Georgia Support Act

Mr. Speaker, I, for many, many decades, have had a strong and very deep commitment to the people of the Republic of Georgia. As a matter of fact, after Russia invaded South Ossetia and Abkhazia in 2008, I traveled to Tbilisi, and spent a week there, with a people at war.

As it turned out, there were three young people from my district who were stuck behind enemy lines. One being held up in and very fearful in Abkhazia, and two who were in South Ossetia. And when I went, several Members of Congress gave me names of people that were also behind the South Ossetia and Abkhazia Russia-dominated lines. It was very tense, with Chechens walking around with guns, drunk and committing atrocities. We were all concerned.

Within a week or so, we got all of the children out. We worked with the OSCE mission there, we worked with the International Committee of the Red Cross, and with the French, who had the chair in office that year for the European Union. That ambassador actually traveled to the place where the two children in South Ossetia were, put them in his car, and brought them to safety.

So, Georgia and the importance of our strong friendship with the Georgian people,

and their heroic resistance to Russia, has always been close to my heart.

And also, I note that past is prologue.

The same justifications Putin used for invading Crimea--that they were going in to liberate Russians--was the exact same pretext used in Georgia. What a lie and deception that was and is. Putin simply seeks to reconstitute the Soviet empire under himself.

So I'm very supportive of the intent behind the legislation.

I had offered an amendment at markup, which was voted down on strictly partisan lines, which I believe would have made this legislation more precise and also improved its chance for passage in the Senate.

Simply put, I had offered an amendment that would have replaced the vague and imprecise ``serious human rights abuses'' language with the phrase ``Gross violations of internationally-recognized human rights,'' which has a long-standing, defined meeting in U.S. law, as codified in the Foreign Assistance Act, 22 U.S.C. 2304(d)(1).

To wit, ``gross violations of internationally recognized human rights'' includes ``torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, prolonged detention without charges and trial, causing the disappearance of persons by the abduction and clandestine detention of those persons, and other flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty or the security of the person.''

The reason this is relevant is because recently, our colleagues across the aisle sought to import the imprecise ``serious human rights abuses'' language into the Global Magnitsky Act, and again had rejected offers to negotiate compromise language that would have tied such abuses to specific treaties the United States had ratified, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention Against Torture.

As a result, that held up passage of the Global Magnitsky Act, which otherwise had broad bipartisan support in the Senate, and caused a stalemate until the parties agreed to revert to the previous, precisely-defined ``gross violations of internationally-recognized human rights'' language.

Similarly, this Georgia bill otherwise enjoys broad bipartisan support, but for the vague and imprecise formulation, which now will likely have to be fixed in the Senate.

I also note that I had tried to find a solution which could have kept the ``serious human rights abuses'' language, but would have tied it to abuses that were specified elsewhere in the legislation so as to avoid vagueness, namely ``detentions, kidnappings, and other human rights violations committed in the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region/South Ossetia forcibly occupied by the Russian Federation including [] recent killings' and similar violations of human rights.''

My colleagues across the aisle, I anticipate will again say that we have used ``serious human rights abuses'' in other country- and region- specific legislation. Leaving aside the fact that that was before the recent attempted Global Magnitsky partisan end run, I would also point out that ``serious human rights abuses'' were tied to specific abuses specified in the legislation at issue.

Thus in past legislation we called out ``serious abuse or violation of human rights against persons associated with the protests in Nicaragua that began on April 18, 2018,'' or ``serious human rights abuses connected with forced labor'' in Xinjiang.

That was all that we were asking for here--either adopt a precise statutory definition, ``gross violations of internationally-recognized human rights,'' or tie ``serious human rights abuses'' to what is specified in the legislation.

But instead, we got a party line vote and a raw exercise of power, marring what should have been a unified statement of support of the Republic of Georgia and opposition to the butcher Vladimir Putin.

I have been in Congress for over 40 years. I have been in the minority, and I have been in the majority. On bills like this, we used to try to find unity.

I am sad to say that the raw exercise of political power that we have seen with regard to both the Global Magnitsky bill and this Georgia Support Act, and the unwillingness to seek compromise in the face of legitimate concerns that an ideologically-driven administration could use vague language to pursue an agenda that is not shared by over half the country, has disappointed me.

I am not going to oppose this bill, given the larger context of support for the oppressed people of Georgia. Majorities come, and majorities go. I wish that my colleagues across the aisle had been willing to compromise and find common ground, but they did not.

With passage, it is on to the Senate.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 923) to support the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Georgia, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 923, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today as the author of the Georgia Support Act and as co-chair of the Congressional Georgia Caucus to express my support for this legislation, which we introduced with my Republican colleague and Georgia Caucus co-chair, Mr. Adam Kinzinger of Illinois.

Mr. Speaker, this legislation has twice passed the House with broad bipartisan support. This bipartisan effort enhances the U.S.-Georgia relationship on several fronts by bolstering security assistance, promoting democratic governance reforms, enhancing cooperation to fight Russian disinformation, and strengthening economic ties.

Mr. Speaker, it is appropriate, as Russia continues its tragic and horrific invasion of sovereign Ukrainian territory, that we reflect on 2008 and the invasion by Russia and continued occupation of sovereign Georgian territory in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

To this day, Russian troops committing abhorrent violations of human rights, international humanitarian law, and war crimes in sovereign Ukrainian territory are the same troops that have fomented unrest, aided separatist movements, and committed clear and evident violations of human rights for the past 14 years in the Russian-occupied parts of Georgia.

This bill directs the United States Government to enforce targeted sanctions on malign actors committing these violations in Russian- occupied territory.

The Georgia Support Act also requires the administration to examine how best we can utilize the $35 million or more of United States aid that we provide Georgia in security assistance every year and reinforces U.S. policy to never recognize Russian sovereignty over Georgia territory.

As the number one per capita contributor of forces in Afghanistan, Georgia has demonstrated its dedication to security cooperation with the West. The United States must continue to reciprocate by helping Georgia develop the capacity to defend itself against further incursion of Russian forces.

Mr. Speaker, attacks on Georgian sovereignty have not been simply through the occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, as bad as that is. This bill directs the administration to enhance cooperation with our Georgian partners to help them defend themselves from the various cyberattacks and disinformation and propaganda campaigns Russia has launched with the goal of undermining the sovereignty and democratic institutions of the Country of Georgia.

Mr. Speaker, I traveled to Tbilisi numerous times, both with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, of which I am President, and with the House Democracy Partnership to meet with government officials, civil society, and the Georgian people.

I am pleased that this iteration of the Georgia Support Act seeks to buttress Georgian democratic institutions through U.S. democracy and governance programs that promote Georgian judicial independence, electoral reforms, freedom of the press, and accountability for attacks on independent media and Tbilisi Pride activists in 2021.

This legislation provides an opportunity for the United States to express its robust, bipartisan support for Georgia's sovereignty, continued democratic and economic development, and security against renewed Russian aggression.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the Georgia Support Act, and I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives,

Committee on the Judiciary,

Washington, DC, April 21, 2022.

Hon. Gregory Meeks,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,

House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Meeks: This letter is to advise you that the

Committee on the Judiciary has now had an opportunity to

review the provisions in H.R. 923, the ``Georgia Support

Act,'' that fall within our Rule X jurisdiction. I appreciate

your consulting with us on those provisions. The Judiciary

Committee has no objection to your including them in the bill

for consideration on the House floor, and to expedite that

consideration is willing to forgo action on H.R. 923, with

the understanding that we do not thereby waive any future

jurisdictional claim over those provisions or their subject

matters.

In the event a House-Senate conference on this or similar

legislation is convened, the Judiciary Committee reserves the

right to request an appropriate number of conferees to

address any concerns with these or similar provisions that

may arise in conference.

Please place this letter into the Congressional Record

during consideration of the measure on the House floor. Thank

you for the cooperative spirit in which you have

worked regarding this matter and others between our

committees.

Sincerely,

Jerrold Nadler,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I thank my friend for his support. And I think it is very important that there be a clarion statement from this Congress, not only about Ukraine, but about other nations that are threatened by Russian aggression; Georgia and Moldova are two of the most prominent.

It is critical that the Congress speak with one voice to those nations, to those peoples, and to Vladimir Putin and Russia, should he have further designs on either of those two countries.

So I think this is an important piece of legislation. I urge its passage, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support as well of H.R. 923, the Georgia Support Act.

Since Russia invaded Georgia in 2008, Putin has illegally occupied 20 percent of Georgia's territory, embroiling Georgia in an existential battle for its sovereignty.

The ongoing, flagrant invasion of Ukraine proves that Putin will stop at nothing to accomplish his heinous goals. Our allies in Georgia need strong U.S. support now more than ever. It must be made abundantly clear to Putin that the American people stand with Georgia and will not tolerate a further incursion into Georgia's territory.

This bill will reaffirm U.S. support for Georgia's independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity by authorizing a review of security assistance to Georgia to determine key capability gaps, as well as looking at U.S.-Georgia cybersecurity cooperation and assistance to combat Russian disinformation.

Russian meddling in Georgia's political processes and active disinformation campaigns continue to threaten Georgia's democratic trajectory.

But critically, the bill also addresses the need for Georgia to maintain its focus on democracy and governance development in order to stay on its Euro-Atlantic path.

Finally, this bill authorizes the President to impose sanctions on individuals responsible for human rights abuses in Georgia's occupied territories, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

By erecting and constantly moving the border further into Georgia's territory, restricting freedom of movement and conducting arbitrary detentions, killings, and kidnappings, Putin has jeopardized the lives of all Georgians on both sides of the boundary line with his occupied territories.

Passing this bill is a timely opportunity to show support for an ally that has been on the front line of Putin's belligerence for well over a decade.

I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, we cannot allow Putin to believe he can turn to Georgia next after his despicable invasion of Ukraine. Georgia, a longstanding U.S. partner in a tough neighborhood, has for too long been on the front line of Putin's unchecked aggression.

This bill passed in the House the last two Congresses by an overwhelming bipartisan majority, and I urge my colleagues to support our Georgian allies yet again.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.