Special Envoy for the Abraham Accords Act

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 495 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

House Resolution 495 provides for a structured rule for consideration of H.R. 277, the Regulations from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny Act of 2023 and provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary.

House Resolution 495 further provides for a structured rule for consideration of H.R. 288, the Separation of Powers Restoration Act of 2023. It also provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary.

House Resolution 495 further provides for a structured rule for the consideration of H.R. 1615, the Gas Stove Protection and Freedom Act, and provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

This resolution further provides for a structured rule for the consideration of H.R. 1640 and provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

Furthermore, House Resolution 495 provides for a closed rule for consideration of H.J. Res. 44 and provides 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary.

These are five bills that may seem unrelated, but they are very related, and they have to do with the power of Congress and the fact that our power has atrophied considerably since the beginning of this country. In fact, we are almost a vestigial organ of this Republic at this point, we have ceded so much power to the executive branch, and that is how all of these bills are related.

Three of the bills seek to repeal laws or regulations that the administrative branch is unconstitutionally, I would argue, promulgating.

Two of these bills get at the heart of the matter, the problem that we have. One of them specifically is the REINS Act, which is very important. This would rein in our power to legislate.

I don't think our Founders would recognize our form of government at this point. They never intended for the administrators to be the lawmakers; yet here we are.

The Regulations from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny Act would send every major regulation that is suggested--and I say suggested--by the administration back to Congress where there would have to be a positive vote of the House and the Senate in order for that to go to the President and then, with his signature, become law, as all laws should do.

The other bill in this package that seeks to address the sort of chronic problem that we have here in Congress is the Separation of Powers Restoration Act.

It is basically a repeal of a horrible Supreme Court precedent called the Chevron deference that says, basically, any way the administration wants to construe one of our laws, they can get away with it.

The Supreme Court will give deference to the interpretation, no matter how far afield from the original interpretation the law was given from Congress.

Finally, the three bills today that deal with individual regulations, two of them deal with gas stoves. This administration has a war on gas stoves, depending on which person from the administration you listen to, a rule that is being promulgated by the Consumer Product Safety Commission and also by the Department of Energy.

There are two rules here. They would ban between 50 to 95 percent of the gas stoves on the market for arbitrary reasons. It is not clear that there would be any consumer benefit from banning these. In fact, consumers would suffer from this ban.

These are the types of rules that we need the REINS Act for. They would have a significant impact on our economy, and that is why they should be here in front of Congress, and that is why we are seeking to countermand them here today.

Finally, I think this is the most important rule that we are countermanding in legislation this week, and that is the pistol brace rule from the ATF.

We are not talking about an interpretation of a law where the EPA says, we think we should allow this much sulfur dioxide instead of that amount of sulfur dioxide and create a civil infraction where corporations could be sued or punished. We are talking about criminal penalties.

The ATF has twisted the existing statute, a law that was passed by Congress in 1934, and has magically reinterpreted it to create tens of millions of felons beginning on June 1.

We have a bad situation in this country right now where millions of people have been turned into felons, law-abiding individuals who are following the rules that were set forth by the ATF. That is why urgent action is required on the pistol brace rule repeal here today, and that is H.J. Res. 44.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I find it ironic that the gentleman on the other side of the aisle is demanding to know what the power-sharing structure is here in the House, when, in fact, he will spend the rest of his time arguing that we should give our power to the White House, that the administrative branch should be making law, in fact, major regulations that have more than $100 million of impact.

I would say to the gentleman on the other side of the aisle that if he is wondering about the power-sharing arrangement, then he should seek to put some power here in the House, restore the power that the Founders gave us in Article I of the Constitution.

With respect to the solution to the tragic school shootings, some States have taken it upon themselves to allow qualified teachers and staff to carry

firearms. Imagine that, the children are protected by firearms the same way we are protected here. Why do we sit here and say, oh, we have got to do something, when we sit behind protection and the children aren't?

I would encourage the other side of the aisle to cosponsor my bill to change the default setting here in this country. The default setting was set by the Gun-Free School Zone Act, which makes it illegal to even be near a school and have a firearm, which makes it harder for States to set policies that would save our children. All it does is make felons of law-abiding gun owners.

I would encourage them to look at a real solution. You can ban a pistol brace, but you are not going to stop a single mass public shooting. Most of these mass public shootings occur with a pistol, not a pistol with a brace on it or with a short-barreled rifle, as they would say, or with a rifle, an assault rifle they might call it.

They can start banning these pieces of plastic, like the Biden administration is doing, and then they can move on to banning magazines. As the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee admitted to me last night, he would like to ban all of the AR-15s. They could ban handguns. Then they will get down to shotguns. The reality is you can't stop these tragedies with a ban. You have to change the way we protect our children.

This pistol brace rule that has been promulgated by the administrative branch will cause--they just haven't been arrested--will cause and has already caused tens of millions of Americans to be felons. That happened on June 1. Time is up. You are done. You are now a felon if you own one of these braces on your firearm.

Whether you own one or not, most Americans understand what is happening here. Our system of lawmaking has been turned on its head. Even more fundamental than that, people were told it was legal by the ATF. The technical division of the ATF reviewed the prototypes of these pistol braces in 2012 when Obama was the President.

What did Obama's ATF say to Mr. Bosco, the inventor of the pistol brace? ``You are asking if the addition of this sample, a buffer tube forearm brace, would convert a firearm in a manner that would cause it to be classified as a `rifle' and thus a `firearm' regulated by the National Firearms Act. . . . `'

``Based on our evaluation,'' our technical department ``finds that the submitted forearm brace, when attached to a firearm, does not convert that weapon to be fired from the shoulder and would not alter the classification of a pistol or other firearm.'' ``. . . Such a firearm would not be subject to NFA controls.''

This is a letter on ATF letterhead, in fact, the Department of Justice letterhead, dated November 26, 2012, that millions of Americans relied on, that many entrepreneurs relied on.

Now what happens? The rug is getting pulled out from under them, but not by the legislative branch. By the way, we could have repealed this. The Democrats controlled both chambers. They could have passed a legislative ban on these braces. They didn't do it. Why didn't they do it? Maybe it is because they are accountable. They are accountable to the people, unlike these bureaucrats. Nobody is going to lose an election at the ATF for promulgating this rule.

The people here are scared. The people here in this Chamber are scared to do their jobs, and the people in the Senate are scared to do their jobs, so they would much prefer the administration do our jobs.

What have they done? What is the penalty for owning this piece of plastic on a firearm that is connected to a pistol? I asked the ranking member of Judiciary Committee last night in the Rules Committee meeting. He did not know. It turns out it is a quarter of a million dollars and 10 years in prison. Is that the appropriate sentence for somebody who followed the law for 10 years, followed ATF guidance that was given during the Obama administration and now doesn't even know they are violating the law? Is 10 years and a quarter million dollars appropriate? I don't think so. They relied on this letter.

Now, to another part of the pistol brace rule. The ranking member of the Judiciary Committee and the ATF Director Dettelbach have both testified incorrectly that you can comply with this pistol brace rule from the ATF by merely separating the firearm from the brace. That is wrong. That is not what the ATF rule says.

Why did they say this in testimony? Why did the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee say this? Why did the ATF Director say this? Because they wanted to sound reasonable. That may seem like a reasonable solution, but it is not the solution that the ATF has put into law.

Again, this isn't a fine. This isn't like saying the EPA decided that we have too much sulfur dioxide in the atmosphere so we are going to reduce emissions and set the sulfur dioxide emissions at a different level and you can be fined if you don't comply and you are a corporation.

This is not a civil infraction. This is a criminal infraction that will put millions of Americans in jeopardy of going to jail. For what, a piece of plastic? Does it make the firearm more dangerous? No. Does it make the firearm more concealable? No. Does it make the firearm more deadly? No.

Then I hear from the other side of the aisle: Oh, well, we are not banning them. Oh, we wouldn't ban them. Really? You are telling people in the United States you have to register them as short-barreled rifles. Guess what? That is illegal in 13 States. Thirty-six percent of Americans live in those 13 States where you can't even comply. You cannot legally comply with the ATF directive to register that pistol with that brace on it as a short-barreled rifle. Compliance is impossible if you want to keep that accessory. It is a ban. It is a de facto ban, especially on people in those 13 States.

Here is what it is really about. They can't ban guns. They would love to, but they can't ban them. They can't do it legislatively. The President came into office and looked at all of the regulations and how could he ban some guns. Well, he found this one here. How can he get more guns registered.

By the way, it is illegal for the administrative branch to create a registry of firearms that are in common circulation here in the United States. That is illegal. They are not allowed to do it in the administrative branch. What have they done with this pistol brace rule over there that we seek to countermand? They are going to create a registry of millions of Americans who own pistols who happen to have this brace.

I would argue this wasn't just a way to ban guns with certain accessories. It was a way to do something else that is not legal, not authorized by Congress, and that is to require millions of Americans to register.

To close out this pistol brace rule, I thank Mr. Clyde for introducing this resolution. It is absolutely necessary. It is very timely. I wish we had gotten it done before June 1 because now we have got millions of felons in the United States just waiting to be arrested; don't even know they are not in compliance. This ATF rule will do nothing to increase safety.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, as a father and a grandfather, my heart breaks when I see the victims of these deranged killers at schools and elsewhere. We need serious solutions.

I think it is an insult to the victims and families that banning a piece of plastic is going to save a life--it won't--or telling them that putting up a sign that says gun-free zone will save a life. It won't. It will cost lives.

When one of my former staffers was married for less than a year, she and her husband had a karaoke business, and she had a stalker who followed them to each of their events. She got a concealed carry license in Tennessee and carried her gun to protect herself from the stalker. This was Nikki who worked for me.

One night, they set up their business in a bar, and the sign said ``No Guns Inside'' because they served alcohol. Nikki left her firearm to protect herself in the car, but her stalker did not leave his.

He came into the bar and shot her husband viciously in front of her. She has to live with that. That is why she wants serious solutions. She knows that gun-free zones are unserious. She knows that banning pieces of plastic is not serious. She knows that children deserve the protection that we have here.

We all know, if you are willing to look at the data, that in every school that has allowed qualified teachers and staff to carry a firearm, there has never been a school shooting. It is a fact.

We need to work on serious solutions, not unserious solutions like banning a piece of plastic.

Mr. Speaker, going to the stove ban, which is also unserious, it is going to cost consumers. It is going to make the products less safe, not more safe. It is going to make them less available. It is not about safety or efficiency or consumer benefit. It is about banning fossil fuels. That is why this administration has declared a war on gas stoves.

Two of the bills in this package would repeal those rules from this administration.

Natural gas, when it is used in appliances, is 3.4 times more affordable than electricity. Why is that? Let's think about where that electricity comes from. A natural gas plant can burn electricity, spin a turbine, create electricity at maybe 50 percent efficiency and then put it on wires that are hundreds of miles long to go to a household. Those wires may be 70 percent, 80 percent efficient.

When it gets to the household, what do you do with that energy that came from the natural gas that is now electricity? You turn it back into heat if you have an electric stove, which is how this administration would want you to live.

Guess what? That is less than half as efficient. It costs 3.4 times more to do it that way than to create electricity with natural gas and then use the electricity at your house than if you just brought the natural gas to the household. In fact, consumers who use natural gas in their house save over $1,000 a year.

This is a war on the middle class and the poor. The war on gas stoves is a war on affordable heating and cooking.

When the electricity goes out in natural disasters, whose stoves work? The ones who have gas stoves.

Who can boil water to drink when the water is unsafe because of a natural disaster? Those who have gas stoves.

This administration should quit gaslighting consumers by telling them they are acting in their best interest. The Federal Interagency Committee on Indoor Air Quality has never identified gas stoves as contributing to asthma or respiratory illness. The Consumer Product Safety Commission and the Environmental Protection Agency have never identified gas stoves as a significant contributor to adverse air quality or as a health hazard.

Why are they doing this? It is a war on gas stoves. These two bills would seek to reverse that. It is just common sense.

In fact, the other side of the aisle said these are messaging bills. Guess what? Some Democrats liked the message because they voted for these bills in the Energy and Commerce Committee. It must be a great message. It must be a message the American people want to hear. It must be a message that they like to hear because they know if we had the Senate and the White House, this kind of ridiculousness would not go on. That is why it is important to pass these two bills to protect our gas stoves.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I wonder, since we are proposing that children would be saved by banning a piece of plastic, has anyone on the other side of the aisle proposed that Congressmen are safer now that this piece of plastic is banned?

I don't think so.

Has anyone proposed that gun-free zone signs would keep us safe?

I don't think so.

What I see surrounding me here and right outside the door are people with firearms protecting us. Our children deserve the same respect and the same serious solutions.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy), who is my good friend and colleague on the Rules Committee, to speak in favor of the rule as he did in the committee.

Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time each side has remaining.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the other side of the aisle for pointing out that all the ATF rule does is change the legal status, that you can still get the brace and you can still get the pistol.

The last thing that is on a criminally deranged person's mind is: What is the legal status of my firearm? Is this a pistol? Is this a rifle? Is it a short-barreled rifle? How much time will I get when I go on this suicide mission for doing this because of the legal status?

However, what changing legal status does is it creates millions of felons out of legal firearm owners who presumed they were operating legally.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, 6,000 veterans signed a petition opposing the ATF rule, so I hope that is enough to convince the other side.

However, I now switch to two other bills that are in this rules package because this is Groundhog Day. We will be here again. The administration does something which has the effect of law, and then we are feckless to change it.

There have been over 90,000 rules promulgated since the Congressional Review Act was put into place. Only 20 rules have ever been countermanded because it is such a high bar to get a majority of the House and a majority of the Senate and the President to sign something to undo a law.

How did it become law? Just because the administrative branch willed it into existence.

Our Constitution says: ``All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.''

Does it say, and also an ATF or also an EPA? No, it does not. It says House and Senate.

Does it say, some legislative powers? No. It says, all legislative powers are vested in Congress.

The REINS Act would do quite a bit to restore our power. Not enough, though, because the Chevron deference still exists.

The other bill in this package is the Separation of Powers Restoration Act, which is a legislative repeal of the tragic Chevron deference that has plagued this country for so many years, where the Supreme Court gives full latitude, broad authority to the administrative branch to twist and contort the laws that we make in creating new laws.

I urge people to vote for this rule because it includes these two packages, which put our Republic back into a structure that our Founding Fathers envisioned, where the legislators make the laws, and the administration enforces the laws.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I am prepared to close.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to submit for the Record a letter to Speaker McCarthy, Ranking Member Hakeem Jeffries, and others signed by 11 veterans and military organizations in support of H.J. Res. 44.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

The REINS Act, which I would argue is the most important part of these five bills, is here, and we are debating it today because my constituent, Lloyd Rogers--who grew up in an orphanage in Kentucky, where he met his future wife in that same orphanage--sent this idea for this bill to his Congressman who preceded me.

Lloyd Rogers served in the Army during the Korean war. Then he came home, and he served as a county judge executive. He was shocked when he was trying to serve the people in his community at how many of the rules and regulations that tied his hands were never passed by Congress. He wrote this bill, and he sent it to his Congressman.

By the way, he and his wife were married for 65 years, and Lloyd turned 90 on Saturday. He is watching this debate.

This is how our Republic is supposed to work. Laws aren't supposed to come from unelected bureaucrats with no accountability. They are supposed to be ideas that people in our communities have that would make their lives better, and then we are accountable to them, so when they talk to us, we have to listen. They can throw us out every 2 years. Maybe they should throw more of us out every 2 years.

Lloyd came to his Congressman and said, please, put this bill on the floor. It went to legislative counsel. The Congressman introduced this bill, and it has been very popular. It is one of the most popular bills among the American people because they know the structure of our government intended by our Founding Fathers was for us to write the laws and for the administrative branch to execute the laws, not to write them themselves.

Mr. Speaker, I urge adoption of this rule, which contains five bills that I urge the passage of.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Kentucky for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, it is great to see you again. How are you? It has been a while. You look terrific.

We haven't had votes in what, 5 legislative days, all because some Republican Members decided to throw a temper tantrum last week on the House floor, wanting to rehash legislation that was passed the week before.

What we saw was essentially a fight between the rightwing and the extreme

rightwing. I mean, what the hell is going on here?

With each passing week, it becomes more and more obvious that the Republican Party is completely out of touch with what everyday people care about in this country.

We are bringing a new rule to the floor that incorporates the bills that we were supposed to do last week and adds an additional bill to make it easier to kill people.

I am told that the Republicans now have the votes to pass this rule. The question is: What was the deal? Better yet, what was the secret deal to convince the Republicans who were problematic last week to go along to get along this week?

Reading the press, we see that members of the Freedom Caucus are saying they have this deal on power sharing.

I am not quite sure what that means. Power sharing with the Speaker and the extreme rightwing; is that the deal?

We hear from the Speaker that there is no deal on anything. I don't know what the truth is. Maybe my friend can enlighten us at some point about what the truth is.

My Republican friends like to say that this place should be run like a business. Well, if they really believe that, then this place should be out of business because this is not the way Congress should be run. This is not the way you run a democracy. This is ridiculous.

Democrats have worked tirelessly to try to lower costs for people, bring jobs back from China, rebuild our country, fight pollution, and keep our communities safe.

Republicans? What do they stand for? Well, forgive me if I say I am not entirely sure because right now, the only thing I have seen so far since they took over is dysfunction and disarray.

Republicans began this Congress by wasting a week fighting with each other about who would be Speaker. Now we are 5 months in, and they have enacted five laws.

One a month. Boy, what an achievement. Even Democrats and President Trump were able to enact 21 laws at this point.

The far right fringe of the Republican Party, the same fringe that demanded Speaker McCarthy give them all of his power, has succeeded in even dictating to him what bills he can and can't bring to the House floor.

This is important. I want the American people to understand who is in charge here right now. It is not the Speaker of the House. It is not Kevin McCarthy. It is the far right of the far right.

We have sitting members of the Republican Conference right now openly advocating for civil war. These are the people calling the shots. Are you kidding me?

In what world should the 11 most extreme people in the Republican Party get to dictate the entire agenda of a legislative body that represents 332 million people? What are we doing here, Mr. Speaker?

We have smoke from wildfires clogging up our air. Scientists are telling us we need to do more on climate change, yet we are passing messaging bills about gas stoves.

By the way, that is not even me calling them messaging bills. It is the Republicans saying that. This is a Republican: We do not need to leave D.C. early because messaging bills are not coming to the House floor. That was Congresswoman Boebert last week.

How about this one: When we pass things around here that are messaging bills that don't do anything, is it really a loss that we aren't passing anything?

I mean, their own Members are saying that the bills they are passing do nothing. Essentially, they are just playing a messaging game. Is this really the best we can do with all of the challenges that we face in this country and around the world?

Meanwhile, our constituents are begging us and they are pleading with us to do something about gun violence in this country. What do Republicans do? How do they respond? By bringing to the floor a bill that makes it easier for the next mass shooter to kill more people. It is sick.

Mr. Speaker, killed were: 9 people outside a bar in Dayton in 2019; 10 people, including a police officer, at a grocery store in Boulder in 2021; 5 people in an LGBTQ nightclub in Colorado Springs in 2022; and 6 people, including children, at a school in Nashville just a few months ago. What do they all have in common? They were all killed by mass shooters who used stabilizing braces.

By the way, the ATF rule that the Republicans are trying to overturn, contrary to what they say, doesn't even make stabilizing braces illegal. It doesn't ban them. All it does is it says that you need to register braces because they are used in a lot of mass shootings.

But for Republicans, any amount of commonsense gun safety regulation is too much. Why? Because the NRA says so.

Our kids are being slaughtered, for God's sake. Does anyone care? Do my Republican colleagues care at all that America's parents stay up wondering whether their kids will be the next one shot at school or at a mall or at a movie theater or at their own graduation?

People come up to me all the time and they ask me: Why can't Democrats and Republicans just work together? I tell them I wish we could. There was a time when we did.

I say to them: Go online and Google the bills that Republicans are bringing to the floor. Ask yourself why Republicans oppose background checks on a gun accessory that mass shooters use to kill people. Ask yourself if it is right that this bill was introduced by a Republican Member of Congress--and you are going to love this--who owns a gun store and makes millions of dollars by selling guns and these types of gun accessories that mass shooters use to kill people. Ask yourself if it makes sense that the only reason this bill is even on the floor is because Speaker McCarthy isn't even in charge of the House schedule anymore; the far, far, far right is.

The craziest thing is this rule was inspired by guidance published under the Trump administration. Let me repeat that. Even the Trump administration thought it was necessary to further regulate stabilizing braces. I can't believe I am about to say this, but I agree.

If you want to know why we can't have real action when it comes to gun safety, follow the money. In the last decade, the NRA has spent more than $100 million to help elect Republicans who will support their extreme agenda. Follow the money. It is no surprise that the far right is demanding this bill, but it is a shame.

How many more mass shootings need to happen? How many more kids need to die before my Republican colleagues pull their heads out of the sand and say the NRA's blood money is not worth the damage that is being done to our country?

I wish I was wrong, Mr. Speaker, but sadly the cowardice and moral bankruptcy on the other side of the aisle seems to know no bounds.

Between the new concept of power sharing in the House, which really just means that the Speaker is going to have to keep a tiny minority of extremist Members happy for the House to be able to function, and the fact that their party's frontrunner for the 2024 Presidential election is being indicted with very serious charges for the second time this afternoon, I am sorry to say the Republican Party is a train wreck, and it doesn't bode well for what is to come.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me say a couple of things. First of all, nobody is talking about banning anything here. What we are saying is that an accessory that has been used in a number of mass shootings be registered. That is it.

By the way, the gentleman said the administration should not be making laws. The administration is not making laws. They are administrating and enforcing the laws that we have passed, and they do that through regulation and rulemaking. I am not sure what the gentleman is talking about.

Let me also say that he keeps on saying that this bill will turn gun owners into automatic felons, that by owning or buying one of these stabilizing braces, American gun owners will become felons. That is just not true.

By the way, I should tell the gentleman, someone has to be convicted of a crime in a court to become a felon. Let me give him an example, one that he might be able to relate to. Despite being charged with 37 counts for mishandling classified documents, former President Trump is not a felon. He only becomes a felon if he is found guilty of the crimes that he was charged with and is sentenced to a year or more in prison, which may very likely happen.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to include in the Record an article from the Washington Post titled: ``Here are the 37 charges against Trump and what they mean.''

Mr. Speaker, before I yield to my next speaker, I have to say, we heard a lot of words from the gentleman and from other Republicans who speak on these issues. Do you know what we don't hear? We don't hear any empathy for the families who have lost loved ones to gun violence.

I began my opening remarks by citing examples of how this accessory was used in mass shootings. Children, mothers, fathers, grandmothers, and grandfathers lost their lives. They were murdered. Police were murdered. There is not even any empathy. There is no acknowledgment that this is a terrible tragedy.

All we hear about is: Don't take away my toys. Don't interfere with my hobby. You can't register any of these things.

I think people are so sick and tired of where our priorities are. People are sick and tired of having the National Rifle Association and all of their money dictate what our policies should be on guns. They don't care about all the people who have died and have been murdered in this country.

By the way, other countries have similar challenges and problems that we do, but they don't have the level of gun violence. They don't have massacres on a regular basis. This is what we get. Enough.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Georgia (Mrs. McBath).

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Georgia.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, we didn't call them messaging bills. Members of the Republican Conference called them messaging bills, I would remind the gentleman.

The gentleman says that we need serious solutions to gun violence in this country. I think I heard the gentleman correctly, that he is suggesting it is okay for people to carry guns into bars when they are drunk. I don't think that is very serious.

The idea that we can shoot our way into gun safety is insane. We already have more guns than people in this country. We are the only country in the world that has massacres that occur on a regular basis.

The gentleman is saying that people should be able to carry guns into bars when they are drunk, that we ought to give teachers more guns, and that everybody ought to have more guns and everybody will be safe. This is insane. It doesn't make any sense.

At some point, people are going to have to have the courage to stand up to the gun lobby and say no to the NRA's money and actually do what is in the best interest of the American people, do what will protect the people of this country. To hear this nonsense--this place is crazier than usual.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. This is strange what we hear on the House floor today. My friends keep on talking about veterans and people with disabilities, but I don't see any major veterans organization or disability organization that has endorsed this bill. The gentleman talks about the fact that we have security here. Yes, the Capitol Police who protect us all have had background checks and have all had training.

It is interesting that we have a rule when my friends are in charge where you can't bring weapons on the House floor. I feel good about that after I have listened to some of my colleagues here today.

I also remind the gentleman that there were police officers at Uvalde. We hear from police officers and organizations all across the country all the time how they don't want to have to get into situations where they are battling with somebody who has an AR-15.

People are dying in this country on a regular basis. Massacres are happening on a regular basis, and we are on the floor to basically make it easier for people to have access to an accessory that can make a gun more deadly and more accurate that can kill more people. I mean, it doesn't make any sense. All I can think of is the fact that some of my friends are afraid to take on the gun lobby. They are afraid to lose their money. $100 million in NRA money went into campaigns in the last 10 years--$100 million. We have to get our priorities straight here in this Congress. We have to put people ahead of guns. Mr. Speaker, I am going to urge that we defeat the previous question, and if we do, then I will offer an amendment to the rule to provide for consideration of a resolution which states that it is the House's duty to protect and preserve Social Security

and Medicare for our future generations and reject any cuts to these essential programs.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Casar), to discuss our proposal.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I won't hold my breath waiting for the other names.

It is astounding to me that my friends on the other side of the aisle don't want any gun laws. Basically, they lack empathy for the murders and deaths in this country that happen on a regular basis. I mean, at some point, we have to say enough is enough. They have to put people ahead of the gun lobby, and my friends are incapable of doing that.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Leger Fernandez), who is a distinguished member of the Rules Committee.

Mr. Speaker, may I inquire of the gentleman how many additional speakers he has?

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

Mr. Speaker, we have real problems in this country. I mean, the Northern Hemisphere was on fire. You couldn't walk outside last week without a mask in Washington, D.C., New York City, or a number of major cities and communities all across the Northeast. Our

planet has a fever. I mean, we have a real issue here with climate change, but we don't talk about those things.

There are a zillion issues that we need to deal with, but instead we come to the floor with--this is what the Republicans have said-- messaging bills. Those are their words, not mine. These messaging bills promote their culture war against gas stoves, and these messaging bills, I guess, make the NRA even happier.

The gentleman talks about veterans who want this. There are 16 million veterans in this country. If this were a priority of our veterans, these major organizations would be supporting this bill, but they are not.

The bottom line is, we are here talking about stuff that will not help anybody. In fact, this gun bill just makes it easier for people to kill people.

Why are we doing this? This makes absolutely no sense.

Last week, my Republican friends fought with each other, and nothing got done. This week, we are bringing bills to the floor that Republican Members are calling nothing more than messaging bills.

Congress was created to help solve problems, to help people. My Republican friends think that that is a foreign idea. This is helping nobody. It is a joke that we are here today bringing this horrific bill to the floor basically so that the NRA can be happy and justify another $100 million into their campaigns.

People are dying every single day in this country, and we hardly hear a word about it from the other side of the aisle. In fact, during this debate, very little was even acknowledged in terms of the people who are dying in this country. We can do so much better.

I used to have a history teacher who used to say the world will not get better on its own. I didn't really know what he was talking about when I took the course, but I do now. Nothing good happens unless good people come together and make change.

There have to be some reasonable people on the Republican side who understand that gun violence is out of control. We have more guns in this country than people. We can't shoot our way out of this problem, and yet that is what my Republican friends are suggesting.

Enough is enough. We need to get back to doing the people's business.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the previous question, vote ``no'' on the rule, and vote ``no'' on all this garbage messaging legislation that will follow. We are here to solve problems, to make people's lives better. Let's do something that actually makes the American people proud of this Congress. This is embarrassing.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time.

This really is about saving lives. Eight children a day die from gun violence. In addition, 40,000 Americans die from gun violence throughout the year.

I thank Congressman Thompson of California for making clear what we are saying here today. A veteran can buy a brace any day of the year.

We love, respect, and admire our veterans. However, at the same time, we respect our first responders, police officers, firefighters, and others who are on the front line or former combat officers who say that we don't need automatic weapons in the hands of civilians. There is no hunting purpose. There is no purpose.

You haven't lived until you see a shoot-out in your district between a criminal with a ghost gun against police officers. That is what we are trying to prevent. I don't want to see that in Houston, Texas, ever again.

A person can buy the brace without a background check. When it becomes a dangerous weapon, when that brace changes the gun's legal status and makes it, in essence, the same that caused a mass shooting at a Boulder, Colorado, supermarket, then the stabilizing brace and a shorter barrel made a pistol under Federal gun regulations.

Saving lives is why I am standing here on the floor. Protecting police officers and protecting firefighters is why I am on the floor. The highest calling that I have on the floor is protecting children and stopping Uvalde, Sandy Hook, Parkland, Santa Fe, and the list goes on.

A brace can be bought without a background check, and the rule that is being overturned simply says the ATF is doing the right thing.

Mr. Speaker, vote for the underlying bill.

Mr. Speaker, I am here today to speak in opposition to the proposed legislation, H.R. 1615--the Gas Stove Protection Freedom Act and H.R. 1640--the Save our Gas Stoves Act.

The Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC) is responsible for protecting children and other consumers from unreasonable risk of injury or death from consumer products.

The CPSC carries out its mission by investigating allegations that consumer products pose an unreasonable safety risk, working with industry to develop voluntary product safety standards, issuing, and enforcing mandatory standards on hazardous consumer products, and recalling unsafe consumer products or arranging for their repair.

The CPSC has a history of protecting children and adults from safety risks across a wide range of products, including removing hazardous infant sleep products from the market, adopting corded window coverings standards to prevent strangulation of children, and working with industry to reduce the risk of fires from micro mobility devices like hoverboards and e-scooters.

Republicans are deliberately misleading the American public with this legislation, which is designed to scare consumers and, unfortunately, Republicans are ignoring the reasonable steps the CPSC has taken to study and address the hazards posed to our children by gas stove emissions.

Legitimate concerns have been raised about the health impact, particularly on children, of the nitrogen dioxide emitted by gas stoves.

Observational studies have found that children living in households that use gas stoves are 42 percent more likely to have asthma.

In December 2022, CPSC issued a recall on a specific gas stove product that was found to be a serious risk of injury or death from carbon monoxide poisoning.

H.R. 1615 would prohibit CPSC from using its rulemaking authority to ban all such hazardous products to protect to Americans.

As the Chairman of the CPSC explained earlier this year, the Commission does not have a proceeding to ban gas stoves but is researching gas stoves and exploring ways to address health risks.

The Republicans' bill peddles the lie that the Biden Administration is attempting to ban gas stoves, but the facts simply are not on their side.

H.R. 1615 will stifle scientific investigation into health hazards and create bad precedent when it comes to protecting our children from health and safety hazards.

Protecting and improving the health and well-being of our children should not be a partisan issue.

On a bipartisan basis, we should be encouraging the CPSC to explore all allegations that appliances or other consumer products put our children's health at risk and give the CPSC more, not fewer, tools for eliminating or mitigating safety risks they uncover.

It is unconscionable to limit the CPSC's options for addressing the potential risks of gas stoves--a product found in homes across America--before the CPSC has fully explored the risks posed by gas stoves and potential solutions.

Efficiency standards are not bans.

Republicans are deliberately misleading the American public to prevent the Department of Energy (DOE) from fulfilling its statutory obligations and finalizing an efficiency standard that will save consumers money.

H.R. 1640 prohibits the Secretary of Energy from finalizing or enforcing a February 2023 proposed rule that would improve the efficiency of electric and gas stoves, ultimately saving families money on their energy bills.

The Republicans' bill simply peddles the lie that the Biden Administration is attempting to ban gas stoves, but the facts simply are not on their side.

DOE cannot ban gas stoves. DOE is simply proceeding with a Congressionally mandated efficiency standard.

The proposed efficiency standard will save Americans money through lower energy bills while cutting harmful indoor air pollution that disproportionately impacts children's health.

DOE's proposed rule is one of their statutorily required standards-- and it follows years of inaction and missed statutorily mandated standards deadlines by the Trump Administration.

In the Fall of 2020, multiple organizations and states filed lawsuits asserting Trump's DOE was in violation of deadlines for the review of 25 of its energy conservation standards.

This Republican bill doubles down on that legacy by obstructing DOE from doing what Congress and a court settlement have required it to do.

Republicans' fearmongering over gas stoves is nothing more than a cheap political stunt

designed to scare consumers and protect their fossil fuel friends.

H.R. 1640 prioritizes profits for Big Oil and Gas over the health and economic well-being of everyday Americans.

Efficiency standards save Americans money, while the Republicans' bill will only increase energy costs for Americans and pad the pockets of their fossil fuel friends.

Republicans' scare tactics include pushing a false narrative about how ``96 percent of gas stoves on the market don't meet the proposed standard.''

This is simply not true.

This deliberate fearmongering is the result of Republicans purposefully misrepresenting DOE data to serve their own political goals.

The statistic Republicans are referencing comes from a DOE test of high-end models that they anticipated would not meet the standard. The test, by design, was not representative of the entire market.

The truth is, nearly half of products on the market today are already in compliance with the proposed rule, including all entry level models.

In a testament to just how far Republicans are willing to go to prop up their polluter friends, H.R. 1640 goes beyond an amendment offered by Rep. Palmer (R-AL) that was added to H.R. 1 by significantly limiting future DOE rulemaking.

This bill does not include a sunset clause--it could forever limit DOE from taking substantive action to improve the energy efficiency of Americans' cooktops.

While the Palmer Amendment would prevent DOE from moving forward with one standard related to cooktop efficiency, H.R. 1640 goes even further by amending the Energy Policy and Conservation Act to restrict DOE from taking similar action in the future.

This bill sets a bad precedent that polluters could seek to exploit.

DOE is already prohibited from banning products based on their fuel source, but H.R. 1640 adds yet another hurdle: it requires DOE to prove that a conservation standard is not likely to result in the unavailability of a product based on the fuel it consumes.

This added condition could significantly weaken and slow down DOE's ability to issue future energy conservation standards.

DOE's proposed energy efficiency standard for gas and electric stoves is smart, commonsense policy that would cut pollution, improve Americans' health, and lower energy bills. And it can be achieved using readily available design changes.

DOE's commonsense proposal will benefit Americans' health and pocketbooks.

DOE estimates the proposal will: Save consumers as much as $1.71 billion and slash nearly 22 million metric tons of carbon dioxide and 245 thousand tons of methane.

These benefits would come without imposing any undue burdens on manufacturers.

DOE's proposed rule gives manufacturers three years after the date of the rule's publication to comply.

Nearly half of products on the market today are already in compliance with the proposed rule, and there are readily available design changes available for those that don't.

Energy efficiency standards are popular: three out of five Americans support stricter energy efficiency standards for appliances and buildings.

It is time we stop the negativity and counterproductive efforts that are ripping apart our country, and to instead focus on coming together to work towards sensible and effective solutions that can work for the betterment and growth of our country.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to reassert my opposition to H.R. 277, the ``Regulation from the Executive in Need of Scrutiny (REINS) Act'' and H.R. 288, ``The Separation of Powers Restoration Act of 2023.''

First in addressing, H.R. 277, the REINS Act, is a measure that has been offered by Republicans dating back to 2012, is and has always been a problematic bill that would restrict agency rulemaking procedures and undermine public health and safety.

Because it would require both houses of Congress to pass, and the President to sign, a joint resolution of approval for any major rule before they can take effect, this bill would effectively act as a chokehold on Federal agency rulemaking.

I along with my colleagues have attempted to address many of the ills these bills purport by offering common sense amendments that Republicans have continued to refuse any meaningful consideration.

My amendment to H.R. 277, listed on the Rules Committee roster as Amendment #30 would have exempted from the bill the congressional approval requirement for any proposed rule that is made to ensure the safety of products used or consumed by children under the age of 2.

Without such an amendment, the RAINS act cripples the Federal government's ability to protect our children and prioritize their safety.

As it stands, this bill has no exceptions or flexibility when it comes to pressing issues of public health and safety.

It is deeply troubling that REINS Act will delay the implementation of integral new public health and safety safeguards, putting our children at risk.

As such, the REINS Act will ultimately fail to protect the public as it places an expertise-based process into the hands of the government, allowing the political games we have seen in the House this Congress to continue.

Because of the special vulnerability of young children and the distinct threat that the implementation of the REINS poses to the current regulatory process, I urge my colleagues to join me in opposition to H.R. 277.

Second in addressing H.R. 288, ``The Separation of Powers Restoration Act of 2023'' which purports to address constitutional and statutory deficiencies in the judicial review of agency rulemaking.

Yet, this bill is a long-repeated effort to shift the scope and authority of judicial review of agency actions away from federal agencies by amending Section 706 of the Administrative Procedures Act (APA) to ``require that courts decide all relevant questions of law, including all questions of the interpretation of constitutional, statutory, and regulatory provisions, on a de novo basis without deference to the agency that promulgated the final rule, unless otherwise expressly provided by statute.

Effectively, H.R. 288 would abolish judicial deference to agencies' statutory interpretations in federal rulemaking and create harmful and costly burdens to the administrative process.

Mr. Speaker, I am concerned about the ability for agencies to act in times of imminent need to protect citizens.

In particular, H.R. 288 would make sweeping and dangerous changes that would jeopardize the ability of the Department of Homeland Secuirty to protect our nation in times of urgent and imminent need.

My amendment to H.R. 288, listed on the Rules Committee roster as Amendment #3 would have been a simple but necessary revision that would remedy this concern by excluding from the bill cases with rules made by the Secretary of Homeland Security and pertaining to any matter of national security.

As a Senior Member of the Homeland Security Committee, I understand the many challenges the Department of the Homeland Security (DHS) already faces and its critically important role in preventing terror threats and keeping Americans safe.

The Department is the first line of defense in protecting the nation and leading recovery efforts from all-hazards and threats which include everything from weapons of mass destruction to natural disasters.

We do not need to be reminded of the heightened state of security are nation is in and the ever-increasing demands imposed upon our government agencies tasked with keeping our borders and citizens safe.

Now is not the time to undermine or slow the ability of DHS and its ability to address growing threats and active acts of terrorism.

The overall mission of DHS is too critical and its functions indispensably essential, such that it would be impugned to do anything that will slow down the process that allows DHS to do its job.

Given the absence of my essential amendment and the fact that H.R. 288 would cripple Federal agency's ability to act in times of imminent need, I urge opposition to H.R. 288.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to address my vote against H.R. 3099, the Special Envoy for Abraham Accords Act.

The Abraham Accords fails to address the plight of millions of Palestinians who are working to build a peaceful future and who have been abandoned by Congress and the broader international community. Peace in the region can only be achieved by respecting human rights, especially the rights of children. By turning a blind eye to the ongoing mistreatment of Palestinian children living under Israeli occupation, Congress only contributes to the continuation of in Justice.

I include in the Record my June 2016 letter to then-President Obama urging him to appoint a Special Envoy for Palestinian Youth to encourage diplomatic engagement with the Government of Israel, the Palestinian Authority, and human rights groups in the region to address the serious human rights abuses that have been well documented against Palestinian children who are living under Israeli military occupation.

I believe no U.S. military aid to Israel should be used to enable or support the military detention and torture of Palestinian children. the demolition of Palestinian homes, or the annexation of Palestinian lands. The American people expect that all children, including Palestinian children, are treated with dignity and have their human rights respected. If the United States is to play a role in ending the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, we must end human rights abuses against Palestinian children.

My calls for a Special Envoy for Palestinian Youth have gone unanswered.

Enabling an ambassadorial level of U.S. representation for a Special Envoy for the Trump-era Abraham Accords, while ignoring the need for a Special Envoy for Palestinian Youth, is an affront to all those seeking to end the human rights abuses of Palestinian young people living under military occupation. Peace in the region will only be possible if we build a brighter future for Israelis and Palestinials alike.

Therefore, I voted no on H.R. 3099.

Congress of the United States,

Washington, DC, June 20, 2016.

President Barack Obama,

The White House,

Washington, DC.

Dear President Obama: We are deeply appreciative of your

administration's efforts in

pursuit of a negotiated peace to end the violence and

settlement expansion that are the hallmarks of the Israeli-

Palestinian conflict. While diplomatic efforts to resolve the

conflict will certainly continue to require American

leadership, for the foreseeable future any move to advance

the peace process is in the hands of Prime Minister

Netanyahu, President Abbas, and their respective governments.

Regardless of the manner in which Israeli and Palestinian

political leaders decide to act upon their common future, a

reality that must be acknowledged is that forty-six percent

of the 4.68 million Palestinians living in the Occupied

Palestinian Territories are under 18 years of age. These

children deserve to grow up with dignity, human rights, and a

future free of repression.

This enormous youth cohort represents another generation of

Palestinian children growing up under military occupation

with very few opportunities to improve their lives. These

children live under the constant fear of arrest, detention,

and violence at the hands of the Israeli military, as well as

the threat of recruitment or conscription into armed groups.

We view this as an unimaginably difficult and at times

hopeless environment for children that only fuels the

conflict.

The recent attacks against Israelis, including those

perpetrated by Palestinian youth, are profoundly disturbing

and must be condemned. These attackers are often using crude

weapons knowing they will likely be killed by Israeli

security forces. Appropriate measures must be taken by

security forces to defend themselves and innocent civilians.

At the same time, the root cause of such violent acts must be

examined and understood within the context in which they are

taking place. Does a life of utter hopelessness and the

collective psychological trauma associated with the

Palestinian people living for decades under Israeli military

occupation directly contribute to the violence?

The people of Israel have a right to security and we

support U.S. policies which advance Israel's security. We

also strongly believe that human rights--including the human

rights of Palestinian children--must be protected and

promoted, never ignored. As far as U.S. policy is concerned,

we should expect an Israeli child and a Palestinian child to

receive equal treatment from the authorities and the legal

system. If in fact we are truly seeking security for Israel

then it is in the interest of the American people to advance

the cause of security, human rights, equality, dignity,

justice, and opportunity for Palestinians, just as we do for

Israelis.

We must raise our profound concern regarding a longstanding

policy of detaining, interrogating, and imprisoning

Palestinian children as young as 12 and 13 for up to a year,

sometimes longer, without a trial and in violation of

international standards. Recently, the Associated Press

reported that a 12-year-old Palestinian girl was imprisoned

by Israel's military justice system. UNICEF, Human Rights

Watch, B'Tselem, and other international NGOs have documented

these human rights abuses against Palestinian youth. A report

released in April by Defense for Children International-

Palestine, based on the testimony of 429 Palestinian children

detained by the Israeli military or police, found that three-

quarters endured some form of physical violence following

arrest. Israeli interrogators used position abuse, threats,

and even solitary confinement to coerce confessions from some

of these children. Such blatant abuses are unacceptable and

contrary to U.S. interests and values.

The situation on the ground is rapidly deteriorating and we

must act now. At the end of February, there were 440

Palestinian children in Israeli military prisons. This is the

highest number since data became available from Israel Prison

Service in 2008. For the first time in nearly four years,

Israel has reintroduced the use of administrative detention

against children. This is a procedure whereby a child can be

detained without charge or trial, often renewable

indefinitely. According to the most recent data from the

Israeli Prison Service (February 2016), there were seven

Palestinian children being held under administrative

detention orders.

Mr. President, we believe the U.S. has a critical role to

play in shaping the environment for peace between the people

of Israel and the Palestinian people. Palestinian youth is

one of the most critical demographic groups to building a

secure future. We must act now to send a clear signal that we

value their lives and well-being.

Therefore, we urge you to appoint a ``Special Envoy for

Palestinian Youth'' to travel to the West Bank, East

Jerusalem, and Israel to hear directly from Palestinian

youth, human rights and legal experts, NGOs, Palestinian and

Israeli officials, including police and military leaders.

Such a fact finding mission will provide the Obama

Administration with vital information necessary to actively

promote human rights, but also establish a framework for the

next U.S. administration. Both Israel and the Palestinian

Authority have obligations under universal human rights norms

and international human rights instruments for which they are

accountable and a ``Special Envoy for Palestinian Youth''

will serve the important role of highlighting their

respective successes and the shortcomings that demand action.

We are also calling on the Department of State to elevate

the human rights of Palestinian children to a priority status

in our bilateral relations with Israel and our ongoing

engagement with the Palestinian Authority. The immediate

appointment of a ``Special Envoy for Palestinian Youth'' will

send a strong signal that truly reflects the spirit of your

administration's tenure in the White House. Conversely,

ignoring the trauma being inflicted on millions of

Palestinian children undermines our American values and will

ensure the perpetuation of a conflict and occupation we all

want to see ended peacefully.

Sincerely,

Betty McCollum, Eddie Bernice Johnson, Andre Carson, John

Conyers, Earl Blumenauer, Donald Beyer, Barbara Lee, Keith

Ellison, Henry ``Hank'' Johnson, Bobby Rush, Marcy Kaptur,

Chellie Pingree, Danny Davis, Peter DeFazio, Raul Grijalva,

Sam Farr, Luis V. Gutierrez, Jim McDermott, Yvette Clarke,

Mark Pacon, Members of Congress.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3099) to establish in the Department of State the position of Special Envoy for the Abraham Accords, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous material on this measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, for 75 years, the United States and Israel have been close friends and partners, working hand in hand on our shared priorities to keep our nations safe, secure, and prosperous.

Along with our partnership with Israel, we also have many shared interests with our Arab partners in the region.

The United States has consistently worked to help secure peace in the Middle East, and we remain committed to enduring peace throughout the region.

Not only do we want to ensure regional security but economic prosperity as well, which drives cutting-edge innovation.

We are all concerned about Iran's malign activities. A nuclear Iran is a threat to the entire region and the world and is not acceptable. Yet, for so many years, our friends would not speak directly to one another. Even after Egypt, in 1979, and Jordan, in 1994, established peace and diplomatic relations with Israel, other Arab countries refused.

Then, in August 2020, everything changed. The UAE and Israel announced that they were normalizing diplomatic relations in a deal brokered by the Trump administration, which we now know as the Abraham Accords. In short order, Bahrain and Morocco joined UAE in opening diplomatic relations with Israel.

I was proud to be at the White House for the signing of these famous documents, the accords, a game-changing development that benefits the United States, Israel, and our partners in the region.

The Abraham Accords have served as a foundation for increased cooperation between Israel and Middle Eastern nations. We have already seen incredible leaps forward as these countries engage in defense cooperation, economic cooperation, and frequent diplomatic engagement. What we have not seen, but we all wish to see, is more countries joining the Abraham Accords.

Secretary of State Blinken was in Saudi Arabia last week, and I remain hopeful that one day Saudi Arabia will engage with their neighbors and join these historic accords. Saudi Arabia and Israel would both benefit from working together on their shared interests.

It has never been more important that we continue to prioritize the expansion of these agreements. Part of doing this entails making it clear who in the United States Government is responsible for expanding these Abraham Accords.

This bipartisan bill, introduced by my colleague and friend Mike Lawler from New York, who is also a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, would create that position, a special envoy for the Abraham Accords at the State Department. The special envoy will coordinate all efforts to expand the accords and strengthen relationships between Israel and participating countries.

We need to put our diplomatic might into trying to achieve the kinds of big breakthroughs that created the accords almost 3 years ago. This legislation, Mr. Lawler's bill, does exactly that.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important measure, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Lawler), a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the author of this important bill.

Madam Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I thank all the gentlemen from New York--Congressman Lawler, Ranking Member Meeks, and Congressman Torres--for putting this legislation forward.

We have all talked about peace in the Middle East our entire lifetime, but we really have a chance to make a difference. The Abraham Accords jump-started that process, built upon the agreements with Egypt and then Jordan, and now this.

We are really, I think, privileged to be a part of the new era of ushering in cooperation between Israel and the Muslim-majority countries.

When I would talk to Ambassadors from UAE and other countries, they would say: We are just tired. We are just tired of Palestinians saying no. We just can't do it. We just can't do it.

They just said: We want to move forward. We want progress. We want peace in the region.

They want economic prosperity, which this does.

These accords mark a generational shift in Middle Eastern relations. This bill will further that effort and that mission, and we must continue the work. This special envoy will be dedicated to this purpose.

I have to say that Ritchie Torres came up with this idea. He worked with our side of the aisle, and he and Congressman Lawler worked together on this legislation. That is what Congress should look like, working together on a goal that can promote peace, prosperity, and cooperation--in this case, in the Middle East.

I may not see it in my lifetime, but I hope I do. However, I do know that this bill will move it one step forward toward that great goal that we all share here today.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.