Condemning and censuring Representative Louie Gohmert of Texas.

Mr. Speaker, it is always important to have an opportunity to speak to our colleagues and as well the American people. Tonight, I will dwell on questions of human rights, challenges to those human

rights and the legacy of the undermining of human rights even in America that will include aspects of such indignities around the world.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Sarbanes) who will start with a discussion on a longstanding and well-known historic violations of human rights.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his leadership. We must always remember that human rights are equal to human dignity.

So it is my privilege tonight to stand to discuss the value of recognizing human dignity. As I do so, let me add to an earlier discussion that reflects on giving our children human dignity.

Isn't it amazing how children have suffered in the course of the most recent history depredation of wealth, and so they have been ensconced in poverty, they have been hungry, and they have been without a good education? These are children in America. We can speak about children around the world. They have had little access to broadband technology, and they have suffered in their housing provisions, if you will.

So I am very proud to just start out by, again, applauding the American Rescue Act and also the life-changing impact of the child tax credit. I don't think we can do that enough. And children of color have been at the front of the line and we are able to help with food and childcare, diapers, healthcare, clothing, taxes.

Poor, working, and middle class families are able to receive the same amount. You will see, Mr. Speaker, where I am going on this because we don't do this in anger. We don't do this because we are mad. We do this because it is righting the wrong, as one of my colleagues said.

This will provide $250 per month, per child and $300 per month for every young child. That means children under 5. All families in my district will be able to feel more secure. Let me run through these numbers because they are stunning.

The 18th Congressional District in Houston, Texas, Mr. Speaker, 91.7 percent of children in my district will gain from the expanded and improved child tax credit. I know that because I have been immersed in childcare education events.

We have been in a church, we have been at my Federal building, we have been up and down on the radio, we have been everywhere we could be to ensure that we did it with humor, with seriousness, with compassion, being out on the street corners along with trying to encourage people to get vaccinated. We have been saying: Get ready for the child tax credit President Biden and the Democratic Congress worked so hard on.

Mr. Speaker, 91.7 percent of the children will gain in my district. That is 202,800 children.

I have schools in my district that are 100 percent at risk, and they eat breakfast, lunch, and dinner. There is no shame to helping children. Behind those children are parents who are suffering. These dollars will help these parents have dignity, their children have dignity, and their children have resources.

The average benefit for 56,700 households in my district--Houston, I hope you are listening--is $3,500.

If you have not filed your taxes in the 2019 year, you can immediately get help from my office at 713-655-0050 or the IRS tax advocacy team, also in my building of 1919 Smith Street in Houston, Texas.

Don't miss the opportunity for your own human dignity. It is not a handout. It is a hand up. The expanded and improved child tax credit lifts 21,800 children in my district out of poverty. Because of the larger benefits for the youngest, 8,400 kids under the age of 6 are raised out of poverty. That has expanded across America where millions of children face a new day.

Families with children in poverty receive $5,300 on average, and they are getting some 6,500 children in my district out of deep poverty. We know now that we are engaged in the appropriations process. I thank Chairwoman DeLauro and all of the appropriators for their work. We know how important it is if you are going to do something in life, this year, 2021, in the aftermath of COVID-19, this is the year to do it with the appropriations bill. This is the year to do it. Again, my theme: a sense of dignity.

And where does that take me now? Well, I must deviate for a moment, Mr. Speaker, to just indicate that I think the Biden-Harris team has brought to America a sense of compassion. It has turned anger and ugly words into reaching out to people where they are. That could mean people who oppose them. But they reach out to them where they are, and they reach them with a sense of understanding and acceptance that they must cast leadership for all of America, even if people disagree with them.

So my good friend was here on the floor--I am sorry that he has left--but I want to emphasize that Vice President Kamala Harris is doing an excellent job on some very tough issues. She is meeting on voting rights and meeting with any number of persons. I want to remind America that Texas Democratic State representatives who had some medical mishaps here or medical circumstances with COVID-19--no one is immune--are still here fighting so that we can have voting rights.

She has met with all of them. She is deeply engaged in making sure that we work together as a Congress to get voting rights done along with the Congressional Black Caucus Chairwoman Beatty and all of us as Members who are standing ready. So she is doing an excellent job. And I will tell you, living on the border myself, living in Texas, in the region, having gone to the border over and over again, she is doing a job that should be done that others are not doing, getting into the weeds and understanding what the President's

path should be as we go forward on immigration reform.

She has been to the Northern Triangle. That is the heart of where the issues start, and they are working to discern how they can best stop the massive flow of migrants, immigrants, who are in fear of their lives living in the countries that they are living in. These are tough issues, and I just want to say thank you to Vice President Kamala Harris, because some people misunderstand and think that it is just an easy thing to do.

My word from Texas on her trip was excellent, and that people were receptive to her intellect, her compassion, and her willingness to get the job done. And the job will be done.

So as I say that, I indicated this will be a night about human rights. And so I want to give you a little education about legislation that we are so pleased about. Can you imagine, H.R. 40, the Commission to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African-Americans having nearly 200 sponsors, cosponsors of individuals who have come from many parts of the country. And so I am speaking to my colleagues who happen to be Republicans, and I want to give them the opportunity to realize just what this bill is.

I heard someone say ``restoration,'' and I heard someone say ``repair,'' and they are right. My good friend, the Honorable Barbara Lee, we are working in tandem together, working in tandem on H. Res. 19, which is reconciliation and restoration, and then the bill, H.R. 40, legislation to create a commission that would study effectively slavery, and as well then develop reparation proposals. Again, restoration, repair.

Let us remove ourselves from any sort of shackle on the question of reparations. Let us be understanding of someone else's pain, someone else's history; that is, in fact, American history. So I hold up this bill, because I said I would do show and tell, H.R. 40. Look at the pile of Members here as original cosponsors, and they have been coming on and on, and I want to just say thank you to my friends and colleagues who have thoughtfully felt the need to say how do we heal America's systemic racism; and how do we heal institutional racism; how do we ignore what is, in fact, truth.

Now, I think most of you know I could not stand here without saying thank you to the 415 Members of Congress who voted along with the United States Senate on Juneteenth. Do you realize that Juneteenth is the first time America has acknowledged the history of slavery? In 1865, those of us west of the Mississippi just got the word from the Union soldiers with General Granger that we were free by General Order No. 3.

Juneteenth is a commemoration of that. And I want everyone to know that, frankly, 47 States have already been celebrating in their own way Juneteenth. After 38 years, we have a new Federal holiday called Juneteenth, which gives America and little schoolchildren the opportunity to ask their dad or their teacher: What is Juneteenth? That was holding people in bondage, but it was setting them free.

After the bloodiest war, brothers against brothers, the Civil War, where Abraham Lincoln so emotionally indicated: ``A house divided cannot stand,'' but General Granger came and Sam Collins held a magnificent celebration on June 19 in Houston, in Galveston, in that region where I represent, and the mural was unveiled by a magnificent artistic team led by Reginald Adams out of Third Ward, Texas, which is Houston, which is where my congressional district is, and it told the story of the freedom of these slaves. And we repeated General Order No. 3 which says, ``equality of personal rights'' but the biggest thing it said was, ``the slaves are free.'' And that we insist upon equality of rights. That is all that H.R. 40 is about.

Are we to deny equality of rights? That was in General Order No. 3. That is what the President, unfortunately, being assassinated, President Abraham Lincoln sent General Granger down to read to the slaves who had worked and been beaten for 2\1/2\ more years.

It is important that we not ignore what slavery was all about. This is the whelped and beaten back and scarred back of a slave. Let us be clear. Bondage, we are the only group of Americans that have been held in bondage in this Nation, and we have been held or were held in bondage longer than this country has been a nation. For 246 years, we were held in bondage, and we only celebrated our 245th birthday.

So I am here to be able to, very briefly, run you through a brief history. Let me do this. Let me first of all talk about the words of Gary Abernathy, who proudly says that he is a conservative.

And Mr. Speaker, how much time do I have remaining, please?

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate it, only to make sure that I can now flow with the concept of the time.

But the headline reads: ``Why I support reparations--and all conservatives should.''

I know my friends are listening here on the other side. Gary Abernathy. And I will take some excerpts from this. He acknowledges that he is a conservative. And I can venture to say that his credentials can be documented.

But he says, in spite of the bill that I have offered--has an apology--he takes note of that, he even indicates that he may not be that enthusiastic about that. But he says, ``In fact, it could be argued that the idea fits within the conservative philosophy,'' meaning that the notion of reparations is worth discussing because he says, ``In fact, it could be argued that the idea fits the conservative philosophy.''

He goes on to say, ``But it is undeniable that White people have disproportionately benefited from both the labor and the legacy of slavery, and--crucially--will continue to do so for generations to come.''

None of this is said with anger. It is only setting forth facts. When slavery was abolished after a bloody Civil War, African Americans were dispersed into a world that was overtly hostile to them. ``Reconstruction efforts were bitterly resisted by most Southern Whites, and attempts to educate and employ former slaves happened only in fits and starts.''

Remember, this is a group of people in the millions who simply were set free. Freedom is precious. We cannot deny how precious freedom was, how sweet it was, but they were given nothing; nothing to start their lives, and they came into the hostility of people who really didn't want them to be free. That was the bulk of the South, and many parts of the North. ``The government even reneged on its `40 acres and a mule' pledge. After slavery, prejudice and indifference continued to fuel social and economic disparity.''

Be reminded of the whipped back of this Black man, this slave. And there were whipped backs of women and children. They lived through this through no fault of their own. They worked and toiled in the fields. They made cotton king. They built the economic engine of this Nation. They created a transatlantic slave trade. They sent millions of dollars from the South to the Wall Street banks, and we built America.

They built this place where I stand, the United States Capitol, with their bare hands, and they built the White House. What else could they have built?

And so when slavery was abolished, there was silence. It has been represented that there is a gap of $17,600 shows the median Black household net worth, to a $174,000 wage of the average American or White family.

When parents offered gifts to help children buy a home, avoid student debt, or start a business, those children are more able to retain and build on their wealth over their lifetimes. I think we just saw a very unique occasion today regarding space. I would not in any way say anything but congratulations, but one of those persons paid $27 million to be on that historic moment. Calculate that. It is a personal payment. It wasn't government.

And, again, I celebrate the occasion, but juxtapose that against where we are or where African Americans are. Randall Robinson made the point that even affirmative action would never close the economic gap. ``Blacks, even middle-class Blacks, have no paper assets to speak of. They may be salaried, but they're only a few months away from poverty if they should lose those jobs . . . ''

And many times the ravages of discrimination and segregation are intertwined in law, and they may lose their jobs.

And so this conservative author believes in reparations. And he believes that this can be done with a fair amount of dollars, but there is more to it, as you will hear me say, because it is not about money.

He concludes by saying: ``It is a tenet of conservatism that a level playing field is all we should guarantee. But that's meaningless if one team starts with an unsurmountable lead before play even begins.''

I think LBJ said: If you want to tell people about a fair race, meaning a running race, and one fellow or lady has shackles around their ankles and the whistle blows, get ready, go, it is not a fair race because one runner is freed and has all of the elements of freedom, and the ability to do great things, and one is running with leg irons on.

So as we look at how we can as a nation, a community come together, I don't know how many times I want to raise the question that we are not doing this in anger. H.R. 40, first introduced by John Conyers, is an international concept. It just means repair. It means doing the right thing, healing, dealing with injustices. It will not be painful.

But let me tell you why this legislation is not painful, because it is a study that will give us a roadmap and it will be done with academicians and those who are appointed by government leaders, and they will be balanced and they will be responsible and they will be thorough.

Why do we think we need it?

Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the article from Gary Abernathy, Washington Post contributing columnist.

[From the Washington Post, Apr. 22, 2021]

Opinion: Why I Support Reparations--and All Conservatives Should

(By Gary Abernathy, Contributing columnist)

Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) is among the progressive

lawmakers whose blunt, liberal outspokenness regularly annoys

me. Recently, she particularly upset me while discussing the

latest congressional study of reparations for descendants of

enslaved people, when she said, ``If you through your history

benefited from that wrong that was done, then you must be

willing to commit yourself to righting that wrong.'' Only

this time I was bothered because her comments hit home. Like

most conservatives, I've scoffed at the idea of reparations

or a formal apology for slavery. I did not own slaves, so why

would I support my government using my tax dollars for

reparations or issuing an apology? Further, no one in the

United States has been legally enslaved since 1865, so why

are Black people today owed anything more than the same

freedoms and opportunities that I enjoy?

I remain unconvinced that an apology would have much real

value, but the more substantive notion of reparations is

worth discussing. In fact, it could be argued that the idea

fits within the conservative philosophy. We'll come back to

that. But it is undeniable that White people have

disproportionately benefitted from both the labor and the

legacy of slavery, and--crucially--will continue to do so for

generations to come.

When slavery was abolished after a bloody civil war,

African Americans were dispersed into a world that was

overtly hostile to them. Reconstruction efforts were bitterly

resisted by most Southern Whites, and attempts to educate and

employ former slaves happened only in fits and starts. The

government even reneged on its ``40 acres and a mule''

pledge. After slavery, prejudice and indifference continued

to fuel social and economic disparity.

The result is unsurprising. As noted by scholars A. Kirsten

Mullen and William A. Darity Jr., co-authors of ``From Here

to Equality: Reparations for Black Americans in the Twenty-

First Century,'' data from the 2016 Survey of Consumer

Finances showed that median Black household net worth

averaged $17,600--a little more than one-tenth of median

White net worth. As Mullen and Darity write, ``white parents,

on average, can provide their children with wealth-related

intergenerational advantages to a far greater degree than

black parents. When parents offer gifts to help children buy

a home, avoid student debt, or start a business, those

children are more able to retain and build on their wealth

over their own lifetimes.''

Black author and activist Randall Robinson has argued that

even laws such as those on affirmative action ``will never

close the economic gap. This gap is structural. . . . blacks,

even middle-class blacks, have no paper assets to speak of.

They may be salaried, but they're only a few months away from

poverty if they should lose those jobs, because . . . they've

had nothing to hand down from generation to generation

because of the ravages of discrimination and segregation,

which were based in law until recently.''

In addition to the discrepancy in inherited wealth, even

conservatives should be able to acknowledge that Whites enjoy

generational associations in the business world, where who

you know often counts more than what you know--a reality

based not so much on overt racism as on employment and

promotion patterns within old-school networks that Blacks

lack the traditional contacts to consistently intersect.

For now, support for reparations is anemic. A House

Judiciary Committee bill creating a commission to merely

study the idea was opposed last week by 17 Republicans,

though all 25 Democrats on the committee voted for it; and

just 1 in 5 respondents in a Reuters/Ipsos poll last June

agreed that the United States should use tax dollars for

reparations--not shocking, when a price tag of $10 trillion

has been suggested.

The cost can be debated, along with the mechanics of a

compensation package. But in the current drunken haze of

government spending, appropriating trillions for the noble

purpose of bringing Black Americans who remain economically

penalized by the enslavement of their ancestors closer to the

fiscal universe of White citizens surely seems less

objectionable than some recent spending proposals.

It is a tenent of conservatism that a level playing field

is all we should guarantee. But that's meaningless if one

team starts with an unsurmountable lead before play even

begins.

It's not necessary to experience ``White guilt'' or buy

into the notion of ``White privilege,'' a pejorative that to

me suggests Whites possess something they should lose, when

in fact such benefits should extend to all. Supporting

reparations simply requires a universal agreement to work

toward, as Jayapal said, ``righting that wrong.''

Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a Washington Post article, ``U.N. rights chief: Reparations needed for people facing racism.''

[From the Washington Post, June 28, 2021]

UN Rights Chief: Reparations Needed for People Facing Racism

(By Jamey Keaten)

Geneva (AP)--The U.N. human rights chief, in a landmark

report launched after the killing of George Floyd in the

United States, is urging countries worldwide to do more to

help end discrimination, violence and ) systemic racism

against people of African descent and ``make amends'' to

them--including through reparations.

The report from Michelle Bachelet, the U.N. High

Commissioner for Human rights, offers a sweeping look at the

roots of centuries of mistreatment faced by Africans and

people of African descent, notably from the transatlantic

slave trade. It seeks a ``transformative'' approach to

address its continued impact today.

The report, a year in the making, hopes to build on

momentum around the recent, intensified scrutiny worldwide

about the blight of racism and its impact on people of

African descent as epitomized by the high-profile killings of

unarmed Black people in the United States and elsewhere.

``There is today a momentous opportunity to achieve a

turning point for racial equality and justice,'' the report

said.

The report aims to speed up action by countries to end

racial injustice; end impunity for rights violations by

police; ensure that people of African descent and those who

speak out against racism are heard; and face up to past

wrongs through accountability and redress.

I am calling on all states to stop denying--and start

dismantling--racism; to end impunity and build trust; to

listen to the voices of people of African descent; and to

confront past legacies and deliver redress,'' Bachelet said

in a video statement.

While broaching the issue of reparation in her most

explicit way yet, Bachelet suggested that monetary

compensation alone is not enough and would be part of an

array of measures to help rectify or make up for the

injustices.

``Reparations should not only be equated with financial

compensation,'' she wrote, adding that it should include

restitution, rehabilitation, acknowledgement of injustices,

apologies, memorialization, educational reforms and

``guarantees'' that such injustices won't happen again.

Bachelet, a former president of Chile, hailed the efforts

of advocacy groups like the Black Lives Matter movement,

saying they helped provide ``grassroots leadership through

listening to communities'' and that they should receive

``funding, public recognition and support.''

The U.N.-backed Human Rights Council commissioned the

report during a special session last year following the

murder of Floyd, a Black American who was killed by a white

police officer in Minneapolis in May 2020. The officer, Derek

Chauvin, was sentenced to 22-1/ 2 years in prison last week.

Protests erupted after excruciating bystander video showed

how Floyd gasped repeatedly, ``I can't breathe!'' as

onlookers yelled at Chauvin to stop pressing his knee on

Floyd's neck.

The report was based on discussions with over 340 people--

mostly of African descent--and experts; more than 100

contributions in writing, including from governments; and

review of public material, the rights office said.

It analyzed 190 deaths, mostly in the U.S., to show how law

enforcement officers are

rarely held accountable for rights violations and crimes

against people of African descent, and it noted similar

patterns of mistreatment by police across many countries.

The report ultimately aims to transform those opportunities

into a more systemic response by governments to address

racism, and not just in the United States--although the

injustices and legacy of slavery, racism and violence faced

by African Americans was clearly a major theme.

The report also laid out cases, concerns and the situation

in roughly 60 countries including Belgium, Brazil, Britain,

Canada, Colombia and France among others.

``We could not find a single example of a state that has

fully reckoned with the past or comprehensively accounted for

the impacts of the lives of people of African descent

today,'' Mona Rishmawi, who heads a unit on non-

discrimination in Bachelet's office. ``Our message,

therefore, is that this situation is untenable.''

Compensation should be considered at the ``collective and

the individual level,'' Rishmawi said, while adding that any

such process ``starts with acknowledgment'' of past wrongs

and ``it's not one-size-fits-all.'' She said countries must

look at their own pasts and practices to assess how to

proceed.

Rishmawi said Bachelet's team found ``a main part of the

problem is that many people believe the misconceptions that

the abolition of slavery, the end of the transatlantic trade

and colonialism have removed the racially discriminatory

structures built by those practices.

``We found that this is not true,'' said Rishmawi, also

denouncing an idea among some ``associating blackness with

criminality . . . there is a need to address this.''

The report called on countries to ``make amends for

centuries of violence and, discrimination'' such as through

``formal acknowledgment and apologies, truth-telling

processes and reparations in various forms.''

It also decried the ``dehumanization of people of African

descent'' that was ``rooted in false social constructions of

race'' in the past to justify enslavement, racial stereotypes

and harmful practices as well as tolerance for racial

discrimination, inequality and violence.

People of African descent face inequalities and ``stark

socioeconomic and political marginalization'' in many

countries, the report said, including unfair access to

education, health care, jobs, housing and clean water.

``We believe very strongly that we only touched the tip of

the iceberg,'' Rishmawi said, referring to the report. ``We

really believe that there is a lot more work that needs to be

done.''

This report came from the United Nations because reparations is a universal concept of repair, repairing, and human rights. This report from the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights is big stuff. It ``offers a sweeping look at the roots of centuries of mistreatment faced by Africans and people of African descent, notably from the transatlantic slave trade.''

Does that sound familiar? Back and forth across the ocean.

``It seeks a `transformative' approach to address its continued impact today.''

In its report, it says: ``I am calling on all states to stop denying, and start dismantling, racism; to end impunity and build trust; to listen to the voices of people of African descent; and to confront past legacies and deliver redress.''

This is what this report from the United Nations has said.

It goes on to say: ``Reparations should not only be equated with financial compensation.''

This is what I have been saying. I say that when I go on the floor and ask for my colleagues to support it. Thank goodness we understand it. We get it. I am looking for my Republican friends to join us.

``Adding that it should include restitution, rehabilitation, acknowledgment of injustices, apologies, memorialization, education reforms, and `guarantees' that such injustices won't happen again.''

Does that sound unfair?

``We could not find a single example of a state that has fully reckoned with the past or comprehensively accounted for the impacts on the lives of people of African descent.''

This individual, who was head of the unit on nondiscrimination, said: ``Our message, therefore, is that this situation is untenable.''

This is the report from the U.N.

``A main part of the problem is that many people believe the misconceptions that the abolition of slavery, the end of the transatlantic trade, and colonialism have removed the racially discriminatory structures built by those practices.''

Absolutely wrong. The report found that this is not true, ``also denouncing an idea among some `associating blackness with criminality.''' That has gone on in many places around the world, including the United States.

This report also ``decried the `dehumanization of people of African descent' that was `rooted in false social constructions of race' in the past to justify enslavement, racial stereotypes, and harmful practices as well as tolerance for racial discrimination, inequality, and violence.''

Do we realize that that hurts all of our children? Children who are White and non-White are hurt by the definitions of color and Africans and people of African descent.

We face inequalities, meaning those of African descent, and ``'stark socioeconomic and political marginalization' in many countries, the report said, including unfair access to education, healthcare, jobs, housing, and clean water.''

What the commission could do is to give peace and understanding of the very fact of what would be a positive response to this question of discrimination.

I want to add some real scientific evidence that I am not here on the floor complaining. I am giving an opportunity, along with the infrastructure bill, along with the budget reconciliation, because I am on the Budget Committee, along with voting rights, after 30-some years when this bill was first introduced in 1989, after the Japanese received reparations in 1988, of which we supported.

Thank you to the Japanese American Association. They are strong supporters of H.R. 40. They got reparations for their false and unfair internment in the 1940s during World War II. We celebrated it. We worked with them and helped them construct that, those who were in Congress at that time.

John Conyers filed this bill shortly after 1989, and I am honored to have been given this challenge and opportunity by him upon his retirement. I will not let the Nation down. I say the Nation because a definitive study is worthy. It I might show you that the idea of reparations is to suggest a continued, systemic impact, a continued, systemic impact that is going on, even in this moment.

Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record this article that is part of the Harvard Medical School's continuing coverage of medicine, and you would not believe it.

[From Harvard Medical School, Feb, 10, 2021]

Anti-Racist Epidemiology--Research Suggests Reparations for Slavery

Could Have Reduced COVID-19 Infections and Deaths in U.S.

(By Jake Miller)

This article is part of Harvard Medical School's continuing

coverage of medicine, biomedical research, medical education

and policy related to the SARS-Co V-2 pandemic and the

disease COVID-19.

Civil rights activists have long called for monetary

reparations to the Black descendants of Africans enslaved in

the United States as a financial, moral, and ethical form of

restitution for the injustices of slavery.

Now, a study led by Harvard Medical School researchers

suggests reparations could also have surprising public health

benefits for Black individuals and the entire nation.

To estimate the impact of structura inequities between

Black and white individuals, the researchers set out to

capture the effect of reparation payments on the Black-white

wealth gap in the state of Louisiana.

Their analysis, published online on Feb. 9 in Social

Science & Medicine. suggests that if reparations had teen

made before the COVID-19 pandemic, transmission of SARS-CoV-2

in the state's overall population could have been reduced by

anywhere from 31 percent to 68 percent.

The work was done in collaboration with the Lancet

Commission on Reparations and Redistributive Justice.

``While there are compelling moral and historical arguments

for racial-injustice interventions such as reparations, our

study demonstrates that repairing the damage caused by the

legacy of slavery and Jim Crow racism would have enormous

benefits to the entire population of tbe United States,''

said study senior author Eugene Richardson. assistant

professor of global health and social medicine in the

Blavatnik Institute at Harvard Medical School.

The disproportionate effects of COVID-19 on racial

minorities--Black individuals in particular--have been well

documented. Black people get COVID-19 at a rate nearly one

and a half times higher than that of white people, are

hospitalized at a rate nearly four times higher, and are

three times as likely to die from the disease, according to

the latest estimates from the U.S. Centers for Disease

Control.

The greater disease burden among Black people has caused

tremendous loss of life and

unspeakable suffering across these already vulnerable and

disadvantaged communities. Notably, these effects have also

spilled over and are driving transmission rates of the virus

in the overall population, the study authors said.

Addressing the structural inequalities at the roots of this

disparity through monetary reparations would not only

radically decrease the impact of COVID-19 among the people

who received reparations, tbe authors said, but would reduce

the overall toll of the disease on a broader scale,

benefiting the entire population. The findings, the

researchers said, powerfully underscores the truly global

nature of the pandemic and the notion that a society is only

as strong as its most vulnerable members.

``If we extrapolate these results to the entire United

States, we can imagine that tens or hundreds of thousands of

lives would have been spared, and the entire nation would

have been saved much of the hardship it has endured in the

last year,'' said Richardson, who is also the chair of the

Lancet Commission on Reparations and Redistributive Justice.

For their analysis, tbe researchers paired sophisticated

data analytics and computational tools with commonly used

epidemiologic modeling methods to calculate the impact of

structural racism on infection rates among Black and white

populations in Louisiana. They chose Louisiana as an exemplar

of the impacts of structural racism in the U.S. because it

was one of the few states that reported infection rates by

race in the early stages of the pandemic. For a control

group, the researchers chose the relatively egalitarian

population of South Korea.

The researchers noted that although modeling is used to

understand many factors in the spread of an infectious

disease, such as differences in infection risk based on

whether passengers on a train sit with windows open or closed

or individual variations in mask-wearinq habits, it has

rarely been used to capture the effects of social factors

that can create vast disparities between populations, such as

those seen between Blacks and whites in the U.S.

Richardson's recent book Epidemic illusions explores the

ways conventional epidemiology is constrained from proposing

solutions that address the root causes of health disparities

derived from the combined weight of centuries of racism,

imperialism, neoliberal politics, and economic exploitation.

One of the goals of the paper is to challenge the narrow ways

people who work in medicine and public health measure and

think about problems and solutions and to broaden the public

imagination, thus opening new conversations about what

challenges and opportunities are worth considering in global

health and social science, Richardson said.

The study examined the initial period of the outbreak,

before infection control measures were implemented, so any

differences in infection rates between populations at that

time would have been driven mainly by differences in the

social structures, the researchers said.

For example, Louisiana has a population heavily segregated

by race, with Black people having higher levels of

overcrowded housing and working jobs that are more likely to

expose them to SARS-CoV-2 than white people. In comparison,

South Korea has a more homogenous population with far less

segregation.

To probe how such structural inequities impact transmission

of SARS-CoV-2, the researchers examined infection rates over

time for the first two months of the epidemic in each

location. During the initial phase of the outbreak in

Louisiana, each infected person spread the virus to 13 to 2.5

more people than an infected individual durinq the same phase

of the outbreak in South Korea, the analysis showed. The

study also showed it took Louisiana more than twice as long

to bring the early wave of the epidemic under control as

South Korea.

Next, the researchers used next-generation matrices to

gauge how overcrowding, segregation, and the wealth gap

between Blacks and whites in Louisiana could have driven

higher infection rates and how monetary reparations would

affect viral transmission.

The model showed that greater equity between Blacks and

whites might have reduced infection transmission rates by

anywhere from 31 percent to 68 percent for every person in

the state.

This research comes at a time when many Americans are

already thinking about the larger societal costs of

structural racism, the researchers said. They noted, for

example, that the nationwide movement to protest police

brutality against Black people has been fueled by many of the

inequitable outcomes exemplified so painfully by the

coronavirus pandemic in the U.S.

``This moment has made it possible for a lot of people who

had no reason to think about these inequalities to be very

aware of them,'' said study co-author and Lancet reparations

commissioner Kirsten Mullen, who was a member of concept

development team for the National Museum of African American

History and Culture.

Anti-racism in action

Richardson said that the research was designed to explore

how reparations payments might have altered the trajectory of

the coronavirus pandemic in the U.S. and how a different

response to the disease could have helped mitigate the

disparities fueled by social conditions that are vestiges of

slavery. Such conditions, Richardson noted, include ongoing

discrimination and structural racism in the form of

redlining, overcrowding, over-incarceration, and the

heightened use of lethal force in policing experienced by

Black people.

Richardson said that historian and anti-racist scholar

Ibram X. Kendi's description of the differences between

racism and anti-racism were helpful in designing the study.

According to Kendi, a racist policy is any policy that

produces or sustains inequality or promotes the power of one

racial group over another, whereas an anti-racist policy is

any measure that produces or sustains equity between racial

groups.

Richardson said that one important goal of the project was

to attempt to harness the power of mathematical modeling for

an anti-racist response to the coronavirus and beyond.

``When you look at a formula for transmissibility, it looks

like an objective calculation,'' he said. ``But where is

lethal policing in that formula?''

Richardson noted that it was important to call attention to

the systemic and structural elements of racism that can get

lost in simplified models of disease.

What are reparations?

Mullen and study co-author William Darity, who recently

published a book on reparations and have written in the press

about the case for using reparation payments to fight COVID-

19, defined reparations as a program of acknowledgement,

redress, and closure for a grievous injustice. In this case,

Mullen said, the atrocities are associated with periods of

enslavement, legal segregation and white terrorism during the

Jim Crow era, and racial strife and violence of the post-

Civil Rights Act era, including ongoing inequities in the

form of over-policing, police executions of unarmed Black

people, ongoing discrimination in regard to incarceration,

access to housing, and, possibly most important, the Black-

white gulf in wealth.

Successful reparations programs include three elements:

admission of culpability on behalf of the perpetrators of the

atrocity; redress, in the form of an act of restitution; and

closure, wherein the victims agree that the debt is paid and

no further claims are to be made unless new harms are

inflicted.

In this case, Mullen said, reparations would take the form

of financial restitution for living Black individuals who can

show that they are descended from at least one ancestor who

was enslaved in the U.S. and that they self-identified as

Black on a legal document at some point during the 12 years

prior.

The financial restitution is designed to help close the

Black-white wealth gap. Darity noted that it is important to

distinguish wealth from income. Wealth is how much you own,

and income is how much you earn. Greater wealth translates to

greater stability for individuals and families across time.

Greater wealth is also more strongly associated with greater

well-being than greater income, Darity said, and disparities

in wealth manifest as health disparities.

Wealth is more strongly associated with familial or

individual well-being,'' said Darity, who is the Samuel

DuBois Cook Distinguished Professor of Public Policy at Duke

University and a Lancet reparations commissioner. He noted

that, according to the Federal Reserve Board 2016 Survey of

Consumer Finances, the average Black household had a net

worth $800,000 lower than the average white household, and

that Black people, who represent 13 percent of the U.S.

population, only own 3 percent of the nation's wealth.

``This dramatically restricts the ability of Black

Americans to survive and thrive,'' Darity said.

To assess the effect of reparation payments on the

trajectory of the pandemic, the researchers based their

calculations on a model that would pay $250,000 per person or

$800,000 per household to descendants of enslaved

individuals--one of several proposed reparation models.

Every transmission is a social transmission

``Every transmission has a social cause,'' said study co-

author and Lancet reparations commissioner James Jones,

associate professor of Earth System Science and a senior

fellow at the Woods Institute for the Environment at Stanford

University.

For a brief moment when AIDS was in the spotlight during

the late 80s and early 90s, people interested in social

behavior became interested in mathematical modeling of

disease, Jones said. While that interest largely waned, the

COVID-19 crisis has highlighted the need to think about

social science, inequality, social structure, behavior

patterns, and behavior change, as well as how they fit

together with how we understand and respond to epidemics,

Jones said.

Even the simplest model must account for a rudimentary

social structure, Jones said. At its most basic, this can be

represented with a generalized estimate of how likely an

infected person is to come into contact with a susceptible

person. He explained that this number, R0 or ``R-naught,'' is

the average number of people an infected individual transmits

the virus to. When R0 is less than one, no epidemic is

possible because the number of people infected decreases.

When R0 is greater than 1 an epidemic is possible. R0 also

determines the total number of people who could potentially

become infected or how many people would need to be

vaccinated to end the epidemic. It can also be

used to calculate the so-called endemic equilibrium--which

determines whether a disease will continue to exist within a

population, simmering constantly in the background or

bubbling up seasonally, like influenza.

``That's the theory of infectious disease control in a

single parameter,'' Jones said.

That seeming simplicity can make it hard to focus on the

complex ways that infectious diseases move through the real

world, the researchers said.

``It's important to highlight that R0 is not simply a

function of the pathogen,'' Jones said. ``It's a function of

the society.'' Social and environmental factors like

mobility, segregation, and the nature of the built

environment help determine rates of infection, he said.

This is one important reason that diseases don't hit all

people the same. Global R0 is an average of very different

R0s for different groups of people. Some groups are more

likely to interact only with members of their own group, some

groups are more likely to come in contact with infected

people, and some are more susceptible to the disease for

other reasons, Jones said.

In this case, the researchers used mathematical models to

help understand the differences in R0 for Black people and

white people in Louisiana and to help think about how things

would change if racism were less prevalent in America.

Absent those interventions, the researchers noted that

Black Americans remain at an elevated and inequitable risk of

becoming infected and dying during the COVID-19 pandemic and

that this inequity will continue to fuel the pandemic for all

Americans.

``Increasing equality would have huge benefits on infection

rates for everyone,'' said co-author Momin Malik, who was a

data science postdoctoral fellow at the Berkman Klein Center

for Internet & Society at Harvard University at the time the

study was conducted.

This research was supported by the National Institute of

General Medical Sciences Models of Infectious Disease Agent

Study (grant R01 GM130900), National Institute of Allergy and

Infectious Diseases (grant K08 AI139361), National Institute

of Minority Health Disparities (grant R01 MD011606), National

Science Foundation Division of Social and Economic Sciences

(grant 1851845), Institute of Education Sciences (grant

R305A190484), and the Ethics and Governance of Artificial

Intelligence Fund.

It states: ``Civil rights activists have long called for monetary reparations,'' this report opens up. This is a scientific, vetted report from the Harvard University Medical School. It is titled ``Anti-Racist Epidemiology: Research suggests reparations for slavery could have reduced COVID-19 infections and deaths in the U.S.'' This was published online on February 10.

It says: ``To estimate the impact of structural inequities between Black and White individuals, the researchers set out to capture the effect of reparation payments on the Black-White wealth gap in the State of Louisiana.'' This is an important report.

``The disproportionate effects of COVID-19 on racial minorities-- Black individuals in particular--have been well documented. Black people get COVID-19 at a rate nearly one-and-a-half times higher than that of White people, are hospitalized at a rate nearly four times higher, and are three times as likely to die from the disease, according to the latest estimates from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control.

``The greater disease burden among Black people has caused tremendous loss of life and unspeakable suffering across these already vulnerable and disadvantaged communities. Notably, these effects have also spilled over and are driving transmission rates of the virus in the overall population.''

They did their study in many places, but I will read a portion. ``The study examined the initial period of the outbreak, before infection control measures were implemented, so any differences in infection rates between populations at the time would have been driven mainly by differences in the social structures.''

``Louisiana has a population heavily segregated by race, with Black people having higher levels of overcrowded housing and working jobs that are more likely to expose them,'' and they found that if reparations had been given, they would have done better.

I conclude, Mr. Speaker, by just saying that you see a picture of the Tulsa race riot. That is why I stand here today to say that Tulsa Greenwood needs reparation. H.R. 40 needs to pass. Why don't we do it together?

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of this Special Order.

Madam Speaker, I rise this evening for the Congressional Black Caucus Special Order hour that deals with, of course, Juneteenth, a very special time that I am delighted--with the leadership of our chair, Congresswoman Joyce Beatty; and, of course, my coanchor, Congressman Torres of New York--that we stand here to provide this kind of leadership for this Congress and for this Nation.

Let me extend my heartfelt appreciation for all of the leadership that have given us this time, including Speaker Pelosi and, of course, Leader Hoyer, and to acknowledge the significance to African Americans as it relates to Juneteenth.

Coming from Texas, let me tell you that Juneteenth, a couple days from today, will be an amazing commemoration. We will be unveiling a mural in Galveston, where General Granger first came. I believe thousands will come. And if there will not be thousands, let you hear my voice: Thousands should come because what a historic moment.

What does Juneteenth mean?

It means an acknowledgment of those who were in bondage for over 200 years. The Emancipation Proclamation--which, by the way, for the 150th commemoration, because we had not finished our congressional work, I was actually here at midnight--which is when President Abraham Lincoln signed it at the National Archives. Looking at the original Emancipation Proclamation, what a sense of emotion.

But then to let you know that that did not free all of the slaves. Two years in bondage continued for those west of the Mississippi and many States until General Granger reached the shores of Galveston, still marked today in Texas, that said that you were free.

Can you imagine? Two extra years of bondage. Couldn't get out. Couldn't read a newspaper or hold up a message that had come from your relative that lived in Georgia. Couldn't do anything.

General Granger read these words of General Order Number 3, set off a joyous celebration of the freed men and women of Texas. I have no shame that it was called Jubilee. And there were a lot of picnics and what we called in the later years ``red punch.''

Don't diminish our celebration. Don't diminish that joy in the midst of sorrow.

How many died who could not see freedom?

Here are the words: ``The people of Texas are informed that, in accordance with the Proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and hired laborer.''

Now, the word was said that they were offered, the slaves: Don't worry about it, just stay on the plantations, and we will pay you.

I am grateful, but those courageous, but impoverished, without insight, without resources, without compensation, without recognition, they said in their own power: We are leaving the plantations.

And they migrated up this road called Emancipation Trail.

I am gratified that I was able to introduce such legislation where my Senate colleague, Senator Cornyn, joined me and now an Emancipation Trail has been established as law. It is now under study. It will be only the second commemoration of African-American history in this Nation. The Selma to Montgomery is the first, and now the Emancipation Trail that says: No, I was not going stay on the plantation; however, I was going to survive; whatever I had to place together, I was going to do it.

Then, of course, lo and behold, they found themselves--eight of them, freed slaves, put their money together and purchased the first park bought in the State of Texas by freed slaves or anyone. They called it Emancipation Park.

So that is why we are here to celebrate and to educate this idea of what it means to celebrate Juneteenth. I am delighted that we have introduced a resolution that is bipartisan. But the most exciting part about this is that I have introduced a bill that establishes Juneteenth as a national Federal holiday. Not removing any other holiday, but adding it to the list. Cosponsored by Senator Markey and Senator Cornyn, and bipartisan. Over 160 cosponsors in the House.

I think it is worthy to have a holiday--a Federal holiday established, and I am very proud to have been the Congressperson for Representative Al Edwards, who is called the father of Juneteenth, establishing the first paid State holiday in the State of Texas highlighting, honoring, revering Juneteenth.

You will hear many of us continue our discussions about Juneteenth, its significance in terms of freedom. And I am delighted, as I said, to be coanchoring with my colleague. It is important to express our appreciation to our chair, the Honorable Barbara Lee, a Californian but born in Texas with a grandfather born in Galveston. She knows what Juneteenth, the significance, the power of it is, and her legislative legacy speaks to freedom.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the Honorable Barbara Lee.

She would have been part of it at a later time, but that trail, since we know for sure there were no other ways of moving, she had to walk along that semi-developed trail of little cities from Galveston--walk along, drive along, in whatever capacity, and when I say ``drive along,'' horse and buggy and otherwise.

That was a trail that the freed slaves, the ex-slaves, went from Galveston all the way. There was the Reedy A.M.E., if I am correct, one of the historic A.M.E. churches where they stopped for refuge. Then they came on up, and they sought their way to freedom. They were not going to stay on the plantation.

Madam Speaker, I yield back to the gentlewoman.

Madam Speaker, it is a privilege to be able to have a Californian with deep roots in Texas on the floor because what this says to our body is that this issue of slavery permeated all aspects of this Nation. We can see that from the work, the commitment, and the compassion of the Honorable Barbara Lee, followed by, of course, a native daughter of Wisconsin who saw it in a different form and is compelled to be on the floor today and who has championed for the impoverished as well and particularly championed for those who are experiencing modern-day impacts of slavery through inequities, through poverty, through welfare, and that has been treated unfairly. That is the Honorable Gwen Moore from Wisconsin.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Moore).

Madam Speaker, what a rich and enriching discussion. Thank you to the gentlewoman from Wisconsin. That is why we gathered here, to say to America, we come from the Midwest, the South, the East, and we still find a common bond around the question of Juneteenth, reparations, and of course, voting rights that are so important.

But as I yield, let me be very clear, these are American values. These are values that my friends on the other side of the aisle could adopt, just like I could adopt.

Why? Because I don't know anyone that would extinguish freedom and deny that where there is bondage and where freedom comes, we should celebrate it, but we should tell the story about it, and we should respond to it.

Madam Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield to the distinguished gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Demings), who has a number of historical monuments in Florida that indicates her knowledge and understanding of freedom.

Madam Speaker, I can't imagine with the recounting of the story by Val Demings that we are not securing, how should I say it, multiple numbers of Members to join in the holiday pronouncement and resolution, and bill, rather, of Juneteenth, to support H.R. 40, and to recognize the value of commemorating and teaching about the history of African Americans.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Johnson), a person who has great knowledge and is a great storyteller, a fighter for justice, and a fellow member of the Judiciary Committee.

Madam Speaker, as I get ready to yield to the distinguished gentleman from Las Vegas, Nevada, I want to make sure he lets me know my pronunciation is correct, it is a very sensitive question.

But as the gentleman from Georgia leaves, let me at least acknowledge that critical race theory. Here is the question I ask: Should I not know about Italians and how they came and were treated? Should I not know about the Irish who left in the midst of the potato famine and faced discrimination? Should I not know about Native Americans?

So we are the American experiment. Does everybody realize that? No one thought that we would ever survive, and we have come together with a multitude of groups. Our strength is in the recognition of our differences, and in our unity.

This came out of Texas. This Representative is all over. He misinterprets the teaching by teachers. He has never sat in the class to know that teachers are not condemning, they are just educating. Isn't it wonderful in little babies' minds to not put condemnation but to put understanding so that we can appreciate each other's condition?

Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford), who is the first vice chair of the Congressional Black Caucus but sits on the Ways and Means Committee. And if he will allow me, I just want to make this point.

You are seeing Members of the Congressional Black Caucus, and I can tell you our agenda is as wide and varied as America, from taxation to agriculture to tech to criminal justice to the issues that American is facing, job creation.

But we also understand that we would be remiss if we did not stand on the floor to be able to give our own life experiences and to share with America what the value of our diversity is all about.

Madam Speaker, I now yield to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford).

May I ask the Speaker the time remaining, please.

Madam Speaker, it is my privilege to yield to a gentleman with a storied and layered history entrenched in one of the States that suffered the extension of slavery and faces its challenges today, of which this gentleman has been in the mix and in the gap of fighting for justice. We are excited about his presence here. I am so honored and privileged that he has chosen, with all of the work he has to do because he was elected in a special election, this moment in history to present his first speech on the floor of the House.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from the State of Louisiana (Mr. Carter).

Madam Speaker, let me congratulate the gentleman for the new law in Louisiana and for his leadership and his powerful message on this floor on the freedom, really, of all people. My freedom is your freedom, your freedom is my freedom, and our freedom is America's freedom.

Let me express my appreciation to my co-anchor, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Torres). I thank him for his leadership. Let me be very clear that both his history and his State as well have a vested history in liberty and freedom, but, yes, no place did escape the vestiges of slavery.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Torres).

Madam Speaker, I say to the gentleman from New York, it is an esteemed pleasure to be able to draw upon both his knowledge and scholarship--might I stand on his shoulders--an activist Federal Government.

For some reason, as we face these trials and tribulations of 2021, there is a hesitancy to realize that the Federal Government is, in simplistic terms, an umbrella on a rainy day. It is, in fact, the concrete barrier in the time of a storm. And that is why we are on the floor today.

Let me acknowledge that an activist Federal Government, in the positive way, would be the government that would say that Italian history and Irish history, Latinx, Hispanic history, and Caribbean history, and African history, and the Pilgrim Pride history, and European history, and Asian-Pacific history, and Southeast Asian- Pacific, and any others that I have left out, is valuable to be heard by our children's ears. It is valuable to be taught.

Then they would be able to understand the gentleman's entreat, his request, which is H.R. 1320, which is bipartisan, that declares Juneteenth a national Federal holiday.

And to the wrong representation of right-wing radio, it doesn't substitute any holiday. It adds it to the list of Federal holidays. It does not subtract any holiday; does not take any holiday away. Yet it acknowledges the importance of that day and, as well, it is led by Senators Markey and Cornyn, a Republican and Democrat in the United States Senate, and it is a bipartisan bill in the House.

Is there any reason not to move this bill along as quickly as possible?

And if there is a basis for not understanding what freedom meant, look at this slave that was symbolic of the life that slave led; but that is the light of being beat.

What about those who were beaten to death or burned to death?

It is no shame for our children to be taught this history. I know no teacher who would stand in the classroom and condemn children. I know teachers who are loving, and will give understanding, and let a child come out and say, I want a better America.

Isn't that the kind of soldier and doctor and lawyer and teacher we want to build up? Isn't that the kind of citizen we want to grow?

And then, if we want to make it realistic and home for our moment, as my colleagues have said, we spent 4 days in Tulsa, Greenwood, that was burned to the ground; 300 in an unmarked grave. This is what 1921 looked like; not 1865, not 1810, not 1799, not 1724, when slavery was raging, if you will, 250 years. This is what it looked like in 1921; a black body burned on the streets of Greenwood.

So when we talk about jubilee and freedom, we do it in a way that we can, as Americans, be free. And then I want to say that matches the Emancipation Trail that is now law in the State of Texas, that march from victory, when General Granger said you are free. It matches H.R. 40, which is a non-offensive repair and reconciliation that speaks to the language that Justice Hughes said about Black Americans, the discrete and insular minority excluded from those political processes ordinarily to be relied upon to protect them. All throughout tenure here there were denials of our freedom.

And then, of course, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., talked about an insufficient check; not of money, but he talked about that we have never been given justice and equality.

So when we speak of the Emancipation Trail, only the second commemoration of the history of African Americans 250 years in bondage, when we speak of Juneteenth, it is for all to celebrate, when General Granger landed on the shores of Galveston.

We will be in Galveston celebrating. We will see Naomi Carrier. We will see Eileen Lawal and Jackie Bostic, Ramon Manning and, of course, the Emancipation Conservatory. We will get to see Opal Lee, almost 100 years old, fighting for this holiday, or Al Edwards. We will get to see Senator Cornyn, a Republican who joins us in this commemoration, and all others. We will get to see the Nation be able to understand in its finality that it must be clear, it must be our birthright.

It is a reminder, this day, on Juneteenth, that liberty and freedom are precious birthrights of all Americans, which must be jealously guarded and preserved for future generations.

That is why we are on the floor today. We are not in anger. We are not in anguish. We are here, in fact, for liberation, freedom, and the empowerment of all Americans.

Let stories be told, no matter who you are. And let the story be told of those uniquely held in bondage, through H.R. 40, the Commission to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals, which we seek to put on the floor in this great month. And, of course, the national holiday of Juneteenth, along with the historic gift that we give to America, the Emancipation Trail, that all the world will be able to come.

Madam Speaker, I am delighted to thank my chair, the Honorable Joyce Beatty, for her leadership in the Congressional Black Caucus. And because

of freedom, it is a wonderment to stand here, free, with my colleague from New York, my co-chair, the Honorable Congressman Torres, and all others.

Isn't it precious?

In God we trust that we stand here in freedom. Let us not ever lose it, and let us fight for it and let us keep it.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I rise to anchor the Congressional Black Caucus's Special Order tonight on Juneteenth Independence Day.

I am pleased to be joined by Congresswoman Beatty, the Chair of the CBC; Congressman Torres of New York, the co-anchor for this Special Order, and so many of our CBC colleagues to commemorate a historically significant day for all Americans, but especially African Americans.

Let me extend on behalf of the CBC its heartfelt thanks to the House leadership, particularly Majority Leader Hoyer, for their support which paved the way for the House last year to pass by unanimous consent H. Res. 1001, the resolution I introduced recognizing Juneteenth Independence Day.

Madam Speaker, Juneteenth is as significant to African Americans as July 4 is to all Americans because on that day, June 19, 155 years ago, General Gordon Granger, the Commanding Officer of the District of Texas, rode into Galveston, Texas and announced the freedom of the last American slaves; belatedly freeing 250,000 slaves in Texas nearly two and a half years after Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation.

When General Granger read these words of General Order No. 3 set off joyous celebrations of the freedmen and woman of Texas:

``The people of Texas are informed that in accordance with a Proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection therefore existing between them becomes that between employer and hired laborer.''

Juneteenth was first celebrated in the Texas state capital in 1867 under the direction of the Freedmen's Bureau.

Juneteenth remains the oldest known celebration of slavery's demise, commemorating freedom while acknowledging the sacrifices and contributions made by courageous African Americans towards making our great nation the more conscious and accepting country that it has become.

As the nation prepares to celebrate July 4th, our national day of independence, it is a time to reflect on the accomplishments of our nation and its people.

I want to thank the Members of the House for their bipartisan support of this annual Juneteenth Resolution, which has 214 cosponsors, of which 202 are original sponsors.

General Granger's reading of General Order No. 3 ended chattel slavery, a form of perpetual servitude that held generations of Africans in bondage in the United States for two-hundred and fortyeight years and opened a new chapter in American history.

Recognizing the importance of this date, former slaves coined the word ``Juneteenth'' to mark the occasion with a celebration the first of which occurred in the Texas state capital in 1867 under the direction of the Freedmen's Bureau.

Juneteenth was and is a living symbol of freedom for people who did not have it.

Juneteenth remains the oldest known celebration of slavery's demise.

It commemorates freedom while acknowledging the sacrifices and contributions made by courageous African Americans towards making our great nation the more conscious and accepting country that it has become.

The celebration of Juneteenth followed the most devastating conflict in our country's history, in the aftermath of a civil war that pitted brother against brother, neighbor against neighbor and threatened to tear the fabric of our union apart forever that America truly became the land of the free and the home of the brave.

The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. once said, ``Freedom is never free,'' and African American labor leader A. Phillip Randolph often said ``Freedom is never given. It is won.''

Truer words were never spoken.

We should all recognize the power and the ironic truth of those statements, and we should pause to remember the enormous price paid by all Americans in our country's quest to realize its promise.

Juneteenth honors the end of the 400 years of suffering African Americans endured under slavery and celebrates the legacy of perseverance that has become the hallmark of the African American experience in the struggle for equality.

But Madam Speaker, as the poet Langston Hughes reminds us in his famous poem, ''Mother to Son,'' life in America for African Americans ``ain't been no crystal stair.''

The post-bellum period in America was marked by violence and terrorism against African Americans as they sought to make real the promises of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.

Nowhere was the reign of terror to which they were subjected to more horrific than the 1921 Tulsa-Greenwood Race Massacre, which occurred a century ago this past May 31-June 1.

Tulsa's Greenwood District, was known as ``Black Wall Street,'' and was the most prosperous African American community in the United States.

The Greenwood community with a population of over 10,000 Black people had stores that sold luxury items, 21 restaurants, 30 grocery stores, a hospital, a savings and loan bank, a post office, three hotels, jewelry and clothing stores, two movie theaters, a library, pool halls, a bus and cab service, a nationally recognized school system, six private airplanes, and two black newspapers.

But on May 31st of that year, the 35 city blocks of Greenwood went up in flames, at least 300 Black persons were murdered and more than 800 were injured; it is estimated that not less than 9,000 were left homeless and destitute.

The message of the Tulsa Race Massacre was clear to Black America: ``Stay in your place. Do not attempt to accumulate and bequeath wealth or own property. Remember your history in America is as chattel property.''

Madam Speaker, were they still alive, the domestic terrorists of the mob in Greenwood would see their evil reenacted--and then followed by a similar attempt to cover-up it and foster collective amnesia--a century later in the siege and desecration of the hallowed halls of the U.S. Capitol, the 'Citadel of Democracy'.

It should not be overlooked that the source of the January 6 white mob's irrational anger, hatred, and violent reaction was that Black Americans voted in overwhelming numbers in Atlanta, Detroit, Milwaukee, Philadelphia, and other enclaves to oust the most proWhite supremacy President since the Civil War.

Some might ask ``Why dwell on the past? Let us forget unpleasant things and move on into the future.''

My answer is to quote the great southern writer William Faulkner: ``The past is never dead. It is not even the past.''

The hatreds, prejudices, resentments, and white supremacy that Black Americans witnessed and suffered in Greenwood a century ago are not dead; they are not even past.

So my message to the descendants of the survivors and victims of slavery, America's Original Sin, is to keep fighting for justice, to never be silent, to affirm the truth, and seek accountability.

In his famous Second Inaugural Address, President Lincoln spoke of the profound moral debt owed for ``all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil,'' and that the Civil War was the judgment of the Lord, which was ``true and righteous altogether.''

That debt remains to be paid, which is why African Americans have always peacefully petitioned the government for the redress of its grievances.

As the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King said at the 1963 March on Washington:

``In a sense, we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.

``This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

``It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked `insufficient funds.' But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check--a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.''

Madam Speaker, H.R. 40, legislation I have introduced, continues this proud legacy of demanding reparative justice and accountability for injuries inflicted.

H.R. 40, which establishes a national commission to examine slavery and discrimination in the colonies and the United States from 1619 to the present and recommend appropriate remedies.

Among other requirements, the commission shall identify (1) the role of federal and state governments in supporting the institution of slavery; (2) forms of discrimination in the public and private sectors against freed slaves and their descendants; and (3) lingering negative effects of slavery on living African-Americans and society.

The goal of the historical investigations H.R. 40 mandates is to bring American society to a new reckoning with how our past affects the

current conditions of African Americans and to make America a better place by helping the truly disadvantaged.

Consequently, the reparations movement does not focus on payments to individuals, but to remedies that can be created in as many forms necessary to equitably address the many kinds of injuries sustained from chattel slavery and its continuing vestiges.

To merely focus on finance is an empty gesture and betrays a lack of understanding of the depth of the unaddressed moral issues that continue to haunt this nation.

While it might be convenient to assume that we can address the current divisive racial and political climate in our nation through race neutral means, experience shows that we have not escaped our history.

Though the Civil Rights Movement challenged many of the most racist practices and structures that subjugated the African American community, it was not followed by a commitment to truth and reconciliation.

For that reason, the legacy of racial inequality has persisted, and left the nation vulnerable to a range of problems that continue to yield division, racial disparities, and injustice.

By passing H.R. 40, Congress can start a movement toward the national reckoning we need to bridge racial divides.

Reparations are ultimately about respect and reconciliation--and the hope that one day, all Americans can walk together toward a more just future.

Official slavery ended with the Civil War and ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment.

But unofficial slavery was continued with the new institution of share-crop farming, a criminal justice system that would press convicts into work once done by slaves, and labor policies that dictated income for work done based upon skin color.

And, of course, all of this was reinforced by the systematic disenfranchisement of black Americans, the ``discrete and insular minority'' excluded from ``those political processes ordinarily to be relied upon to protect'' them, to quote Chief Justice Hughes' famous Footnote 4 in United States v. Carolene Products Company, 304 U.S. 144 (1938).

These are just some of the many reasons that the history of the United States is intertwined with the history of enslaved Africans in the Americas.

``There is blood and there are tears, but there is also redemption and reconciliation.

But to get there, we must have the complete truth and lay our history bare. It is the light that sheds the way to the more perfect union all Americans want.

``The Commission created and empowered by H.R. 40 is a necessary first step in that effort to get to truth and reconciliation about the 'Original Sin of American Slavery' that is necessary to light the way to the beloved community we all seek.''

So, Madam Speaker, this is where we are.

In recent years, a number of National Juneteenth Organizations have arisen to take their place alongside older organizations--all with the mission to promote and cultivate knowledge and appreciation of African American history and culture.

Juneteenth celebrates African American freedom while encouraging self-development and respect for all cultures .

But it must always remain a reminder to us all that liberty and freedom are precious birthrights of all Americans, which must be jealously guarded and preserved for future generations.

Press Statement

Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee Introduces H.R. 1320 the Bipartisan Juneteenth National Independence Day Act--Currently Has 159 Sponsors in

the House

As the Chair of the House Judiciary Committee Subcommittee

on Crime, Terrorism and Homeland Security, I am committed to

affording members of this committee to uncover the facts and

shine light into darkness to reveal the threats posed by `The

Rise of Domestic Terrorism in America.' On January 6, 2021,

the nation and the world witnessed the damage caused by

divisions acerbated by lies and hate.''

Washington, DC--``Today I re-introduced in the House of

Representatives the bipartisan Juneteenth National

Independence Day Act, H.R. 1320, with 102 co-sponsors. The

House re-introduction coincides with the reintroduction of a

Senate companion bill by Senators Markey, Smith, and Booker.

Juneteenth National Independence Day Act, legislation when

enacted would make Juneteenth a federal holiday.

``Juneteenth,'' is observed on June 19, and commemorates the

end of slavery in the United States and is also known as

``Emancipation Day,'' ``Jubilee Day,'' and ``Juneteenth

Independence Day.''

``On June 19, 1865, in Galveston, Texas, Major General

Gordon Granger issued General Order No. 3, which announced

that, in accordance with the Emancipation Proclamation, ``all

slaves are free. Juneteenth is currently recognized by 47

states and the District of Columbia as an official state

holiday or observance. In 1980, Texas was the first state to

recognize Juneteenth as a paid state holiday.''

``Juneteenth honors the end of the years of suffering that

African Americans endured under slavery and celebrates the

legacy of perseverance that has become the hallmark of the

African American experience in the struggle for equality.

These values are shared by millions of Americans who over

generations have held fast to the promise of this nation

while struggling fore basic human rights.''

``Juneteenth celebrates African American freedom while

encouraging selfdevelopment and respect for all cultures. But

it must always remain a reminder to us all that liberty and

freedom are the precious birthright of all Americans which

must be jealously guarded and preserved for future

generations. As it takes on a more national and even global

perspective, the events of 1865 in Texas are not forgotten,

for all our roots tie back to this fertile soil from which a

national day of pride is growing. This is why we must

establish the Juneteenth Independence Day, as a national

holiday. And today we also pay special tribute to Opal Lee,

the Grandmother of Juneteenth!''

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding to me and for inviting me.

Madam Speaker, I rise tonight to join my CBC colleagues in highlighting the importance of honoring the holiday and continuing the legacy of Juneteenth Day, the first one celebrated on June 19, 1865.

As you have heard, this is the date on which Union Major General Gordon Granger arrived in Galveston, Texas, to announce the end of both the Civil War and the inhumane system of legalized enslavement of Africans in the United States of America.

Now, it must be noted that this announcement came 2\1/2\ years after President Abraham Lincoln issued an executive order that most of us know as the Emancipation Proclamation. But it is an important reminder that our efforts to form a more perfect Union don't really have any timeframe or any date, but they are ever ongoing.

Madam Speaker, I want you to know that in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, from which I hail, we are going to be celebrating Juneteenth Day, and it will be the 50th anniversary of Juneteenth Day. Yes, in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, up north, we started observing this holiday in 1971. It is a long way from Galveston, Texas, making it one of the first Northern States to commemorate the end of slavery in our country.

Madam Speaker, this Saturday, we will again gather along North King Drive to highlight Black culture with traditional food, music, youth essay contests, marketplaces, pageants, and a parade, unofficially marking the opening of Milwaukee's famous summer festival. This coming Friday, we will be raising the Juneteenth flag in the State capital of Madison, Wisconsin, to honor this day. We take Juneteenth seriously.

Madam Speaker, in 1972, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reported an estimated 3,000 people attending our second annual Juneteenth festival. That number increased over the years, and between 160,000 and 170,000 people have attended these festivals. The high number of festival-goers can be personally attributed to Milwaukee's notably special, historic response to the system of slavery and to our efforts to teach the young people about Wisconsin's and Milwaukee's role in ending slavery.

Now, in 1854, a Missouri slave owner traveled to Racine, Wisconsin, the place where I was born, 27 miles south of Milwaukee, to demand that a runaway slave by the name of Joshua Glover be surrendered under the U.S. Fugitive Slave Law. Glover, who had been playing cards at the time, was arrested and carried 27 miles north to Milwaukee so that he could be in a secure jail until the Federal marshals could move Joshua Glover back to Missouri because it was a larger and more secure jail.

Well, when abolitionist newspaper editor Sherman Booth heard this, he rode through Milwaukee streets calling on sympathizers to storm the jail. A mob of 5,000 Milwaukeeans outnumbered the police and demanded the keys, but the wardens refused. The crowd smashed down the door. Joshua Glover was freed and successfully moved through the Underground Railroad to Canada.

Booth later declared in court:

I rejoice that the first attempt to convert our jail into a

slave-pen and our citizens into slave-catchers has signally

failed.

The Wisconsin State Supreme Court agreed with him and declared the Federal Fugitive Slave Law unconstitutional in Wisconsin. In fact, in 1850, Wisconsin was the first and only State to declare the Fugitive Slave Law unconstitutional.

As one of my constituents, the curator of the Wisconsin Black Historical Society, noted, the Juneteenth holiday signifies that African Americans are full citizens of this country, deserving of equity and justice.

Madam Speaker, it is an important day of jubilation not only for the descendants of Africans enslaved in the United States but for the American people as a whole, for it is not just simply Black history that we are celebrating. We are celebrating a victory in American history about freedom and equality for all of us who call ourselves Americans.

While it may have been the 13th and the 14th Amendments of the Constitution that formally freed the slaves, let us continue to observe Juneteenth Day as our day of reflection, knowing that our ancestors paid in blood and paid it forward for the unimaginable toil for the freedom recognized on this day.

As I often tell our young people: Freedom just ain't free, y'all. Our ancestors paid for it. And as a tribute to them, we have to take responsibility to do the best that we can and continue to work tirelessly toward justice and equity in this great land of ours.

Madam Speaker, that is why I admire Sheila Jackson Lee and Barbara Lee so much for their efforts around reparations and equity in our society.

With that good news arriving in Galveston, the push for true equality of opportunity continues to this great day in our society. We see it reflected in the marches, in the movements, in the legislation, and in everything that we do today, because despite our being free, we see the disparities in healthcare, in education, in homeownership, in COVID.

The struggle is real. The struggle continues. And we are here to remind everyone that all of us are Americans.

Madam Speaker, I again thank Sheila Jackson Lee for yielding.

Madam Speaker, first of all, let me thank the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee) for yielding but also for her tremendous leadership and for the Emancipation Trail that she so boldly led. I am just amazed at what she shared with me earlier today and just now on the floor.

Because, yes, I am a daughter of Texas. My grandfather was born in 1875--10 years after. And my grandmother may have been part of the Emancipation Trail. She was born probably in--they left Galveston around 1900.

Madam Speaker, that sounds like my great- grandmother Fanny, who I did not know, but my grandfather spoke of her. I am certain that she was part of that.

As I listened to my colleague and looked more into my personal family history, Galveston, certainly, is in my spirit. I guess that is why each and every year since I was a child, we continued to celebrate Juneteenth as our liberation day, our emancipation day.

Historically, we generally recognize January 1, 1863, the date when the Emancipation Proclamation was signed, as the end of chattel slavery of African Americans in the United States. However, for generations, African-American communities have been celebrating June 19 as a symbolic date representing our freedom from enslavement.

As Congresswoman Jackson Lee mentioned, Major General Gordon Granger arrived in Galveston to announce the end of the Civil War. He also declared that the enslaved Africans were now equal in personal rights to that of their former masters, ending the inhumane, barbaric subjugation of African Americans as property that still continued 2\1/ 2\ years after the Emancipation Proclamation was signed.

Again, we are not far removed from this history. Citing my grandfather, I have to call his name: Mr. W.C. Parish, William Calhoun Parish. He was born in Galveston, just 10 years after Granger's Juneteenth announcement.

Black Texans began celebrating Juneteenth the following year, and year after year for the last 150-plus years. Communities across the Nation have created their own traditions and events to honor and commemorate this historic moment as a day of freedom.

It is not just a cultural celebration for African Americans. It is a true testament to the endurance of our democratic ideals of liberty and equality.

So, we need to pass H.R. 1320, the Juneteenth National Independence Day Act, establishing Juneteenth as a Federal holiday to further cement the importance of this date in our Nation's historical narrative on freedom.

I thank Congresswoman Jackson Lee, again, for introducing this legislation, and I am a proud cosponsor. The last time Congress enacted a Federal holiday, I believe it was Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s birthday, and it took nearly 20 years for it to pass. We cannot let this idle.

Each year, Juneteenth compels us to confront the darkest chapter in American history, a chapter born in the Middle Passage, continued through slavery, and manifested today through systemic racism. Our Nation's racial past has consistently led to inequities in income, education, employment, healthcare, and the wealth gap of African Americans.

We must use Juneteenth to reflect upon the dehumanization of enslaved Africans in America but also to honor their legacy because ``and still we rise.''

The labor stolen from enslaved Africans built this country. Black people created some of the most cherished national symbols, all while considered merely three-fifths of a person under our Constitution.

We must honor and recognize the millions of men, women, and children lost to the brutality of slavery. As a Nation, we must reckon with the true nature and legacy of slavery in the United States and acknowledge how it has allowed a false racial hierarchy to permeate and infect our society today.

That is why, Congresswoman Jackson Lee, it is time to pass H.R. 40, legislation to establish a commission to study and develop reparations--championed, again, by a great Texan--to repair this damage, and my resolution, H.R. 19, calling for truth, racial healing, and transformation.

It is way too long. It is past overdue. We must repair this damage and move forward.

Madam Speaker, I thank Ms. Jackson Lee for this evening. I thank our CBC chairwoman, Joyce Beatty, and our vice chair, Mr. Horsford, for this Special Order tonight. I think it is very important that the history be told of Juneteenth and how it connects to today and systemic racism.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for honoring my ancestors.

Madam Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Jackson Lee for her leadership.

In order to understand where we stand in the present, we have to understand where we have been and how we came to arrive at a society as racially divided and as unequal as our own. For me, it is a scandal that most Americans have never heard of Juneteenth and most Americans have never heard of the Tulsa race massacre because these events are rarely, if ever, taught in public education.

Juneteenth is not only not taught in our public schools, but there is not even a national holiday celebrating an event that has profound meaning to Black Americans, to all Americans. So I want to commend the gentlewoman's leadership in advancing a bill that would establish Juneteenth as a national holiday.

Frederick Douglass famously posed the question: What to a slave is July Fourth?

Juneteenth is to Black America what July Fourth has exclusively been to

White America: Independence Day. Juneteenth refers to the moment when slaves in Texas came to discover their legal freedom under the Emancipation Proclamation. Out of that discovery came a 156-year tradition of Juneteenth celebration. It refers to the moment when Major General Gordon Granger led a Union Army to Texas to enforce the Emancipation Proclamation 2\1/2\ years after its issuance.

The announcement was known as General Order Number 3, and it read as follows: ``The people of Texas are informed that, in accordance with a proclamation from the Executive of the United States, all slaves are free. This involves an absolute equality of personal rights and rights of property between former masters and slaves, and the connection heretofore existing between them becomes that between employer and hired labor.''

For me, Juneteenth contains a deeper lesson that we ignore at our own peril. Law becomes real not when it is proclaimed but when it is enforced.

The emancipation of enslaved people became real not when it was proclaimed by Abraham Lincoln but when it was enforced by the Union Army, most notably on Juneteenth.

The desegregation of our public schools became real not when it was proclaimed by the Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education but when it was enforced most notably by President Eisenhower, who sent the National Guard to Little Rock, Arkansas.

Voting rights became real not when it was proclaimed by the 15th Amendment but when it was enforced a century later by the Voting Rights Act enforced by the process of preclearance, which has since been gutted by the Supreme Court but which we are seeking to restore with the John Lewis Voting Rights Act.

Reconstruction was doomed by a lack of Federal enforcement. In the beginning, Reconstruction had early success. It saw the passage of the 13th Amendment, which abolished slavery; the 14th Amendment, which provided for equal protection of the law and which prohibited discrimination based on race; and the 15th Amendment, which provided for voting rights and which prohibited disenfranchisement based on race.

During Reconstruction, scores of African Americans began exercising their fundamental right to vote, and some African Americans began winning elective office. For a fleeting moment, there was an outburst of Black political power in America. Then came a turning point in the 1876 Presidential election, whose outcome was decided by a congressional commission.

Then-Presidential candidate Rutherford B. Hayes cut a deal with white supremacists in the United States Congress. He agreed to withdraw the Union Army from the former Confederate States in exchange for the Presidency. When the Union Army withdrew from the South, it left behind a vacuum that ultimately came to be filled by Jim Crow, a system of racial discrimination, racial segregation, and racial terrorism.

What followed the failure of Reconstruction was the lost century.

Madam Speaker, for me, the lesson of Juneteenth is that an activist Federal Government is an essential defender of human rights and civil rights. It is an essential defender of equality and dignity and humanity for all Americans. We must learn from the lessons of history, and we must continue the work of Reconstruction that is long overdue.