Madam Speaker, I thank my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Neguse), who does a wonderful job, as well as my friend, my fellow Pennsylvanian, Mr. Cartwright. I am glad to be…
Madam Speaker, I thank my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Neguse), who does a wonderful job, as well as my friend, my fellow Pennsylvanian, Mr. Cartwright.
I am glad to be here in this good fight with them, but I wish we didn't have to be here fighting this fight. I mean, why do we do this to ourselves?
Here is what I mean. Congress does a lot of dumb things, historically, year in, year out. I think most people would agree on that.
But of all the dumb things Congress does, this repeated political food fight over the debt ceiling is without question the dumbest, the most unnecessary, and the potentially most dangerous.
Now, I want to point out, for the record, almost no other country on Earth even has this concept of the debt ceiling. In the few that do, none of them--none of them--have this sort of political fight where a figurative sword of Damocles is hanging over the entire country and its economy. It makes no sense, and there is no benefit to it, none.
Now, year in, year out, when we have this, again, dumb and unnecessary debate over the debt ceiling, a lot of people, especially people who have been in town for a while, will say, somewhat cynically: Well, you know, eventually, they are going to raise it. What is the fuss? Eventually, they are going to raise it.
Sure enough, every single time, it has finally been raised. But that kind of fight over seeing which side will give in first, that sort of political game of chicken, has a real cost.
I want to cite this figure. It was 10 years ago, almost exactly 10 years ago, that we came the closest to not raising the debt ceiling. It was in the summer, late summer of 2011. The GAO found that that delay in raising the debt limit, that sort of uncertainty as we approached the deadline, that increased the Treasury's borrowing costs by $1.3 billion.
Just imagine what we could do right now with $1.3 billion, what that would mean for my constituents in Pennsylvania or constituents in Colorado or in any State or any district in the country.
This has a real cost and, of course, if we were to ever go over the edge and fall off, the effects, not just for the United States but for the worldwide economy, would be devastating.
On the Ways and Means Committee, I have had the opportunity to interrogate a number of Treasury Secretaries over the years. Whether it was Trump's Treasury Secretary, Mr. Mnuchin, or President Biden's Treasury Secretary, Ms. Yellen, both have given almost verbatim answers when I asked them about what the consequences would be if we actually did ultimately default.
Here we are again at this point. Madam Speaker, what I want to do then is solve this problem, not just for this latest instance, but for all future ones. So I am introducing legislation this week, along with Budget Committee Chairman Yarmuth, the two of us.
Our bill works like this. It would give to the Treasury Secretary, now and in the future, the ability to raise the debt ceiling. If Congress disagreed with that decision, Congress could always overrule it by passage in the House and the Senate. But the authority would rest where it should, with the Treasury Secretary. This just makes sense.
It would eliminate, once and for all, this dumb political food fight. It would also ensure that this is taken out of the political realm and put where, frankly, it should have rested back in the beginning, over at Treasury.
Now, I have had a bill for years now, in many different sessions of Congress, to just scrap the debt ceiling altogether. The way it is practiced today was in no way envisioned when it came into existence almost 80 years ago.
But I understand the practical political realities of that, so we are pragmatically putting in this alternate approach, this different piece of legislation.
I would urge those in the House and Senate for whom raising the debt ceiling might be a politically difficult vote to consider this piece of legislation so that you, yourself, don't have to vote to raise the debt ceiling, but that the appropriate official, the head of Treasury, would have that authority, again, still reserving for Congress the ability to intervene if, for some reason in the future, we were to ever disagree with the decision of a future Treasury Secretary.
Madam Speaker, I include in the Record an op-ed that I wrote on this subject just about a month or two ago, and I would urge all colleagues of mine, in the House and the Senate, to stop playing politics with this issue.
The Debt Ceiling: A Broken Mechanism
Why do we keep doing this to ourselves?
Congress finds itself in an all too familiar position:
working against the clock to reach a deal on the debt
ceiling. Failure to raise the debt ceiling would bring
default on our nation's debt, and likely worldwide economic
collapse.
I can't help but feel a sense of deja vu as I remember this
scene unraveling two years ago, and too many times to count
before that.
The debt ceiling was created to put a cap on what the
government can borrow--in order to pay its own bills. The
government issues debt. Congress sets that debt limit. This
explains why the debt ceiling needs to be raised or suspended
continuously. According to the Congressional Budget Office,
the government currently is $28.5 trillion in debt within
this self-imposed limit. When the limit is reached, the
Treasury Department can no longer pay its bills and risks
defaulting on its own debt obligations.
Looking back at its own history, the debt ceiling has been
raised over 100 times. What once may have been a helpful
lever that could be used in a thoughtful way is no more. That
noble function, if it ever existed, is but a thing of the
past.
Instead, it has become highly politicized, costly, and
downright dangerous.
Even if the debt ceiling is ultimately raised, just the
uncertainty alone is costly. During the 2011 debt ceiling
negotiations, in which a compromise was struck only two days
before Treasury's borrowing authority would be exhausted, the
GAO found the delay in raising the debt limit led to an
increase in Treasury's borrowing costs of $1.3 billion.
The debt ceiling does nothing but create pointless panic,
harming workers and businesses that fuel our economy.
Factoring in our current recovery from the pandemic economy
only exacerbates this self-inflicted Crisis.
Many people have lost jobs or seen household incomes
drastically cut. The June 2021 data from the Census Bureau
revealed there are 25 million people who are unemployed, or
who live with an unemployed family member. There is a lot at
stake out there.
It's clear we need to do everything we can to protect the
integrity and fabric of our economy. Our current process of
``governing by a deadline'' does the opposite. The debt
ceiling, and the recurring havoc it brings, is a completely
broken mechanism.
With Democrats in full control of the White House and
Congress, we must seize the opportunity to finally fix this
flawed policy--by simply getting rid of it. This is why I
have introduced legislation, House Resolution 1041, to kill
the debt ceiling once and for all.
The time is now to make this common-sense change. We cannot
wait a few more years. We need to work together to implement
smart fiscal policies that grow our economy, and don't
threaten to destroy it.
It is long past time to permanently retire this sword of
Damocles.
Yes, that is correct. It would apply to the Treasury Secretary, who currently is a Democrat, but also in the future, for years and years to come. So, inevitably, over the course of the decades and centuries, there would be plenty of Democratic and Republican Treasury Secretaries who would equally have that ability.
If you don't mind, I want to answer in a slightly different way your question. I will tell what you Secretary Mnuchin said because that answer is more memorable to me.
This was a couple of years ago, obviously. It was at least a couple of years ago now, and he was testifying in front of the House Ways and Means Committee, on which I serve.
He was testifying in front of the House Ways and Means Committee, on which I serve. And I asked him: What would the specific tangible consequences be if we failed to raise our debt ceiling?
For a couple of seconds, he just kind of paused, and he said: Congressman, the consequences would be so dire, just so unimaginable, that it is really hard to articulate just how bad it would be.
So even he had difficulty going into the sort of ramifications that it would have.
I was going to remind everyone--of course, as the gentleman knows--this was President Trump's appointed Treasury Secretary who was saying this.
Madam Speaker, one thing I want to make clear, as Mr. Neguse very eloquently did, is that the position on this side of the aisle has been completely consistent, regardless of the political party of the occupant of the White House.
I voted every single time to raise the debt ceiling while Donald Trump was President. I have served for 7 years, so 4 of those years under a Republican President, 3 of those years under a Democratic President. In fact, the majority of the votes I have cast to raise the debt ceiling have been under a Republican administration. For many of my colleagues on this side of the aisle, they can say the same thing.
So I am being completely consistent; those of us on this side of the aisle are being completely consistent. It is the other side, especially in the Senate, that is playing this political game that is so dangerous and so unnecessary.