Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 950 and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30…
Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 950 and ask for its immediate consideration.
Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.
Mr. Speaker, before I begin, I just want to state what I think we are all feeling here today, and that is that our prayers are with the Ukrainian people during this very perilous time.
I want to acknowledge the unity displayed in the yesterday afternoon Rules Committee meeting when Democrats and Republicans came together and with one voice condemned Vladimir Putin's blatant aggression, his brutality, and the horrific actions the Russian state is now taking against the people of Ukraine. It was almost as if there was no distinction between political parties, and I think that is as it should be because Vladimir Putin is not a genius, as some have said, and he is not smart. He is a bully. He is a dictator.
I cochair the Human Rights Commission in Congress. We have done countless hearings on his brutality against the Russian people. He jails people he disagrees with, he kills people he disagrees with, and he tortures people he disagrees with. He truly is an international pariah.
After this latest action, he will be in the same category as Kim Jong-un in North Korea.
So I just want to acknowledge the unity yesterday in the Rules Committee, and I want my Republican friends to know how grateful I was to have us all speak as one, especially during this difficult time. I know it is important not just for the Ukrainian people but in Russia that we are speaking as one because when people start to make excuses for the Russian dictator or start to find ways to praise him, that gets played on Russian TV and exaggerated in a way to indicate that somehow we are not unified here when I believe that we are.
Mr. Speaker, on Monday, the Rules Committee met and reported a rule, House Resolution 950, providing for consideration of H.R. 3967, the Honoring Our PACT Act, under a structured rule. The rule self-executes a manager's amendment from Chairman Takano, provides 1 hour of general debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs, and makes in order 28 amendments. Lastly, the rule provides en bloc authority to Chairman Takano and provides one motion to recommit.
Mr. Speaker, today we are here to stand up for our veterans. For a long time now, more and more have been speaking out--pleading--to be taken seriously about the health impacts of the toxic chemicals they dealt with while serving our country.
Many encountered water at military bases that were contaminated with toxins, like harmful forever chemicals. They breathed in toxic fumes at burn pits where jet fuel was used to incinerate things like paint, petroleum, and plastic. And they were exposed with radiation when being tasked to clean up after nuclear tests, without being given the proper safety equipment.
These were duties we demanded of them. And as a result, many veterans have been left to suffer with severe health challenges like cancers, infertility, and respiratory conditions. Many more have died, and others are just too sick to work.
We aren't talking about just a few people here, Mr. Speaker. We are talking about millions and millions of veterans who answered the call to serve.
When they asked us to take care of them, for too long, they were just brushed aside not just by Congress but also by the Department of Defense, year after year after year.
They were told the science wasn't clear. And they were told that providing the medical care that they needed and that they earned was just too high.
Maybe some bureaucrat somewhere viewed denying veterans' disability claims as an exercise in frugality. Maybe drowning them in paperwork and setting an unreasonably high bar to get benefits just became the norm. I don't know.
But that finally ends here and now, Mr. Speaker. The legislation included in this rule will cut the burdensome red tape. It will streamline the VA's review process, and it will get veterans exposed to toxins the care that they so badly need.
H.R. 3967 tasks the VA with providing standardized trainings to better handle these claims, and it requires them to conduct outreach and provide resources to veterans exposed to deadly chemicals.
Thanks to this bill, no longer will the burden to prove toxic exposure be placed on veterans themselves. And it is about damn time, Mr. Speaker.
If this bill becomes law, it will help an estimated 1.4 million veterans by fiscal year 2031. That is something that we should all be proud of.
The Honoring our PACT Act recognizes that just thanking our veterans for their service isn't enough. We must back up those words with action.
Some may suggest that we should just maintain the status quo or make the scope of this bill much, much smaller. Let me remind them that Congress made the choice to spend trillions
of dollars over the last 20 years on sending our servicemembers into harm's way. Those decisions came at a cost of more than $6 trillion. That is trillion with a T.
How in the world, Mr. Speaker, can anyone justify spending trillions of dollars on sending servicemembers to fight abroad just to nickel and dime them on healthcare costs once they return home? That is unconscionable.
Taking care of toxic-exposed veterans is a cost of war, period. If anyone here has reservations about paying it, they should think long and hard before calling for our servicemembers to fight in another conflict halfway around the world.
Our veterans put their lives on the line for us. They made sacrifices that are hard to even imagine. They fought to protect us, and they shouldn't have to then fight their country for the benefits that they have earned.
Let's take care of our veterans. Let's pass this bill and the underlying legislation. And let's honor our veterans with more than just words.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to thank the gentleman for his comments. I just want to say that he is right. We could probably pass the very short bill that the Republicans have put forward, H.R. 6659, and send it to the President. But our bill, which is actually more than 80 pages, goes into much more depth and covers a lot more.
Republicans want to do just a little bit. We want to actually solve the challenges that so many of our veterans face.
By the way, Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the Statement of Administration Policy, which states that President Biden would basically sign the bill we are discussing here today into law.
Statement of Administration Policy
H.R. 3967--Honoring Our Promise to Address Comprehensive Toxics (PACT)
Act--Rep. Takano, D-California and 100 cosponsors
The Administration strongly supports H.R. 3967, which would
expand veterans' access to health care and benefits to
address the health effects of harmful environmental exposures
that occurred during military service.
The President believes that our Nation has only one truly
sacred obligation: to properly prepare and equip our service
members when we send them into harm's way and to care for
them and their families when they return home. Far too often,
military service comes with a cost, and we owe it to our
veterans and their families to address these consequences
comprehensively. Unfortunately, it has taken decades to
understand the deleterious effects of environmental
exposures--leaving too many without access to the benefits
and services they need.
H.R. 3967 would make changes to the definitions for who is
eligible for VA health care based on presumed toxic exposure
during military service, including from bum pits, radiation,
or other environmental conditions. H.R. 3967 would also make
changes to the Department of Veteran Affairs (VA's) process
for determining presumptive service connection and mandate
several research studies related to military related
environmental exposures. It would also establish new
registries related to exposures, which would provide new data
on the long-term impacts from environmental exposures. H.R.
3697 also would allow a Federal cause of action related to
contaminated water at Camp Lejeune, North Carolina and
establish training requirements for health providers, and
require an outreach plan to educate veterans about their
eligibility for benefits and services related to toxic
exposure.
The Administration looks forward to working with the
Congress to enact this legislation and ensuring it is
effectively implemented. We must address the toxic legacy of
environmental exposures sustained by veterans during their
military service and fulfill our sacred obligation to our
veterans, their families, caregivers, and survivors. We must
also ensure that VA has the resources it needs to implement
this legislation.
We have an opportunity today to move a bill forward that will pass the House, even if many Republicans will not vote for it; send it to the Senate; get them to act on it; and send to the President a bill for him to sign that will actually do the job and be more than just a press release.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Pennsylvania (Ms. Scanlon), a distinguished member of the Rules Committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, we begin on a note of basically saying that it was wonderful that we were all united in standing up to Vladimir Putin and speaking with one voice. I think we need to kind of amend that at this point.
Let me just say that we need to stand with the people of Ukraine. We need to stand with President Zelensky, who has had the guts to stand up to Vladimir Putin, but also to the former President who tried to extort him and who withheld essential defensive military aid in exchange for trying to get from him some manufactured dirt on the President's son. Let's be a little bit careful about what charges we are throwing around here.
Again, I am sorry that my Republican colleagues are feeling the need to come here and play partisan politics in the middle of a global crisis, but I guess I shouldn't be surprised.
Yet, for all their criticism on how this administration is handling the crisis in Ukraine, they have been all over the map on what they would do differently. They talk about energy independence, yet they are the ones who have consistently voted against and opposed green and renewable energy here at home, which is the fastest way to achieve real energy independence.
I include in the Record a February 23 Washington Post opinion piece entitled ``Republicans say Biden is `weak' on Ukraine. What would they do differently?'' By the way, just a spoiler alert, the answer is: They have no idea.
[From the Washington Post, Feb. 23, 2022]
Opinion: Republicans Say Biden is `Weak' on Ukraine. What Would They
Do Differently?
(By Paul Waldman)
There was a time in American history when foreign crises
were considered a moment for unity. We said ``politics stops
at
the water's edge,'' meaning that partisanship had to be put
aside so the country could show the world a united front, and
both parties usually agreed.
The public acted that way, too. Presidents' approval
ratings would rise whenever we found ourselves in any sort of
conflict with a foreign adversary; this was called the
``rally 'round the flag effect,'' and it occurred even when
things went badly. For instance, President Jimmy Carter's
approval ratings shot up by almost 30 points after Americans
were taken hostage in Tehran.
But no more. Even the most straightforward of foreign
policy challenges become yet another opportunity for the
opposition to say the president is a failure and a villain,
which is what Republicans are doing now as we confront
Russian leader Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine.
But that doesn't mean the Republican Party can decide what
it believes.
One of Donald Trump's legacies is that in some GOP
quarters, Putin is now regarded as akin to a hero. That
starts with Trump himself, who reacted to the invasion by
calling Putin's aggression ``genius,'' ``smart,'' and
``savvy.'' Meanwhile, Fox News host Tucker Carlson has been
so relentless in passing on the Kremlin's perspective that
Russian state TV regularly airs clips from his show.
That exacerbates the profoundly unsettled nature of
contemporary foreign policy thinking in the GOP. The right
has struggled to find a singular voice over the past 15 years
or so, once the thrill of the Global War on Terror ran
aground in the disaster of the Iraq War.
In the 2016 presidential primaries, Republican candidates
struggled over whether and how to call the war a mistake, and
where that would leave the party's traditional hawkishness.
Then Trump took over, with less a foreign policy doctrine
than a shifting collection of impulses, including a distrust
of ambitious adventures and an obsequiousness toward Putin
that can be described only as pathetic.
So how should a Republican hawk respond to the current
crisis? The answer is clear: Just make it about President
Biden.
The GOP critique is both blessedly free of substance and
plays right into the anxieties about manhood that determine
approximately 75 percent of everything Republicans do these
days.
So whether you're a Putin fanboy or a cold warrior, you
can agree that the real problem here is weakness. Why is this
crisis happening? Because Biden is weak. What should America
do now? Not be weak, because Biden is weak. Is your favorite
baseball team going to win the pennant this year? They would,
if Biden wasn't so weak.
``Biden weakness invited Russian aggression, Republicans
say,'' reads a Fox News headline. Biden is ``the weakest
president that America has ever had,'' says former Trump
administration ambassador to United Nations Nikki Haley. ``No
one fears this pathetic old geezer'' says the National
Review.
The House Republican Conference tweeted a picture of
Biden, with the caption ``This is what weakness on the world
stage looks like.'' Rep. Elise Stefanik of New York, the
third-ranking Republican in the House, tweeted, ``Biden is
unfit to serve as Commander-in-Chief. He has consistently
given into Putin's demands and shown nothing but weakness.''
Though some Republicans say the sanctions at the center of
Biden's strategy should have started earlier, you'll have a
hard time finding one who can specify in any detail what
Biden's ``weakness'' toward Russia has consisted of to this
point, nor what a ``strong'' president would be doing
instead. Mounting a ground invasion to take Moscow? Launching
nuclear weapons? What?
If the answer is ``What Biden is doing, but, you know,
more,'' that's not very persuasive. But as far as they're
concerned, ``strength'' isn't something presidents
demonstrate with their actions; it's more of an ineffable
quality that Republican presidents possess by definition
while Democratic presidents lack.
Consider Trump. Short of literally getting down on his
hands and knees to shine Putin's shoes, there's almost no way
you could imagine Trump having been weaker toward Putin than
he actually was. Trump continually praised the Russian
dictator, dismissed his misdeeds and went out of his way to
denigrate NATO--just as Putin would want.
It culminated in the utterly disgraceful display at the
2018 summit in Helsinki, when Trump was asked about Russian
interference in the 2016 election and declared he was taking
Putin's word over the analysis of U.S. intelligence agencies,
because ``President Putin was extremely strong and powerful
in his denial today.''
It was so embarrassing that even Republicans were shocked;
then-Sen. Bob Corker of Tennessee said Trump ``made us look
like a pushover.'' Sen. John McCain called it ``one of the
most disgraceful performances by an American president in
memory.'' Nevertheless, today Republicans claim that when it
came to Russia, Trump was a paragon of strength.
And however this crisis ends, they will insist that
everything would have worked out far better if only Biden
were stronger. Whatever that means.
To be clear, everyone has the right to criticize the
president; having politics end at the water's edge brings its
own problems. Nor is there anything wrong with intraparty
differences. But rather than a lively debate over alternative
courses of action, what we're seeing now from the GOP is
mostly juvenile name-calling.
Not that we had much reason to expect anything different.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Ross), a distinguished member of the Rules Committee.
Mr. Speaker, I am not going to respond, because I like the gentleman too much.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline).
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, two quick things. One, my friends are touting this whatever it is, this all-of-the-above approach to dealing with our energy challenges. But I am looking at this proposal, and it just seems it is the same old, same old, fossil fuels, fossil fuels, fossil fuels. I wonder who wrote this. I wonder where this came from.
Why isn't there any mention of green energy or clean energy or solar energy or renewable energy, any of the things that, quite frankly, the majority of the American people want us to do? Why isn't it here?
Well, I will make a suggestion to people who are tuning in: Follow the money. Follow the money. This is Big Oil's wish list. If you want to continue to find ourselves in circumstances, whenever there is an international crisis, that we have to kowtow to Big Oil, then listen to them.
But on the Democratic side, we want to wean ourselves off of the same old, same old. And ``all-of-the-above,'' by the way, is not just oil, oil, oil.
The second thing I want to say is that my friends on the other side always love to talk about how much they support our veterans. Well, we actually have a bill here that will support our veterans. It is a big deal. You all received a letter from all the leading veterans' service organizations of this country saying to please pass this bill.
They don't want to talk about it. They say: Oh, support this minuscule bill, the alternative that we are putting up here, by the way, which our veterans' organizations do not prefer.
If you really want to help our veterans, if you are sincere about what you say when you say let's support our veterans, then how about voting that way. Talk is cheap around here. How about putting your vote where your rhetoric is and supporting this underlying bill.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).
It is amazing, Mr. Speaker, we are here talking about a major veterans bill, and the gentleman couldn't even bring himself to mention veterans once in his statement.
To the gentleman from Pennsylvania, talking about taking all cars off the road, who is talking about that? I will tell the gentleman that if we go ahead with what he wants to do on the Keystone pipeline, that is equivalent to adding another 5 million cars on the road. That is what that would mean to our environment.
My Republican friends, if they want to think small when it comes to veterans, have at it. Veterans' organizations are watching. We are hearing from veterans all across the country who want this bill passed. They want us to pass this comprehensive bill. We will do that.
If you want to do your minuscule bill, you have a substitute, you can vote for it. It is in your substitute. We want to actually do something in a comprehensive way to meet the concerns that our veterans have expressed for years and years and years. If you want to take a pass, go ahead. That is what you do on our most important issues. This probably is no exception.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price).
Mr. Speaker, I would remind the gentleman that President Biden didn't try to extort President Zelensky by withholding money to get him to manufacture dirt on one of his political opponents. But I find this a little bit comical.
My Republican friends say that they want to bring up this Senate bill, which is much narrower than what we are doing right now, yet they want you to defeat the previous question not so they can bring up that Senate bill, but so they can bring up this giveaway to the oil companies. Again, follow the money. Follow the money. This is a bill that was written in some back room in some oil company and, quite frankly, it is unconscionable. They never let a crisis go to waste.
Today we are talking about trying to help our veterans, and it would be nice if on this one issue of helping our veterans we could all come together, but I guess that is asking too much.
I now yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Cartwright).
Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record an April 28, 2021, Military.com article titled: ``VA Secretary Wants More Vets Sickened by Burn Pits to File Claims, But Many Are Still Being Turned Away,'' and I include in the Record an April 12, 2021, ``NBC News'' article titled: ``Veterans Face Uphill Battle to Receive Treatment For `Burn Pit' Exposure.''
[From Military.com, Apr. 28, 2021]
VA Secretary Wants More Vets Sickened by Burn Pits To File Claims, But
Many Are Still Being Turned Away
(By Steve Beynon)
Department of Veterans Affairs Secretary Denis McDonough
wants more veterans who believe they were sickened by
exposure to burn pits overseas to seek help from the
department, despite many being turned away.
``We're urging vets to come forward with their claims,''
McDonough said at a press briefing Monday. ``Our commitment
is to treat each claim with the care it deserves. As we get
more claims, we can aggregate those claims to draw bigger
conclusions.''
As of March 31, the VA had denied 72% of burn pit claims,
according to agency data obtained by Military.com. Between
June 2007 and March 31, the VA processed 15,640 disability
compensation claims related to burn pit exposure. Of those,
3,510 veterans had at least one burn pit issue granted.
The top three diagnoses related to burn pits are bronchial
asthma, chronic bronchitis and allergic rhinitis, according
to department data. The most common reasons for a veteran to
be denied is not having a diagnosed medical condition or
being unable to connect the condition to their service--43.1%
and 42.8% of denials, respectively.
But the data doesn't reflect the scope of the issue. The
number of patients filing claims might be disproportionately
small given VA estimates that 3.5 million veterans have been
exposed to burn pits since 1990. It is unclear how many are
sick due to their exposure or have died as a result.
McDonough suggests that more data is needed, and he wants
more veterans to seek help from the VA so officials can get a
better grasp on the issue.
The burn pit data also could be inherently flawed. To get
the data, the VA had to use text mining, searching for
keywords such as ``burn pit'' and ``burn pits'' in its
patient databases, according to department records. This
means patients coming forward with issues related to burn
pits might not automatically be listed as burn pit patients
if that phrase wasn't used in their records.
Out of the 2.5 million Global War on Terrorism veterans,
781,384 have filed claims related to respiratory issues.
According to VA data obtained by Military.com, 63% were
granted. Of all the GWOT veterans, 42,686 filed for claims
related to cancer; 37% of those claims were granted.
The VA's research shows GWOT veterans are three times more
likely than non-deployed veterans to file claims related to
respiratory issues and twice as likely to file claims for
cancer.
``Although the GWOT-deployed and GWOT non-deployed
population sizes are relatively the same, the GWOT-deployed
cohort has more than two times the number of service-
connected cancers,'' according to the agency's findings.
Burn pits are often referred to as the post-9/11
generation's Agent Orange, referencing the bureaucratic maze
and uneven claims process veterans have to navigate, and what
could be a decades-long legislative fight to issue easy-to-
access health care and disability compensation.
The House and Senate Veterans Affairs Committees and
advocacy groups have made toxic exposure the top issue this
year. Congress is looking at some two dozen bills, ranging
from incremental improvements to sweeping health care bills
for all 3.5 million veterans exposed to burn pits and other
toxic environments.
But it's unclear what can actually make it to President Joe
Biden's desk. Some lawmakers and advocates are concerned over
what is very likely to be a huge tab to cover the cost of
opening the VA up to a huge swath of new patients.
Mr. Speaker, the world is watching. And I am not going to be lectured by someone who takes their marching orders from Donald Trump, who said that Putin's invasion of Ukraine was a genius and savvy move. I wish the gentleman would have condemned that.
Listening to that speech, you would think that Joe Biden invaded Ukraine. I mean, he spent all this time criticizing Joe Biden, John Kerry, and everybody else but hardly criticized Vladimir Putin.
You know, look, I also wish, because I think it would be helpful for this country and a signal to the world, if the gentleman who just spoke would reprimand Members of his own party who cozy up to white nationalists and go to pro-Putin rallies. That would send a signal to people in this country and to people around the world on whose side we are on.
Bottom line is, the people of Ukraine are being invaded by a brutal dictator, Vladimir Putin. And when their standard-bearer, Donald Trump, was in charge, he spread propaganda about Ukrainian interference in the 2016 election, which was a lie. He ousted a well-regarded U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine because they weren't doing what he wanted to in terms of finding dirt on his political opponents. He froze military assistance to Ukraine; they said nothing. He withheld a White House meeting with Zelensky, turned Ukraine policy over to Giuliani--I could go on and on and on.
We are not going to be lectured by them. Instead, we are going to move forward and pass a bill to help America's veterans, with or without them.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, before I conclude, I want to thank and acknowledge Jeff Gohringer, who has served as the communications director for the House Committee on Rules in both the majority and minority over the last 6 years. Today is his last day with the Committee on Rules, and I speak for Members and staff on both sides of the aisle when I say to Jeff that we are grateful
for your years of service in this institution. We wish you well in your future endeavors, and you will always have a home here.
I also thank James Fitzella, who is leaving as well. The staff are incredible on the Committee on Rules, and James will be dearly missed.
Mr. Speaker, let me just close by saying that we heard a lot on the other side and barely a mention about our veterans. The gentlewoman from Washington, who came on the floor just recently and read the oil company talking points, couldn't even bring herself to mention veterans once.
The bill that we are talking about here today is to make sure veterans who have been exposed to toxic chemicals, who get cancer, who get other ailments, get the healthcare they need.
You would like to think that we could all come together on it. The gentleman from Pennsylvania keeps on talking about this narrow bill. I mean, they are not even serious about it because if they were, they would have used the previous question vote, which would give them the right to control the floor, to bring that up. But they didn't. Instead, they are bringing up an oil company's wish list.
This really is obnoxious. I get it. They don't like President Biden, and they will let no crisis go by without trying to make it about President Biden.
But let me just say this: We should be together in standing with the people of Ukraine, and we should be together in standing with our veterans.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Reschenthaler is as follows:
Amendment to House Resolution 950
At the end of the resolution, add the following:
Sec. 5. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution, the
House shall proceed to the consideration in the House of the
bill (H.R. 6858) to strengthen United States energy security,
encourage domestic production of crude oil, petroleum
products, and natural gas, and for other purposes. All points
of order against consideration of the bill are waived. The
bill shall be considered as read. All points of order against
provisions in the bill are waived. The previous question
shall be considered as ordered on the bill and on any
amendment thereto to final passage without intervening motion
except: (1) one hour of debate equally divided and controlled
by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on
Energy and Commerce; and (2) one motion to recommit.
Sec. 6. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the
consideration of H.R. 6858.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.