Indo-Pacific Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the world is watching. It is time for Congress to act, and act we must.

America's allies have been waiting for this Republican majority to get their act together.

People are dying in Ukraine. Democracy is on the line in Ukraine, and this Republican majority has been twiddling their thumbs.

I am glad my friends have finally come to realize the gravity of the situation and the urgency of getting this aid to our allies.

What have Republicans done? Nothing. No action to help our allies. It is all delay, distract, deny, and blame Joe Biden.

Ukrainians are fighting for democracy--theirs and ours--and they have been set back as a result of Republican extremism. They have suffered because of Republican inaction.

I will remind my friends that Ukrainians didn't choose this war. It chose them.

Two years ago, when Putin illegally crossed the border and invaded, he was banking on the United States and our allies growing weary. He was hoping we would give up. He was hoping we would do nothing. He was betting we would abandon our friends and our internal divisions would leave us in disarray, at odds with one another.

I hope Putin is wrong, Mr. Speaker, because after 2 years of unrelenting war, Ukrainians are still willing to hold the line.

I visited Ukraine with former Speaker Pelosi shortly after Putin attacked them, and we learned about the particularly cruel nature in which Putin has been fighting this war. If you care about human rights, you have to care about what is happening in Ukraine. That is what this is all about.

Ukrainians are still ready to defend their democracy, but they cannot continue to do so without our support.

I won't sugarcoat it here. Ukraine's defense of democracy has suffered because there is a faction here in this House, a MAGA minority, that doesn't want to compromise. They don't want to take this vote because they are afraid of what the outcome might be--not that it will fail, but that it will succeed.

That argument might hold sway in the Kremlin, Mr. Speaker, but this is the United States. We are the people's House, an institution designed to reflect the will of the majority.

Today, the majority's voice is being heard here on the House floor-- not a majority of one State, one party, or one faction, but a majority that wants to help Ukraine hold the line, a majority that says bring these bills to the floor for an up-or-down vote.

Democrats are providing the votes necessary to advance this legislation to the floor because, at the end of the day, so much more is at stake here than petty partisan brinkmanship.

Putin is looking to rebuild the Soviet Union, and mark my words, he will not stop at Ukraine. Anybody who thinks that is delusional.

If the world doesn't help them defend their democracy, this war will not end. It will grow.

Mr. Speaker, I don't agree with everything in this package. I have deep, deep problems about the unconditional aid to Israel. I was among the first calling for a cease-fire, and I still call for a cease-fire. I have demanded more humanitarian aid for civilians in Gaza, and I will continue to do so. I have called for a two-state solution. I believe Prime Minister Netanyahu is putting Israel on a path that, quite frankly, undermines his own country's security. I am outraged by his cruelty and inhumanity toward the people of Gaza and the West Bank.

There is no justification for that. There is none. Israel has a right to defend itself--nobody questions that--but what is happening now, I believe, is outrageous and unconscionable.

We will have separate debates, and we will have separate votes on all of these bills, and people can decide where they want to be.

Quite frankly, some Republicans wanted a different path. They wanted to extort this rule for a campaign ad on border security for Donald Trump. We almost had no Ukraine aid because that is what some of my Republican friends wanted and advocated for. They advocated for a bill with no humanitarian aid for anybody who is suffering--not just in Gaza, but also in Ukraine and other parts of the world--and they wanted all this kind of ugly border security language attached to this measure.

There is a lot at stake at this moment, and we are all supposed to be grownups. We should act like it. Let's proceed in a way that allows everyone to vote their conscience.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett), a champion for human rights.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Leger Fernandez), a valued member of the Rules Committee.

Wow, Mr. Speaker, I guess the gentleman from Texas is unaware of the fact that there was a bipartisan border security deal that was agreed to that, unfortunately, House Republicans and Trump decided to kill.

I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Record an Axios article titled: ``Trump, House Republicans plot to kill border deal.''

Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I yield myself the balance of my time to do so.

Mr. Speaker, the Democrats have had to make some tough decisions about how to vote on this rule, and let me tell you why I voted to support it last night. I have disagreements with many aspects of the various pieces of legislation that will come before us, and there are some of these pieces that I will vote against.

Again, there will be separate votes, and there will be separate debates, but as we learned last night in the Rules Committee, the alternative that some of my Republican friends were pushing to this approach was an Israel-only package with no humanitarian aid, not just for the people of Gaza, but for any suffering people that the aid would benefit and some really ugly border provisions, which I found unconscionable and some other bad stuff as well.

Democrats, once again, will be the adults in the room, and I am so glad Republicans finally realized the gravity of the situation and the urgency with which we must act. But guess what, Mr. Speaker? You don't get an award around here for simply doing your damn job. President Biden told us last year, 6 months ago--over 6 months ago--that this was urgent and important, that Ukraine needed us, that Putin was not going to stop, that the war against Ukrainians was particularly vicious. Every major human rights organization in the world has told us the impact of Russia's attack against Ukraine.

The Senate voted months ago. The Senate can barely agree on what to have for lunch, and they voted months ago. What did the House do? What did my House Republican friends do? They did nothing. There was no action to help our allies. It is all delay, distract, deny and blame Joe Biden. I would just say to my colleagues, look at what MAGA extremism has gotten you; nothing. It has gotten you nothing, not a damn thing.

In fact, it has empowered Democrats. At every critical juncture in this Congress, it has been Democrats who have been the ones to stand up for our country and do the right thing for the American people. Democrats ensured the U.S. didn't default on its debt last year in case anybody forgot. Democrats supplied votes to keep the government running in September of last year, in November of last year, and in March of this year. Democrats supplied the votes to pass the National Defense Authorization Act. Democrats supplied the votes for the tax relief bill that passed earlier this year. Democrats have done the job that Republicans have refused to do.

Again, we have different priorities, and I think, based on what I have heard in this last Congress, different values. We don't even agree on a lot of what has come before the full House. Democrats have done the job that Republicans have refused to do. We don't want an award for it. We don't want a trophy for showing up to work. All we want is for Republicans to do their job, stop blaming Joe Biden for their own incompetence, and work with our side to find common ground. We are in a divided government. A Democrat is President, we have a Democratic controlled Senate, and we have a narrow Republican majority in the House. Nobody is going to get everything they want. We have to work together. We have to compromise.

I hope today's vote loosens the grip that MAGA extremism has on this body, and especially when it comes to supporting our allies. You know, the Rules Committee is the committee that has been known as the traffic cop of Congress. Every bill of consequence comes through the Rules Committee. I mean, we set the bills for debate on the House floor.

The last bill that the Rules Committee reported that actually became law was almost 10 months ago. All the other bills that we have sent that made it over to the White House and become law had to be brought up under different processes and procedures. I mean, let that sink in. Something is not working here. You either want to be a body that is constructive and that gets stuff done, or you just want to be a party that just obstructs everything and gets nothing done, because at the end of the day, there is nothing to show for all the yelling and screaming and finger-pointing that we see on a regular basis on this House floor.

My friends have to choose. History is going to judge them by how they answer one simple question: Are they going to work together with Democrats; in this case, stand with our allies and stand for America, or are they gonna throw in their lot with MAGA Trump and Putin? We are living in very uncertain times, Mr. Speaker, and people around the world are counting on this country to stand up and lead.

People in Ukraine, people in Taiwan, people in Gaza, people in Israel--you know, the eyes of the world are on this body. There are a lot of things in this package I disagree with. And in my opening statement, I talked about my concern about the unconcerned aid package to Israel. My concern is that Netanyahu's government is not moving in a direction that, quite frankly, is a direction that I think will lead to more security for Israel; it is exactly the opposite. I worry that what he is doing is, quite frankly, a violation of the human rights of so many innocent people in Gaza and in the West Bank.

I was hoping that they would pursue a different pathway. Instead, we now hear that he wants to go into Rafah. There is a famine happening in Gaza. People are starving to death. Aid is being frustrated from getting there, food medicine, important supplies. People are dying. Surely we should all care about that. We should be able to advocate for Israel's security but also advocate for the people of Gaza, children of Gaza, senior citizens. People are just trying to get on with their lives.

Notwithstanding the fact that we may have disagreements--and some of my Republican friends obviously disagree whether we should be helping Ukraine or not. I disagree with you, fine, but we have a process that you will be able to vote on all of these things separately, and you will be able to make your views clear. I have got to tell you, you know, you don't have to

agree on everything to agree on something. We ought to agree that these issues are important enough to debate and to have up or down votes on.

The people who are advocating that we do nothing, you know, or that we--you know, that we attach things to this bill that will guarantee that it goes nowhere in the Senate, and therefore, we help nobody, I don't understand why you are even here quite frankly. We need to move this process forward.

The House has to function. As we have seen, under Republican control, that only happens when Democrats are the adults in the room. I say that not to be partisan. I say that because that is what has been happening. I gave you a list of things that needed to be done, you know, not just in terms of helping our allies, but in terms of saving our economy, that could not have been done unless Democrats stood up and behaved like adults.

Mr. Speaker, this should have been dealt with a long time ago, months ago, but here we are. Here we are.

Mr. Speaker, I hope that as we proceed, we have rational and thoughtful debate, knowing that we will have disagreements and knowing that some of us will have different ideas on how we should proceed forward.

This is the United States House of Representatives. We are supposed to debate issues. We are supposed to vote on things. Unfortunately, this has become a place where trivial issues get debated passionately and important ones not at all.

Well, these are important issues that are in this bill. Some of them I agree with; some of them I don't agree with. Let's debate them, let's vote on them, and then let's move on.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 1160 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, late last night, the Rules Committee met and reported a rule, House Resolution 1160, providing for consideration of four measures: H.R. 8034, the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, under a closed rule; H.R. 8036, the Indo-Pacific Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, under a structured rule; H.R. 8035, the Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024, under a structured rule; and H.R. 8038, the 21st Century Peace through Strength Act, under a structured rule.

The rule further provides that after the House's consideration of these measures, the Senate will be quickly able to move to consideration of the legislation that we pass.

Mr. Speaker, today, it is important that we support the underlying rule and the underlying legislation. Specifically, I rise in support of our allies after the attack on Israel by Iran 10 days ago. That unprecedented attack has reaffirmed the need for strong American leadership and support for our allies abroad, especially Israel and now our allies in the Indo-Pacific.

I am well aware there have been concerns in our Conference and really on both sides of the House about the southern border and national debt.

As a Member from Texas, as a member of the Budget Committee, I fully understand these concerns and share all of them, but the requirement for America to insert itself as the leader of the free world is not optional. It is not a requirement we can put on pause.

Israel has been attacked. China talks menacingly about reunification with Taiwan. Ukraine is in crisis and is in need of our help to survive Russian aggression.

Now, I would say to the President that this legislation on the floor today perhaps could have been facilitated by some leadership from the executive branch, but despite the circumstances that brought us here, we stand before the House to support our allies and reaffirm America's leadership on the world stage.

H.R. 8034, the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, will provide much-needed material support to the Jewish state as it faces twin threats from Hamas and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This includes $4 billion to replenish Israel's Iron Dome and over a billion dollars for the Iron Beam defense system.

H.R. 8036, the Indo-Pacific Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024, will work to counter the Chinese Communist Party and create a strong deterrence in the region.

H.R. 8035, the Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, will assist Ukraine as they counter Russian aggression.

Of the latter, all financial assistance to the Ukrainian Government is converted into a loan, ensuring that the Ukrainian Government is held accountable to the American people.

Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt that our failure in Afghanistan was the spark in the tinderbox that led to the subsequent invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

That conflict had been smoldering for a long time, certainly at least since 2014 and two previous administrations. Had the administration in 2014, as well as the current administration, had more foresight to provide aid and arms to Ukraine before February 2022, there might have been a different set of circumstances that we were contemplating today, and there might have been a more swift resolution to this conflict, with the saving of untold lives.

Mr. Speaker, I stand with my colleagues requesting more information from the administration. The American people deserve answers about how previous funding has been used. They deserve answers about what the long-term goals by the administration are to resolve this conflict.

I welcome more oversight. I welcome additional information from the administration and will continue to push its accountability. Today, we are at an inflection point, and the longer we wait, the more expensive any solution to this conflict will become, both in terms of dollars and lives.

Lack of aid now could cost us much more dearly later, and I don't want that to become a reality. I would hope my colleagues on both sides of the aisle feel the same.

Mr. Speaker, I urge passage of the rule. I urge passage of the underlying legislation. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Massie), a valuable member of the Committee on Rules.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy), another valuable member of the Rules Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Barr) from the Financial Services Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Kentucky.

Mr. Speaker, I would just ask if the gentleman from Massachusetts has additional speakers. If not, I am prepared to close, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, our adversaries, notably Russia, China, and Iran, are watching to see how we will respond. Our reaction to these crises will determine how they will choose to proceed. An important difference between this package of bills today and the previously passed Senate supplemental is the addition of the 21st Century Peace through Strength Act. The legislation is important as it includes sanctions and policies that counter our adversaries through the inclusion of the REPO Act, the removal of our payment for foreign pensions, and requiring the administration to provide a game plan in Ukraine, something that many of us have been asking for, for some time.

Ronald Reagan told us peace comes through strength. By failing to act now, it will signal the opposite of strength. It will invite future aggression, as failure to act has done so often in the past.

Mr. Speaker, I also feel obligated to point out that this Congress has had two votes on providing aid to Israel. One occurred in October, right after Speaker Johnson was elected. Indeed, it was one of his highest priorities. I thought that aid package was responsibly offset through cuts to other Federal agencies here. Senator Schumer didn't see it that way and said we have never conditioned aid to Israel with anything, so there can be no offset, that it can't be paid for.

In the House, in February of this year, I think it was Mr. Calvert of California who introduced a bill to provide the same aid to Israel without the offset. It was blocked, this time by people on my side.

The Speaker said, okay, let's bring it up under suspension, and maybe we can get agreement between Members on both sides. In fact, under suspension, the two-thirds majority required was not achieved, so that bill failed in February, as well.

Had any one of those bills passed, we might not be here today because we all know 1 week--10 days ago--Iran attacked Israel, the missiles and drones originating from Iranian soil, the first time that has ever happened, and the crisis advanced.

Yes, we did have an opportunity to provide that aid to Israel. It might not have been what my friend from Massachusetts would have wanted, but at the same time, we had the opportunity to provide that.

Unfortunately, now, even members of my committee are upset with where we are today, but we had the opportunity to sort of head off all of this by simply passing that aid package last February, and we wouldn't do it.

What happens if we don't do this today? Does it get better or worse for us down the road? Nobody knows the answer to that, but history tells us it is very likely to get worse.

We have two votes now, Mr. Speaker, on Israeli aid. On both counts, I think most of us in this body want to see that pass.

I will stress again that weakness invites aggression, and we cannot allow our allies in the Middle East, the Indo-Pacific, and Ukraine to be abandoned. By doing so, we will not prevent future aggression but will invite it.

Today, we have an opportunity to deliver critical aid to our allies, and I believe it is appropriate to do so.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

The previous question was ordered.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1160, I call up the bill (H.R. 8036) making emergency supplemental appropriations for assistance for the Indo-Pacific region and for related expenses for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2024, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the measure under consideration.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to offer H.R. 8036, the Indo-Pacific Security Supplemental Act of 2024.

The bill provides $8.12 billion in emergency supplemental appropriations to continue efforts to counter Communist China and ensure a strong deterrence in the region.

It includes $3.3 billion to develop submarine infrastructure; $2 billion for the foreign military financing program for Taiwan and other key partners in the region; $1.9 billion for replenished defense articles and defense services provided to Taiwan and regional partners; $542 million to strengthen U.S. military capabilities in the region, and $133 million to enhance the production and development of artillery and critical minerals.

Today's bill should not be viewed in isolation. It is part of a series of three security supplemental bills and a related national security measure, all of which are being considered as part of a comprehensive funding package.

This measure and the other two supplemental bills will provide needed military assistance to Israel and Ukraine during their time of crisis; will provide support for Taiwan as it confronts aggression from the Chinese Communist Party; and will provide support for the U.S. military forces operating in Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, including the critical replenishment of American stocks of ammunition.

American's greatest writer, Mark Twain, is reputed to have said: ``History does not repeat itself, but it does sometimes rhyme.''

Tragically, the past 2 years have produced echoes of a dark time in world history, the 1930s.

In the 1930s, evil regimes bent on aggression, domination, and even genocide, took their first steps down a dark road that would eventually lead to world war.

Tragically, the democratic West turned inward then, standing idly by while fascist regimes began to take aggressive actions against their weaker neighbors.

There was time then to put a stop to aggression, if only we had had the fortitude and the wherewithal to stand firmly on the side of freedom.

Today, we are seeing uncomfortable parallels to that dark time. In Europe, Vladimir Putin launched an unjust and illegal invasion of his democratic neighbor, Ukraine. In Asia and the Pacific, the Chinese Communist Party encroaches on its neighbors and openly threatens the continued self-determination of Taiwan, a nation which continues to show the world what a free and democratic China could look like.

In the Middle East, Israel faces attacks on multiple fronts, beginning with the horrible terror attack launched by Hamas on October 7, and continuing with an unprecedented direct aerial assault launched by the Iran regime over the weekend.

These events do not take place in a vacuum, Madam Speaker. They take place in regions around the world critical to American national security. They threaten our friends and partners around the globe and threaten the continued safety of democracy.

The security of our fellow democratic states is our security, and protecting their security is undoubtedly in America's national interests.

Some of America's greatest leaders of the 20th century recognize this fundamental reality. I think of Franklin Roosevelt calling on America to become the great arsenal of democracy to defeat Nazi Germany. I think of Ronald Reagan reminding us that the preservation of a peaceful, free, and democratic Europe is essential to the preservation of a peaceful, free, and democratic United States.

Madam Speaker, peace through strength cannot be delivered through appeasement. We cannot wish our way to national security, and we cannot thrust our heads into the sand while aggressive nations threaten their neighbors.

Today's measure is not only about safeguarding the ideals of democracy and peace, but it is also central to our own national security.

The actions we take today will be seen and heard around the world. Vladimir Putin is watching. Xi Jinping is watching. The Iranian mullahs are watching. What will we show them? Will we show them that our commitment to security does not stop at the water's edge? Will we show them that we know that the security of our friends and our partners around the globe is our security? Or will we fail to take action and, in doing so, give these powers the same gift we gave to the fascist powers in the 1930s?

I know which I would choose. I know what I would show our adversaries, these tyrants and dictators, that just in Ronald Reagan's time, the United States stands committed to the common defense, that our commitment to our friends and partners stands both now and into the future.

Madam Speaker, I urge all Members to support the bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Womack), chairman of the Subcommittee on Transportation, Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies of the Appropriations Committee.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Kim), my good friend.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson), my very good friend.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Lamborn), my very good friend.

Madam Speaker, may I inquire how much time I have remaining.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time for closing.

I begin by thanking the Speaker and the Rules Committee, particularly my good friends Chairman Burgess and Ranking Member McGovern, for structuring this debate so every Member in this Chamber would have an opportunity to express their opinion on every issue. This is really a very welcome gift. Nobody is being jammed. Everybody can voice their own opinion.

I thank my good friend, the ranking member of the full Appropriations Committee, for working with me. We have had a long friendship and a long professional relationship, and I look forward to the years ahead working with her.

Finally, Madam Speaker, I urge all our colleagues to support all four of these bills. We are, as speaker after speaker has said, at a critical moment in our history. We need to stand firm. We need to send a clear signal to the rest of the world, so please pass the bills.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 1160, I call up the bill (H.R. 8034) making emergency supplemental appropriations to respond to the situation in Israel and for related expenses for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2024, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the measure under consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to offer H.R. 8034, the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024.

This bill provides $26.38 billion to fortify America's support of Israeli allies and defend our troops in the region.

It is part of a larger package of three security supplemental appropriations acts before us for Israel, Ukraine, and the Indo- Pacific. All three are essential to deter our adversaries.

There are moments when our actions are optional, a convenience but not a necessity, a choice. This is not one of those moments.

The world is in chaos. Americans have been killed, and our allies and partners are dying on the front lines every day.

Ukraine is entering its third year of a war to repel Russia's invasion while forced to conserve their munitions and choose which areas to defend. Israel is avenging its innocent civilians who were murdered, raped, brutalized, and taken hostage by Hamas while defending its country from a barrage of Iranian missiles. Indo-Pacific nations face China daily with strength and resolve, knowing they are likely next.

The United States is not on the sidelines in these conflicts. Our servicemembers are under daily attack in the Red Sea, standing watch along NATO's eastern flank and being routinely challenged in the Indo- Pacific. Mr. Speaker, five American flag-draped coffins have returned home in the past 6 months.

When we go to war, we go to war with what we have. There is no time to forge new alliances, no ability to reconstruct abandoned production lines, and no hidden reserve of fully trained and ready troops.

This is the situation our allies and partners in Israel, Ukraine, Taiwan, and other Indo-Pacific nations face today. It is a situation we ourselves may face sooner than we think.

Xi, Putin, Khamenei, and terrorist leaders will not back down unless met with a strong and resolute America, standing shoulder to shoulder with our constellation of allies and partners. These bills provide the funding necessary to defeat and deter our enemies.

While the bills carry the names of other countries, there is one Nation that I care about above all others. That is ours. These conflicts have exposed the fragility of our defense industrial base and the dire need to invest in factories, shipyards, and assembly lines that manufacture the instruments of our national defense.

In recognition of this fact, over $59 billion across these bills go into our defense industrial base, including $3.3 billion to supercharge our submarine industrial base; $29.5 billion to replenish our stocks of U.S. defense systems and services provided to Israel, Ukraine, and Taiwan; and $1.13 billion to expand procurement and development of artillery and critical munitions.

Each conflict has its unique needs addressed in these bills, including: $5.2 billion to replenish Israel's Iron Dome and David's Sling and procure Iron Beam missile defense systems; $542 million for unfunded priorities expressly requested by the USINDOPACOM commander; and $13.8 billion directly to procure U.S. capabilities for Ukraine.

Our servicemen and servicewomen across the globe are being tasked to operate at a wartime tempo to track, respond, and engage emerging threats. These bills provide the resources necessary to support their operations with $11.3 billion for current U.S. operations in Europe and $2.4 billion for our forces in the Middle East who are under daily attack.

Mr. Speaker, we have been complacent far too long as our allies and partners and our own servicemembers have been under attack. This Congress has a solemn obligation to our military to provide them with the resources they need to deter and win our Nation's wars.

Douglas MacArthur once said: ``The history of the failure of war can almost be summed up in two words: too late.''

When conflict occurs, we will fight with what we have and who is with us.

Mr. Speaker, I encourage my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on these bills to ensure our military readiness and reinvigorate the American defense industry.

I encourage them to vote ``yes'' to reinforce our Israeli, Ukrainian, Taiwanese, and Indo-Pacific allies and partners.

I encourage them to vote ``yes'' so that future generations may write of what we did here today: They weren't too late.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Clyde), a member of the Appropriations Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. McClintock).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Lawler).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Kean).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith.)

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzpatrick).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Wilson).

Mr. Speaker, may I inquire how much time is remaining.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, this is a day we are going to act. I urge all my colleagues to support these critical national security bills. They provide the resources necessary to bolster our military, reassure our allies and partners, and commit to stand against tyranny.

The world is waiting, watching, and wanting America to lead. This is our moment.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, which will provide Israel with desperately needed aid to respond to the horrific October 7 attacks and protect itself from Iran and its proxies.

What happened in Israel on October 7 was horrifying. On a recent trip to Israel, I saw firsthand the remnants of the violence that innocent people were subjected to, including the site of the Supernova Sukkot Gathering music festival that Hamas attacked, Kibbutz Be'eri and the homes where so many were massacred, and Hostage Square where I met with families of those taken hostage by Hamas.

The United States has not forgotten October 7. Today, we are providing the aid Israel has needed since the day Hamas terrorists killed innocent Israeli civilians in the worst attack on Jewish people since the Holocaust.

Just last weekend, Israel was openly and directly attacked by Iran. I applaud the role of the United States in providing Israel with support in its defense against that attack.

While we must ensure Israel can stand strong in the face of adversaries like Iran that seek its annihilation, we must also ensure that every step possible is taken to protect innocent life in Gaza and elsewhere.

On my trip, we also went to Khirbet Zanutah, a Palestinian village in the West Bank where settlers destroyed homes and a school. On the trip, we were also briefed from Gaza by humanitarian organizations, including UNRWA, which have lost hundreds of staff to the violence.

To that end, I have called for an immediate cease-fire of at least 6 weeks to facilitate the safe delivery of aid to civilians in Gaza. We must protect aid workers. We must open additional crossings to bring in at least 500 trucks a day and ensure that food is never used as a weapon of war.

Innocent families are in danger, children are starving, and civilian casualties are mounting, not just in Gaza but in conflict zones all around the world. The more than $9 billion in humanitarian support in this bill would make sure that we are not leaving Gazans, the Ukrainians, the Sudanese, the Haitians, or the Rohingya behind.

We must pass this bill and ensure Israel has the resources it needs to defend itself and that much-needed humanitarian aid can flow to millions of vulnerable people around the world.

Mr. Speaker, I urge your support, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Financial Services and General Government.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Military Construction, Veterans Affairs, and Related Agencies.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Lois Frankel), who is a member of the Appropriations Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Pocan), who is a member of the Appropriations Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Manning).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

This bill provides urgently needed humanitarian aid for millions of civilians who have been caught in the crossfire across many theaters, whether it is Ukraine against Russian aggression; Israel in its war against Iran and its proxies like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis; or our Indo-Pacific partners against an adversarial China.

Innocent families are in danger today. Children are starving, and civilian casualties are mounting in conflict zones all around the world. The humanitarian support in this bill would make sure that we are not leaving these people behind.

It is, again, so critically important that the United States demonstrate its support for its allies, and its leadership when it comes to humanitarian assistance, wherever it is needed.

We come here to govern. We come here to take our responsibilities seriously, and I believe that the majority of people here do take responsibilities seriously.

Today, we have the ability to help to make a difference. In this piece of legislation, in addition to our support for our ally, Israel, we have the moral responsibility to provide humanitarian assistance. The United States cannot stand by and watch people starve to death and be caught in crossfires without our standing up and saying: ``No.''

I urge my colleagues to vote for this bill. As I said at another meeting this week, the moment has met us. We need to meet that moment

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.