of time to get this done before the end of the year when all of these opportunities for people to continue to survive terminate.
Right now, the Senate is going to take up the House bill, and it is our understanding that that bill is not going to move in the Senate. We need to get past this gamesmanship that we saw in the legislation that passed here just yesterday, and we need to get serious about finding a compromise that can deal with this problem.
Here is our wish list. This is the American wish list. We have Santa up here, but let's just say it's to the House of Representatives--all of us--and to the Senate. What we would like to have in the stocking is not a bad lump of coal but, rather, a payroll tax cut extension. We could probably settle for the present. If we were to compromise, we'd want 3 percent, but we could settle for the 2 percent reduction. That's $1,000 in the pockets of every working man and woman in the State. That's 160 million people. That's an enormous thing for us to do.
So this is one of the things that we would wish would happen, that we wish that we would do--your Representatives, Democrat and Republican alike, and the Senators--for the working men and women of America so that they can have food on their tables and roofs over their heads.
The other deals with the unemployment insurance--5.7 million people are going to be losing their unemployment insurance in the coming year. What in the world are they going to do? Their jobs are not there, as you so clearly pointed out, Ms. Kaptur. The jobs are not there, and they need help. That's where the unemployment insurance program will help them and will simultaneously help the economy, as Ms. Kaptur pointed out. We can pay for this. We can pay for this with a Fair Tax system in America.
We should work together. Excuse me for interrupting, but in my district, we have a ravioli company. We're talking out of this world. Now, maybe your sauce on top of their raviolis we could actually get on the shelf.
Obesity.
Black Friday, a week ago. It is all about the big retailers. But Small Saturday, now that was exciting. A lot of advertising out in California about, Go to your local shop. Buy local. Buy small. And it was just what you are talking about, and that is to find a way to provide opportunity, moving, in this case, customers to the local stores. Instead of the big box store, go down to Main Street. Stop at the local shop. Very, very powerful. And I suspect that many of us did that. We stopped at the local store, and we didn't go down to Home Depot. We went down to the Ace Hardware.
I don't think we're talking about a law or a new regulation here, but we're talking about something that we ought to do for our communities, and that is recognize that we're all part of a community.
You said something a few moments ago that caused me to come back to this issue. You talked about the trade deficit. And the way in which we are literally exporting our money, we're also exporting our jobs.
Last December--just a year ago--on this floor, we took up a piece of legislation that dealt with this issue. In the previous Tax Code, there were tax breaks given to American corporations for shipping jobs offshore. For offshoring American jobs, they got a tax reduction. And some of us said, Well, what in the world is that all about? So we scrambled and tried to find out where the codes were. And a bill came forth on the floor that eliminated about two-thirds of those tax breaks given to American corporations when they offshore jobs.
A very interesting division occurred here on the floor of this House. It was a straight-up bill. It wasn't complex. It was on that issue: Should American corporations continue to receive tax breaks for offshoring jobs? That was the bill. No riders. No hidden agendas. No extraneous sentences put in. This House divided right down the middle. The Democrats voted to end the tax cuts. The Republicans, not one Republican voted to end those tax breaks given to American corporations for offshoring jobs.
And I'm going, I don't get it, guys. You guys talk about jobs all the time. You talk about small businesses, and here you want to continue to subsidize the offshoring of American jobs? What's that all about? We never got an answer. But it speaks directly to the point that you were making earlier about policy choices. Our work is policy, policy choices: Are we going to do this, or are we going to do that? Are we going to continue to support American corporations for offshoring jobs, giving them our tax dollars? Are we going to continue to allow the oil companies to be subsidized?
The wealthiest industry in the world takes about $15 billion a year of your tax money, and we give it to them. The oil, the gas, and the coal industries, about $15 billion a year in tax subsidies. Why do we do that?
Wouldn't you love to go into Wal-Mart and find ``Made in America''? Wouldn't that be something?
A little bit of patriotism.
Let me give you another example of what we can do with policy. Right now we have a ``Buy American'' policy that really has not been enforced much. So I've introduced a piece of legislation, H.R. 613, that simply says that if it's our tax money--and every time we buy a gallon of gasoline or a gallon of diesel fuel, we pay either 18.5 cents for the gasoline or 26 cents for the diesel fuel in taxes, where's the money going? Some of it all too often, in fact, a lot of it all too often, winds up going offshore.
I will give you an example: the Oakland-San Francisco Bay Bridge, a multibillion dollar project, $1 billion worth of steel going into that bridge. It will be a beautiful thing when it's completed. The bids for that came in for an American-made steel bridge or a Chinese-made steel bridge.
It was a 10 percent difference in cost. That's a lot of money. So the State of California Bridge Authority decided that they would take the 10 percent cheaper Chinese steel. The result is after years, the steel had problems. The welds had problems. The cost went well above 10 percent, and 3,000 jobs wound up in China, and zero jobs wound up in America.
So what this bill does, it simply says no more waivers. No more. If it is American tax dollars that are being used, it is going to be used to buy American-made equipment--buses, trains and the steel and concrete. It works.
In the stimulus bill, which all of our Republican friends want to dismiss, in the stimulus bill there was one line for the several billion dollars of money that went into transit that said that money can only be used to buy American-made light rail, transit trains, and locomotives for Amtrak.
Siemens opened a factory in Sacramento, California, to build those light-rail cars and the locomotives because the policy, drafted here on this floor, passed by the Senate and signed into law by President Obama, said that tax money can only be used to buy American-made equipment. And it created hundreds of American jobs in Sacramento, California.
This bill, and another one like it that has now been introduced by the ranking member Democrat in the Transportation Committee, will bring hundreds of thousands of jobs when our tax money is going to be used to buy American-made equipment.
Let me just add to this. This was a result of the stimulus bill that put the money there, if need be, to rebuild certain sectors of America. President Obama courageously, and with enormous opposition from Republicans, said, I will not let the American automotive industry die. This is a fundamental industry in the United States; I will not let it die.
And so he authorized the money that went to bail out General Motors and
Chrysler. Ford didn't take advantage of it because they had a different financial situation. But the result of that is precisely what you've described. It is precisely the saving of the American automotive industry and all of supply chain that goes with it. A very courageous action by the President, one that worked for the benefit of America so that we can once again make it in America.
I'm going to wrap this up very quickly because I know you have a couple of things you want to talk about with regard to Wall Street.
Why don't you go ahead, and then I will wrap up at the end.
Let me just give you another example. I thank you for raising that very, very important issue.
Last year, this House by an overwhelming bipartisan vote set out to address the China situation. It was a piece of legislation that simply said that when any government anywhere around the world unfairly subsidizes its business sector in a way or to the detriment of American businesses, then that country will face sanctions. And specifically, it had to do with the Chinese currency. The Chinese currency is significantly undervalued, perhaps giving as much as a 20 percent advantage to China in its exports. Bipartisan, it passed here. It did not pass in the Senate. However, this year my Republican colleagues would not even allow that to come up for a vote here, even though it has now passed in the Senate. So the Chinese currency bill passed the Senate; it is languishing in this House. I do not understand why our Republican colleagues want to continue to allow China to have an unfair advantage.
I was going to wrap up with this. China subsidizes to a fare-thee- well its solar and wind industries. So much so that they have taken over the market and have led to the bankruptcy of a couple of American solar manufacturers, Solyndra being one example that is much discussed around here. But it was really as a result of China driving down the price of solar panels.
This bill, again one that I have introduced, and it comes directly from my district because we have a major wind farm and solar system there, it says that our tax money that presently goes to subsidize the purchase of solar systems and wind turbines must only be used to buy American-made wind turbines and solar panels. In other words, buy American, make it in America, and rebuild our industry.
I am going to just wrap up quickly.
It's the holiday season. It's that time when we think about our families. It's that time when we think about our communities. We have a real obligation here in the House of Representatives to put forth really solid legislation to support those men and women and families in America that, through no fault of their own, are unemployed or are having a very difficult time in making it in the current economy as wages are driven down and as opportunities for advancement are diminished.
What we hope for, and literally pray for, is a consensus, a compromise, in the next couple of days here on the floor of this House and with the Senate so that we can pass legislation that would actually help the American workers, those that are unemployed and those that are seeking a job or have a job and are unable to make it, and with that payroll tax deduction put another $1,000 in their pocket. And I want us to keep in mind that in America today there are 1.4 million children-- 1.4 million children--that are homeless. Their parents have lost their job, they've lost their home, and they're sleeping in cars. They're homeless. They may be able to find an opportunity at a motel. We've seen some of this on television. But this is in all of our communities. Every community in America has this problem.
And it's up to us here in Congress to use what compassion and wisdom we possess to find ways of addressing it. We have such an opportunity with the payroll tax deduction, with the welfare. And, unfortunately, the bill that passed here yesterday basically would put money into the right pocket through a payroll tax deduction or an unemployment check, and then take it out of the left pocket with an increase in fees, a reduction in medical services, the closing of clinics or other ways in which that money would be extracted.
Yes, it would balance. It wouldn't increase the deficit except for the working men and women of America. We think that's wrong, and we've offered a different solution.
My colleague from New York has come for a couple of short comments. I promised Ms. Kaptur the last few moments of this. Welcome, Mr. Tonko. The East-West Show is back in session.
I thank you very much, Mr. Tonko, for bringing that up.
I'm going to ask Ms. Kaptur of Ohio to take the podium here and to tell us about Wall Street and some of the reforms that she is advocating.