I want to thank my colleague, Mr. Engel, for yielding me the time and for his leadership on this and on so many other issues of human rights. I also want to thank Chairman Royce for his support and…
I want to thank my colleague, Mr. Engel, for yielding me the time and for his leadership on this and on so many other issues of human rights. I also want to thank Chairman Royce for his support and Chairman Chabot. I appreciate all that you do for human rights.
I admire all of these gentlemen who are here on the floor. They have been outspoken for human rights, not only in Burma, but all around the world.
Mr. Speaker, I am very proud to rise in support of this resolution urging the Government of Burma to end the persecution of the Rohingya people and to respect internationally recognized human rights for all ethnic and religious minority groups within Burma.
I especially want to thank my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Congressman Joe Pitts, for his leadership on this issue and for joining me in introducing this bipartisan resolution.
Over 800,000 people of the Rohingya ethnicity live in Burma, mostly in the Rakhine State. Even though many Rohingyas have lived in the Rakhine for generations, the Burma citizenship law of 1982 has excluded them from approved ethnic groups, thereby rendering them stateless and vulnerable to exploitation, violence, and abuse.
While the Rohingya and other minorities in Burma have historically experienced severe discrimination, there has been a dramatic increase in discrimination and violence against them in the past 2 years.
Attacks in June and July of 2012 resulted in the deaths of at least 57 Muslims and in the destruction of 1,336 Rohingya homes. On October 23, 2012, at least 70 Rohingyas were killed, and their township was destroyed.
Further, the United Nations' High Commissioner for Human Rights reported possessing credible evidence of the deaths of at least 48 Rohingyas in January of this year, and human rights groups reported mass arrests and arbitrary detentions of Rohingya in the aftermath of this violence.
In addition, other Muslim minorities have also suffered from violent attacks, and many have lost their lives and property in the last year and a half. Such violence against ethnic Muslim populations, including the Rohingya, is part of a larger, troubling pattern of violence against ethnic and religious minorities in Burma.
The Government of Burma remains apathetic to the plight of the Rohingya population, and it has failed to properly investigate the major events of anti-Rohingya violence. Instead, both the Rakhine State and central government continue to impose explicitly racist policies that seek to control the everyday lives of the Rohingya.
Authorities require Rohingya to obtain official permission for marriages and have often singled out Rohingya for forced labor and arbitrary arrests. The Government of Burma has forcefully relocated Rohingya into relief camps, where they lack decent shelter, access to clean water, food, sanitation, health care, and the ability to support themselves, or basic education for their children.
The Rohingya are the sole targets of the two-child policy and are the subjects to severe restrictions of movement. Further, as evidenced by the latest census in Burma, the Burmese Government continues to deny the Rohingyas their right for self-identification, sending a clear message that the Rohingya are outsiders who have no place in Burma.
Today, approximately 140,000 Rohingya are internally displaced, and hundreds of thousands have fled to neighboring countries by boats; many have died at sea. Those who remain in the country live in dire poverty and deprivation.
Some relief used to come from humanitarian organizations like Doctors Without Borders, but even that aid is no longer available. The Government of Burma expelled Doctors Without Borders in March, allegedly after the group cared for the victims of a violent assault on a Rohingya village, an assault which the government denies ever happened.
Increasingly, severe restrictions and violent attacks on other humanitarian aid groups have forced the majority of them to flee the Rakhine State, and the Rohingya now remain with no one and with nowhere to turn for help and health care. Every day, more and more people die of causes that could be preventable or treatable if humanitarian groups had the chance to help.
According to a March 14 article in The New York Times, which I will submit for the Record, nearly 750,000 people, the majority of them Rohingya, have been deprived of medical services since the Burmese Government banned the operations of Doctors Without Borders.
According to the article, during the first 2 weeks of March alone, about 150 of those most vulnerable and in need of care died, including 20 pregnant women who were facing life-threatening deliveries.
[From the New York Times, Mar. 14, 2014]
Ban on Doctors' Group Imperils Muslim Minority in Myanmar
(By Jane Perlez)
Bangkok.--Nearly 750,000 people, most of them members of a
Muslim minority in one of the poorest parts of Myanmar, have
been deprived of most medical services since the government
banned the operations of Doctors Without Borders, the
international health care organization and the main provider
of medical care in the region.
The government ordered a halt to the work of Doctors
Without Borders two weeks ago after some officials accused
the group of favoring the Muslims, members of the Rohingya
ethnic group, over a rival group, Rakhine Buddhists.
Already, anecdotal evidence and medical estimates show that
about 150 of the most vulnerable have died since Feb. 28,
more than 20 of them pregnant women facing life-threatening
deliveries, medical professionals said. Doctors Without
Borders had been the only way for pregnant women facing
difficult deliveries to get a referral to a government
hospital, they said.
At the time of the order, the government said it was
suspending the group's operations in Rakhine State in the far
north, but it has offered no time frame for when services
might be resumed. The deputy director general of the Ministry
of Health, Dr. Soe Lwin Nyein, said in a statement that his
department would manage the health needs of the ``whole
community.'' A spokesman for President Thein Sein, Ye Htut,
said the government dispatched an emergency response team
with eight ambulances after the Doctors Without Borders
clinics were closed.
Myanmar's health services are among the most rudimentary in
Asia, and with severe government restrictions on movement
that prevent Muslims from seeking medical help outside their
villages in Rakhine State, the impact of the shutdown will be
severe, medical professionals said.
Doctors Without Borders was by far the biggest health
provider in the northern part of Rakhine around the townships
of Maungdaw and Buthidaung, serving about 500,000 people,
most of them Rohingya, they said. An additional 200,000
people, many of them Rohingya in displaced camps around the
state capital, Sittwe, had access to the group's services.
In Aung Mingla, a Muslim neighborhood in Sittwe, patients
with tuberculosis, a common disease in the area, said they
were down to their last supplies of medicine. The Rohingya
who live in Aung Mingla are prevented from leaving the
district by barbed-wire security posts and police officers.
``Since Doctors Without Borders is not in Rakhine, I don't
know who will provide medicine when my supply runs out in
three months,'' said one patient, Muklan, 30, who like many
people in Myanmar goes by a single name. ``I hope Doctors can
come back as soon as possible.''
Another Rohingya man, Shafiul, who worked for Doctors
Without Borders in Aung Mingla, said he was concerned for his
patients with tuberculosis, malaria and H.I.V. ``These
patients have been getting help from Doctors Without Borders
for years,'' he said.
In northern Rakhine State, where Doctors Without Borders
had run five permanent clinics and 30 mobile ones, about 20
percent of children are acutely malnourished, medical
professionals said. An intensive feeding center for those
patients was shuttered as part of the government's directive.
For the most part, Western donors and the United Nations
say they are reluctant to antagonize the government of
Myanmar, which has started along the path of economic and
political reform. The donors have chosen quiet diplomacy over
outspoken criticism of the government's policies toward the
Rohingya.
But the action against Doctors Without Borders raised some
public alarm.
``We are extremely concerned about the situation,'' said
Mark Cutts, the head of the United Nations Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Myanmar. ``We are in
intense discussion with the government in
a way that will allow operations to resume as soon as
possible.''
The deputy health director, Dr. Soe Lwin Nyein, said the
government would accept supplies of medicine for tuberculosis
and H.I.V. from Doctors Without Borders. But how these
supplies will be distributed remains unclear. Negotiations
are underway with the government over the distribution,
Western officials said.
Other international organizations, including the
International Committee of the Red Cross, which supports
government health centers around the towns of Sittwe and
Mrauk U, have been allowed to continue operations in Rakhine.
But Doctors Without Borders was by far the largest health
provider.
The government targeted the group after its rural clinics
provided treatment to 22 Muslims in the aftermath of a
rampage by Rakhine security officers and civilians in the
village of Du Chee Yar Tan in January. The United Nations
says 40 people were killed in the violence that night.
The government has denied that the deaths occurred, and on
Tuesday, a presidential commission sent to the village to
conduct an inquiry reported that it could find no evidence of
the killings. The commission was the third investigative
group sent by the government, and its findings matched those
of the previous inquiries.
After the killings in January, the government criticized
Doctors Without Borders for hiring Rohingya and said the
group was giving disproportionate attention to Rohingya
patients. Under state regulations in Rakhine, Rohingya are
prevented from visiting many of the state-run clinics.
Doctors Without Borders says it has treated patients in
Rakhine since 1994 regardless of ethnicity, and foreign aid
workers point out that the Rakhine Buddhist ethnic group has
access to government health facilities that are generally
denied to the Rohingya.
A radical Buddhist leader in Myanmar, Ashin Wirathu, who
has compared Muslims to dogs, arrived in Sittwe on Wednesday
for a five-day visit that was likely to stir anti-Muslim
sentiments further. In a sermon at the main Buddhist temple
Wednesday night, he said that if Western democracies were
allowed to have influence in Myanmar, the Rakhine people
would be overwhelmed by increasing numbers of Muslims, and
would eventually disappear.
The monk's visit appeared to be timed ahead of a national
census--the first in Myanmar in more than 30 years--that is
due to take place March 30 to April 10 across Myanmar.
Tensions during the census, funded in part by the United
Nations and the British government, are expected to be high
in Rakhine.
Rakhine politicians have said they oppose allowing the
Rohingya to identify themselves as Rohingya when they fill
out the census forms. If they did, the census would probably
show that their numbers are greater than the current estimate
of 1.3 million. The overall population is estimated at 60
million.
By shutting down Doctors Without Borders, the government is
ensuring that there will be fewer foreigners to witness any
outbreaks of violence during the census process, aid workers
said.
Mr. Speaker, when Doctors Without Borders was able to work in Rakhine, they sent approximately 400 emergency cases every month to local hospitals, but according to the World Health Organization, fewer than 20 people received referrals by the government for emergency care in March. Such a difference suggests that the Rohingya who are in desperate need of emergency care are left to suffer or to die.
In light of these disturbing events, it is important that the House speaks with one voice today and calls on the Government of Burma to end all forms of persecution and discrimination of the Rohingya people and to ensure respect for internationally recognized human rights for all ethnic and religious minority groups within Burma.
The Burmese Government needs to recognize the Rohingya as an ethnic group indigenous to Burma and work with the Rohingya to resolve their citizenship status.
Finally, the U.S. Government needs to make the removal of state- sanctioned discriminatory policies a priority in their engagement with the Government of Burma.
Let me be clear: the situation is dire and rapidly deteriorating. Multiple recognized independent human rights NGOs, as well as the U.N. Special Rapporteur on human rights in Burma, have stated that the series of actions directed at the Rohingyas in Burma could amount to crimes against humanity.
Further, a recent report by the U.S. NGO, United to End Genocide, states that nowhere in the world are there more precursors to genocide than in Burma right now.
In the past few weeks, we have all taken time to remember and commemorate the victims of the Armenian genocide, the Holocaust, and the genocide in Rwanda. We saw the same disturbing signs in other moments of history, and we know what the consequences are of not paying attention. Showing support for this bill is one step that we can take today to fulfilling the solemn pledge of ``never again.''
I urge my colleagues to vote in support of this bill.