Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Nugent), my friend, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes. I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given…
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Nugent), my friend, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes.
I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. McGOVERN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
Mr. Speaker, we're here today to consider one rule for two appropriations bills, the Department of Defense appropriations bill and the Transportation, Housing and Urban Development appropriations bill.
While the T-HUD bill will be considered under an open rule--that is, if it's ever considered in this House at all--the Defense appropriations bill is another story. That's because the FY 2014 Defense appropriations bill is not an open rule. This bill is structured. Many good amendments were denied. The Rules Committee cherry-picked amendments that could be considered and prevented many germane amendments from being considered today. In fact, Mr. Speaker, last month, Speaker Boehner touted Republican use of open rules for appropriations bills. But now, just 1 month later, this Tea Party-run House is limiting debate on the Defense bill just to avoid taking some tough votes.
My colleague said that they made exceptions and limited amendments with regard to Egypt, Syria, and the NSA. Those were the only three areas, he said, that they purposefully made exceptions. Well, those are the three most important areas before us. Those are the things that our constituents want to make sure that we are debating and deliberating on.
Let me note another area where this structured rule inhibits having a robust debate on a critical issue, namely, the debate on the need for greater transparency and oversight of NSA collection of telephone and email records from people who are not under any suspicion or investigation whatsoever.
I'm grateful that a couple of amendments were made in order on this subject, but they were only given 15 minutes of debate apiece. That's it. This is a pretty big issue. We all want to provide our law enforcement officials with the tools they need to safeguard our country from potential terrorist attacks. But we also want to protect the basic rights and liberties guaranteed to all Americans from unwanted and unwarranted searches and invasion of privacy by government agencies.
Issues of transparency, accountability and oversight are critical duties and responsibilities not just of the executive branch but of Congress. Who is providing the necessary oversight of all of this massive data collection? Who is watching the watchers? Isn't it time for Congress to take a serious review of how the law is being implemented, how it is touching and affecting all Americans, and whether any of those laws and their implementation now require changes? I, for one, welcome such a debate, which I hope will occur at least in a limited fashion on the amendments that were made in order under this structured rule.
I believe a far better debate would have occurred under an open rule, where all Members could have voiced their concerns and outlined proposals for change. Regrettably, this will not happen under the time restrictions of this structured rule.
Turning to the T-HUD appropriations bill, I am disappointed and concerned with the committee's proposed funding level for the Community Development Block Grant program, known as CDBG. The bill cuts CDBG from $3.071 billion in FY13 to $1.637 billion in FY14, almost halving the program and bringing it to a historic low in terms of funding. CDBG funds are working in neighborhoods throughout our country, and this proposed reduction will negatively impact local economies and economic development projects all over the country.
Mr. Speaker, I will insert into the Record a bipartisan letter signed by 101 Members of the House of Representatives expressing support for effective CDBG funding levels. If this bill is actually considered by this body before the end of the fiscal year, I hope there will be an attempt to restore funding for this critically important program.
Congress of the United States,
Washington, DC, June 25, 2013.
Hon. Tom Latham,
Chairman, Subcommittee on Transportation, Housing and Urban
Development, and Related Agencies, Washington, DC.
Hon. Ed Pastor,
Ranking Member, Subcommittee on Transportation Housing and
Urban Development, and Related Agencies, Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Latham and Ranking Member Pastor: We write to
share our concern about the impact the proposed funding
levels for the Community Development Block Grant (CDBG)
program in House Transportation, Housing and Urban
Development Subcommittee-passed bill would have on
redevelopment authorities and local municipalities. While we
understand the difficult fiscal decisions we must make in
Washington, the proposed bill reduces CDBG formula grants by
nearly 50 percent, from $3.071 billion in FY2013 to $1.637
billion in FY2014. This proposed funding level also marks an
historic low since the program's beginnings in the 1970s.
As you know, 144 Members signed a bipartisan letter in
April for your review in developing FY2014 legislation. The
letter supported maintaining the funding levels that the
subcommittee recommended last year. The now proposed,
substantial reduction--essentially halving the program--would
impact local economies, threaten the program's national
scope, curtail on-the-ground lead-abatement projects helping
to revitalize our older cities, and reduce ongoing
capabilities to aid veterans and other workforce training
services.
We are concerned about the implications of this reduction,
especially as the program's funds have already fallen
substantially--by nearly $1 billion since FY2010. As you
know, CDBG is largely managed by local municipalities,
providing flexibility and tailored needs in our local
economies and remains a lifeline for families and
communities. For example, HUD reports that between FY2007 and
FY2011, CDBG helped over 174,000 businesses expand economic
opportunities and over the last decade, CDBG programs have
rehabilitated more than 1.4 million homes for low- and
moderate-income homeowners and renters. As a proven program
with an effective track record, it serves an ongoing,
continual need that not only impacts lives, but provides a
documented return on its investment to leverage local
dollars: Every $1.00 of CDBG leverages an additional $3.55 in
non-CDBG funding, according to the U.S. Department of Housing
and Urban Development (HUD).
The pressing need in the current economy for these funds
remains critical. We look forward to working with you to
maintain effective funding levels for this work. If we can
provide any further information, please contact Kate
Ostrander, Legislative Director of the Northeast-Midwest
Congressional Coalition, at 6-6106 or kate.ostrander@mail
.house.gov. Thank you for your consideration and support.
Sincerely,
Mike Kelly; Michael R. Turner; Robert A. Brady; Lou
Barletta; Peter T. King; David B. McKinley; James P.
McGovern; Chaka Fattah; Christopher P. Gibson; Emanuel
Cleaver; Niki Tsongas; Jim Gerlach; Stevan Pearce; Marcia L.
Fudge; Peter Welch; Elijah E. Cummings; John K. Delaney; Tony
Cardenas; Matt A. Cartwright; Gregorio Kilili Camacho Sablan.
Colleen W. Hanabusa; Nick J. Rahall, II; Wm. Lacy Clay;
John D. Dingell; Henry C. ``Hank'' Johnson, Jr.; Chris Van
Hollen; Juan Vargas; Mark Takano; Robert C. ``Bobby'' Scott;
Mike Doyle; Ann M. Kuster; William R. Keating; Danny K.
Davis; Jim Matheson; Bobby L. Rush; Carolyn McCarthy; Alcee
L. Hastings; Janice D. Schakowsky; Linda T. Sanchez; Doris O.
Matsui.
Brian Higgins; Louise McIntosh Slaughter; Eliot L. Engel;
Ruben Hinojosa; Albio Sires; Yvette D. Clarke; Charles B.
Rangel; Diana DeGette; John Conyers, Jr.; Richard M. Nolan;
Paul Tonko; Gene Green; James A. Himes; Anna G. Eshoo; Suzan
K. DelBene; Sander M. Levin; Ron Kind; David Loebsack; Grace
F. Napolitano; Michael H. Michaud.
Corrine Brown; John F. Tierney; Lloyd Doggett; Bradley S.
Schneider; Joyce Beatty; Steven A. Horsford; Judy Chu; Carol
Shea-Porter; Gloria Negrete McLeod; Jerrold Nadler; Louis
Capps, Gwen Moore; Tammy Duckworth; David N. Cicilline; John
A. Yarmuth; Cedric L. Richmond; Pete P. Gallego; Suzanne
Bonamici; Theodore E. Deutch; Loretta Sanchez.
Michael E. Capuano; Donna M. Christensen; Debbie Wasserman
Schultz; Ann Kirpatrick; Janice Hahn; Gerald E. Connolly;
Filemon Vela; Julia Brownley; Timothy J. Walz; Jim Costa; Joe
Garcia; Raul M. Grijalva; Stephen F. Lynch; Earl Blumenauer;
Jared Huffman; Xavier Becerra; Maxine Waters; Bill Pascrell,
Jr.; Eleanor Holmes Norton; Jared Polis; Patrick Murphy.
Now, as for the Department of Defense appropriations bill, everyone in this House on both sides of the aisle supports our men and women in uniform. We want to make sure that they have the equipment, the training, and
the logistical support they need to carry out their duties and missions, and that they have peace of mind that their families are being taken care of when they're deployed to perilous places abroad.
We want the most effective and efficient modern military in the world. There is no argument and no debate over these priorities in this House. However, that doesn't mean we should just throw money at the Pentagon, which is infamous for wasting tens of billions of taxpayer dollars each and every year for as long as I can remember.
In these tough budget times, we need to be smart with our money, and that includes with our defense dollars. I strongly believe that we could make better choices if the Republican majority would recognize that we need to negotiate a balanced approach to our national budget in order to get rid of the harsh and indiscriminate cuts caused by sequestration and I appeal to them to appoint conferees so that we can begin negotiations with the Senate on the budget. Now, I thought that was a priority for the House Republican leadership, but clearly I was wrong, as they have let budget negotiations languish for months.
Now, in the absence of a balanced approach to the budget, which would have provided greater clarity to our defense priorities, I have several concerns about the fiscal year 2014 Defense appropriations bill.
First, the bill neither reflects the current levels of defense spending that are the result of the current sequestration, nor does it reflect the next round of potential sequestration cuts that will go into effect for FY 2014. This would be easier to understand if the Republican majority showed any inclination to go to conference with the Senate on the budget resolution or return to serious negotiations with the White House on an overarching budget agreement. But the Republican leadership has stated clearly, time and again, that it will not negotiate a balanced and comprehensive solution to resolve our overall budget spending, revenue and deficit issues.
While critical domestic priorities are facing deep cuts in other appropriations bills, and the Appropriations Committee is demanding sequestration cuts be included in these bills, the Defense bill sails on through relatively untouched. In reality, it's those painful and draconian cuts in the other appropriations bills that allow this Defense bill to emerge relatively unscathed.
So let me share with my House colleagues a few words from the Statement of Administration Policy on the Defense appropriations bill:
Enacting H.R. 2397--while adhering to the overall spending
limits in the House budget's top-line discretionary level for
fiscal year 2014--would hurt our economy and require
draconian cuts to middle class priorities. These cuts could
result in hundreds of thousands of low-income children losing
access to Head Start programs, tens of thousands of children
with disabilities losing Federal funding for their special
education teachers and aides, thousands of Federal agents who
cannot enforce drug laws, combat violent crime, or apprehend
fugitives, and thousands of scientists without medical
grants, which would slow research that could lead to new
treatments and cures for diseases like cancer and
Alzheimer's, and hurt America's economic competitiveness.
The statement goes on to say:
Unless this bill passes the Congress in the context of an
overall budget framework that supports our recovery and
enables sufficient investments in education, infrastructure,
innovation, and national security for our economy to compete
in the future, the President's senior advisers would
recommend that he veto H.R. 2397 and any other legislation
that implements the House Republican Budget framework.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to insert into the Record the Statement of Administration Policy on H.R. 2397.
Executive Office of the President, Office of Management
and Budget,
Washington, DC, July 22, 2013.
Statement of Administration Policy
H.R. 2397--Department of Defense Appropriations Act 2014
(Rep. Rogers, R-KY)
The President is committed to our national defense and
funding other important priorities within a budget framework
that strengthens our economy and advances middle-class
priorities. The Administration believes H.R. 2397, making
appropriations for the Department of Defense for the fiscal
year ending September 30, 2014, and for other purposes, funds
critical priorities, and looks forward to working on its
provisions as part of an acceptable budget framework.
However, enacting H.R. 2397, while adhering to the overall
spending limits in the House Budget's topline discretionary
level for fiscal year (FY) 2014, would hurt our economy and
require draconian cuts to middle-class priorities. These cuts
could result in hundreds of thousands of low-income children
losing access to Head Start programs, tens of thousands of
children with disabilities losing Federal funding for their
special education teachers and aides, thousands of Federal
agents who cannot enforce drug laws, combat violent crime or
apprehend fugitives, and thousands of scientists without
medical grants, which would slow research that could lead to
new treatments and cures for diseases like cancer and
Alzheimer's, and hurt America's economic competitiveness.
More than three months have passed since the deadline for
action and the Congress has yet to appoint conferees and
agree on a budget resolution. Prior to consideration of
appropriations bills the Congress should complete an
appropriate framework for all the appropriations bills.
Unless this bill passes the Congress in the context of an
overall budget framework that supports our recovery and
enables sufficient investments in education, infrastructure,
innovation and national security for our economy to compete
in the future, the President's senior advisors would
recommend that he veto H.R. 2397 and any other legislation
that implements the House Republican Budget framework.
The Administration would like to take this opportunity to
share additional views regarding the Committee's version of
the bill.
Sexual Assault Prevention and Response. The Administration
appreciates the support of the Committee in working to
eliminate the threat that sexual assault in the military
presents to our Service members and our national security.
Detainee Matters. The Administration strongly objects to
the provisions of sections 8107 and 8108 that limit the use
of funds to transfer detainees and otherwise restrict
detainee transfers, which, in certain circumstances, would
violate constitutional separation of powers principles.
Section 8107 undermines national security and this
unnecessarily constrains the Nation's counterterrorism
efforts, particularly where Federal courts are the best--or
even the only--option for incapacitating dangerous
terrorists. For decades, presidents of both political parties
have leveraged the flexibility and strength of this country's
Federal courts to incapacitate dangerous terrorists and
gather critical intelligence. The continued prosecution of
terrorists in Federal court is an essential element of
counterterrorism efforts--a powerful tool that must remain an
available option. Additionally, the restrictions in section
8108 on the transfer of detainees to the United States and to
the custody or effective control of foreign countries or
entities in the context of an ongoing armed conflict may
interfere with the Executive Branch's ability to determine
the appropriate disposition of detainees and to make
important foreign policy and national security determinations
regarding whether and under what circumstances such transfers
should occur.
In addition, the Administration strongly opposes section
8109, which would prohibit the use of funds to construct,
acquire, or modify a detention facility in the United States
to house individuals held in the detention facility at
Guantanamo Bay. This would constrain the flexibility that the
Nation's Armed Forces and counterterrorism professionals need
to deal with evolving threats, intruding upon the Executive
Branch's ability to carry out its mission.
Topline Funding Levels. The Administration strongly objects
to unrequested Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO) funding
in the bill and the reduction of base budget funding relative
to the President's request. The FY 2014 Budget carefully
aligns program priorities and resources based on the
President's strategic guidance, and it fully funds OCO
requirements.
Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC). The Administration
strongly urges the Congress to provide BRAC authorization and
funding as requested so that the Department of Defense (DOD)
can right-size its infrastructure while providing appropriate
transition assistance to affected communities. Without a new
round of BRAC, DOD cannot properly align the military's
infrastructure with the needs of its evolving force
structure, a critical tool for ensuring that limited
resources are available to the highest priorities of the
warfighter and national security.
TRICARE Fees and Co-Payments. The Administration strongly
urges the Congress to support its proposed TRICARE fee
increases, because military retirees deserve an excellent,
sustainable health care benefit. The Administration is
disappointed that the Committee has consistently failed to
support requested TRICARE fee initiatives that seek to
control DOD's spiraling health care costs while keeping
retired beneficiaries' share of these costs well below the
levels experienced when the TRICARE program was implemented
in the mid-1990s. While the bill restores the projected FY
2014 TRICARE savings associated with the initiatives, the
Department will be forced to make deeper reductions to troop
levels, readiness and modernization accounts in order to
offset higher health care costs of over $8 billion through FY
2018.
Military Pay. The Administration strongly urges the
Congress to include the proposal to set the military pay
raise growth at 1.0 percent in FY 2014. Consistent with the
views of the uniformed military leadership, the President's
Budget requests a 1.0 percent increase to basic pay, a 4.2
percent increase in the Basic Allowance for Housing, and a
3.4 percent increase in Basic Allowance for Subsistence. This
total compensation level recognizes the sacrifices made by
the men and women in our Armed Forces, while adhering to the
current budget constraints faced by DOD. The bill provides
$580 million in additional appropriations to fund the pay
raise in FY 2014, but it would increase costs by a total of
$3.5 billion from FY 2014 through FY 2018. After FY 2014,
these future costs would need to be offset by deeper
reductions to troop levels, readiness and modernization
accounts at a time when statutory spending caps require
defense reductions.
Building Partner Capacity. The Administration strongly
objects to reductions in funds for programs to build partner
capacity, which would limit the Department's ability to
address current and emerging threats to our national
security. The bill provides $83 million less than the $358
million requested for the Global Train and Equip program and
does not fund the request for $75 million for the Global
Security Contingency Fund.
National Intelligence Program Consolidation. The
Administration strongly objects to section 8105 because the
provision's prohibitions would impinge on the President's
prerogatives to seek efficient budget structures and unduly
constrain the President in future budget decisions.
Unrequested Funding. The Administration is concerned about
the billions of dollars provided for items DOD did not
request and does not need, such as Light Utility Helicopters,
National Guard High Mobility Multipurpose Wheeled Vehicles
(HMMWV), additional medical research, and the modernization
of seven cruisers and two amphibious ships. The
Administration is also concerned that the bill makes spending
on these and other unnecessary items statutorily required,
diverting scarce resources from more important defense
programs and limiting the Secretary's flexibility to manage
the Department efficiently.
C-130 Avionics Modernization Program (C-130 AMP). The
Administration objects to the $47 million in unrequested
funding provided for the C-130 AMP, which would start initial
production of C-130 AMP kits for the modernization of earlier
generation C-130 airlift aircraft. The President's FY 2013
Budget canceled the C-130 AMP because of its high total
program cost of $2.7 billion, and because the aircraft would
still be able to perform their missions with less expensive
upgrades. In addition, as required by the FY 2013 National
Defense Authorization Act, DOD is conducting an independent
cost-benefit analysis of the C-130 AMP, and it would be
premature to reinstate the program before that study is
complete.
Advanced Innovative Technologies. The Administration
objects to the $115 million cut for Advanced Innovative
Technologies, an 88 percent reduction from the President's
request, which funds on-going research and development
efforts that support the new Defense Strategy and the
rebalance to the Asia Pacific. Specifically, this program
supports initiatives that would provide cost-effective and
cost-imposing capabilities that are critical for meeting the
Combatant Commander's objectives in the region. This
capability is needed to address real world threats and full
funding is required to research, develop and test performance
of the Electromagnetic Railgun system.
Joint Urgent Operational Needs Fund (JUONF). The
Administration objects to the elimination of funding
requested for the JUONF. This funding is critical to DOD's
ability to quickly respond to urgent operational needs of
Combatant Commanders. Elimination of funding may delay
fielding of important capabilities that help accomplish
critical missions.
Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM)
Programs. The Administration objects to the restoration of
funding for the STARBASE program, which would perpetuate the
Federal Government's fragmented approach to STEM education,
whereby more than 220 programs are scattered across 13
agencies. The Administration's proposed reorganization of
STEM programs would improve STEM education quality and
outcomes across the Federal Government.
Defense Acquisition Workforce Development Fund (DAWDF). The
Administration opposes the reduction of $205 million from the
FY 2014 Budget request for the DAWDF. Failure to provide the
full request would require DOD to collect the shortfall
between the appropriation and the statutory minimum for DAWDF
from other budget accounts. In addition, the Administration
opposes appropriations language that would not allow use of
prior year expired funds for the FY 2014 DAWDF collection.
Components should be allowed to use these funds per the
authority provided in current law.
Civilian Pay Raise. The Administration urges the Congress
to support the proposed 1.0 percent pay increase for Federal
civilian employees. As the President stated in his FY 2014
Budget, a permanent pay freeze is neither sustainable nor
desirable.
Missile Defense. The Administration appreciates the support
for DOD's air and missile defense programs, as well as
support for the government of Israel's Iron Dome rocket
system.
Afghanistan Security Forces Fund. The Administration
appreciates the Committee's continued strong support for U.S.
efforts to build and develop the security forces of
Afghanistan. However, the Administration strongly urges the
Congress to make $2.6 billion of the $7.7 billion request
contingent upon pending policy decisions and the progress
made by the Afghan National Security Forces during FY 2014,
as requested in the President's Budget.
Limitation on Funds Available to Procure Equipment. The
Administration appreciates the support of the Committee for a
responsive and flexible program to train and equip the
security forces of Afghanistan. However, the Administration
is concerned that some of the limitations proposed in section
8119 will prevent the Department from meeting critical
equipment requirements and delivery timelines for the Afghan
National Security Forces and will unnecessarily increase
costs for the U.S. taxpayer. The Administration urges the
Congress to work with the Department to develop an
alternative approach.
The Administration looks forward to working with the
Congress as the FY 2014 appropriations process moves forward.
Finally, and most importantly, Mr. Speaker, this bill not only continues funding for the war in Afghanistan; it also increases the Overseas Contingency Operations account, adding $5 billion more above the Pentagon's request, for a total of $85.8 billion.
Now, let me see if I understand this correctly, Mr. Speaker. During the time period when the United States is significantly reducing the size of our forces in Afghanistan, and when we are withdrawing from the war, this bill actually adds $5.1 billion to the OCO account above and beyond what the Pentagon asked for.
That is simply crazy, Mr. Speaker. Maybe those extra billions will pay the $70-plus million exit tax that Afghanistan is demanding of the United States to pull out our military equipment. That's not fuzzy math, Mr. Speaker. The word for that is ``extortion.''
My colleague from Vermont (Mr. Welch) had an amendment that simply said that the American taxpayers aren't going to pay this extortion tax that Mr. Karzai is demanding. His amendment wasn't even made in order. It was germane, but it wasn't even made in order.
While I appreciate the language in the bill that none of these funds can be used for President Karzai's personal benefit, since we found out earlier this year that he was lining his pockets from a U.S. taxpayer- dollar slush fund, it certainly won't stop Karzai's government from squeezing every last dollar it can from the United States to carry out the military drawdown over the next 15 months.
Mr. Speaker, I am sick and I am tired of asking our brave servicemen and -women to fight and die for this corrupt government. While I hope to be surprised, I really have little faith that next year's parliamentary and presidential elections in Afghanistan will be free and fair, let alone usher in a new order committed to eliminating corruption and cronyism.
I am sick and tired of U.S. tax dollars being wasted in Afghanistan on military headquarters that will never be used, only to see them built and torn down.
I am sick and tired of building roads to nowhere or having our convoys pay a tax to transport troops and much-needed supplies to provinces outside of Kabul.
In brief, just like the overwhelming majority of the American people, I want to see this war brought to an end and our troops safely home, reunited with their families and loved ones, and contributing to home communities right here in the United States.
Let us be clear, Mr. Speaker: the $85.8 billion total for the OCO account is still designated ``emergency funding.'' That means it is all put on the national credit card. Not a penny of the hundreds of billions of dollars for this war has ever been paid for or offset or balanced with revenues from someplace else in the national budget.
We certainly do not need to add even more billions to the OCO account. What we need to do is to end this war as quickly as possible and bring our troops home.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, let me just remind my colleagues again why these are tough budgetary times. This Defense bill is being treated differently than appropriations bills that actually fund needs right here in the United States.
I would remind my colleagues that national defense also includes what happens here in the United States--whether people have housing, whether people have food, whether or not people have good health care, whether or not we have good roads and good bridges, whether or not we have jobs. All these domestic needs are being ignored. In fact, they are being obliterated by the Republican numbers in the appropriations process.
Mr. Speaker, at this point I would like to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).
I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to build on something that Mr. Welch of Vermont said here on the House floor about the lack of debate on Syria. As somebody who was here when the Afghanistan war began and when the Iraq war began, I believe that both of those wars were unnecessary. We ended up getting Osama bin Laden not in Afghanistan with 100,000 troops, but with a small well-trained group of Navy SEALs in Pakistan.
This notion that somehow our strength can only be measured by the number of troops we have overseas or the number of weapons that we send overseas I think is just crazy. I think the amount that we have spent on these wars that have been added to our debt have weakened our security. I think the fact that we have lost so many incredibly brave men and women to these conflicts is a tragedy.
What the gentleman from Vermont raised was the issue that I think is on a lot of our constituents' minds, and that is what is going to happen in Syria. The real problem with this rule, Mr. Speaker, can be seen in the debate surrounding Syria. There is a real split when it comes to Syria. There are some who don't believe we should get involved at all; and there are others, like Senator McCain, leading the Republicans over in the Senate, saying we ought to do more, we ought to get more involved in Syria.