A resolution condemning Hamas and antisemitic student activities on college campuses in the United States.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, on October 7, 2023, the terrorist organization Hamas invaded the State of Israel. Terrorists killed 1,400 Israeli civilians, including women and children, people asleep in their beds. They went door to door. They shot Israelis in their homes. They shot soldiers as they were asleep, unawares in their barracks. They wounded more than 3,700 civilians. That includes 31 Americans at least. Over a dozen Americans have been taken hostage and many, many more Israelis.

It is the worst attack on the Jewish people and the State of Israel in 50 years. It is truly an existential threat to the State of Israel and, really, to the safety of Jewish Americans and Jewish people all across the world.

Perhaps incredibly disturbing--maybe almost as disturbing as the facts of these terrible attacks themselves--is the response of some people in this country, on our college campuses in this country, who promptly took to the streets, to the courtyards of these campuses, to the airwaves to broadcast their support for this genocide against the people of Israel. That is right. I said their support for the genocide against the people of Israel. Listen to what these students said.

At Harvard University, students wrote that they ``hold the Israeli regime entirely responsible''--``entirely responsible''--``for all unfolding violence.''

Think about that. They hold the Israelis, the Jewish people, responsible for their own deaths and massacres. They hold the Jewish people responsible for their babies' heads being chopped off. They hold the Jewish people responsible for the homicidal maniacs who came to their doors and gunned them down in cold blood. They hold them responsible.

Students at New York University's School of Law wrote that they believe ``Israel bears full responsibility for this tremendous loss of life''--``full responsibility.''

Students at Ohio State praised the ``heroic resistance in Gaza.'' ``Heroic''? It is now ``heroic'' to massacre Jews in cold blood. It is now ``heroic'' to try and carry out a genocide against Jewish people.

Students at the University of North Carolina said:

It is our moral obligation to be in solidarity no matter

the pathway to liberation--

their word--

they choose to take. This includes violence.

``This includes violence.'' This is an out-and-out endorsement by American students for violence against Jewish people and the State of Israel.

You know, it is not just Jews in Israel who are threatened by these outrageous remarks. Jewish Americans on our campuses have been threatened. Columbia University had to close their campus temporarily when an Israeli student was physically assaulted and Jewish American students threatened. Jewish American students have been threatened across the country in all sorts of settings, not the least on our college campuses. And, in the wake of this, campus leaders have been silent. They have refused to condemn this violent, virulent, genocidal, anti-Semitic rhetoric for what it is.

Now, I want to be clear. I believe in our Constitution. The Constitution has the First Amendment. The First Amendment protects the right to free speech. As I have said on this floor before, the First Amendment is the right to be wrong. So these students can say this kind of virulent, moral idiocy if they want so long as they don't themselves encourage violence. Although, I would just say, when you say that this includes violence, that there ought to be violence, they are coming pretty darned close--pretty darned close.

But let's just assume that their remarks are protected speech. That doesn't mean we have to endorse them. That doesn't mean we have to say: Oh, yes, that is fine. It is just another opinion.

No, it is not just another opinion. Calling for the death of Jewish people is not just another opinion. Calling for the genocide and celebrating the genocide of Jewish babies is not just another opinion. Celebrating the assaults on Jewish people in this country is not just another opinion.

The Senate should be clear and stand with moral clarity and say: This is wrong.

Can you say it in this country? I guess you can, but it is wrong, and, frankly, it shouldn't be hard. It shouldn't be hard to say: ``We condemn this rhetoric. We recognize the right of Israel to exist''-- talk about basic, basic principles here--``and we recognize the right of Israel to defend itself''--things, by the way, that the President has said.

It shouldn't be hard for this body to say it, but it is vital-- morally necessary--in this moment of attack, in this moment, frankly, of danger for Jewish people in Israel, around the world, and, sadly, on our college campuses.

That is why I have offered this resolution, along with my cosponsors, that condemns the terrorist attacks by Hamas; that denounces this violent rhetoric here in the United States against Jewish people, Jewish Americans, and, of course, the State of Israel; and recognizes the right of Israel to defend itself. It is a pretty simple amendment, and I can't imagine what the objection to it would be.

So I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 418, which is at the desk. I further ask that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Would the Senator yield for a question?

What of the rhetoric that is cited specifically in the resolution--you talked about legitimate concerns. What, specifically, do you think is legitimate?

Senator, what is the smear? What is the smear?

What is the smear? Point me to the language.

They are not condemned by this resolution.

Senator, we are condemning----

Mr. President.

Mr. President, it is hard to believe what we have just heard on this floor. Defense of the most vile, anti-Semitic rhetoric under the excuse that to call out specifically the specific statements, and denounce them one at a time and say this is wrong, that that is somehow a smear, what that is, is a failure of moral nerve. What it is, is a failure of moral clarity. What it is, is, frankly, sympathizing with this rhetoric.

I don't know why it is so hard, but I guess we have now found out why college presidents won't come out and say this is wrong.

We cite the specific words. Why is it wrong to say ``It includes violence''? Why is it wrong to condemn this?

When students say the heroic resistance in Gaza should be praised, they are not referring to something in general. They are talking about the attack on Israel, the slaughter of innocent Israelis, and that is perfectly fine? Those are legitimate concerns?

I mean, this is--the moral equivalency that has seeped into our college campuses and, I guess, to the floor of the U.S. Senate is unbelievable.

Let there be no mistake. What has happened today is one Senator has blocked this body from condemning the attacks against Jewish people in Israel, Jewish Americans in this Nation, and pretended that there is some moral equivalency here between this and what?

The State of Israel is under existential threat. We have students in this country who are specifically calling for and celebrating the killing of Jews, and we can't condemn that on the floor of the Senate? To say I am disappointed is an understatement. But I will say this: It is a revealing moment.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Foreign Relations be discharged from further consideration and the Senate now proceed to S. Res. 418.

I know of no further debate on the measure.

I ask unanimous consent that the preamble be agreed to and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. President, 1 week ago, I came to this floor to try and pass this very resolution that condemns the violent, genocidal, anti-Semitic rhetoric and actions on our college campuses all across this country. Sadly, I was blocked by one of my Democratic colleagues. And since then, the situation at our universities has only worsened.

I offer you just two examples. I could multiply these examples, sadly, but let's just take two.

On Tuesday of this week, just 2 or 3 miles from where we stand now on the floor of the U.S. Senate, at the George Washington University, pro- Hamas students projected onto the side of the university library various anti-Semitic, anti-Israel, pro-genocide slogans, including ``Glory to Our Martyrs,'' in reference to the terrorists who attacked the State of Israel, and not just the State of Israel, but who committed cold-blooded murder of babies, cutting off their heads, shooting women and children in their homes, executing soldiers as they lay sleeping in their barracks.

These same students projected other slogans onto the library wall: ``Free Palestine From the River to the Sea''.

What does that mean? Well, it is a reference to Hamas's longstanding call for the extermination of the State of Israel.

Let's just be clear. This is a reference to their call for genocide of Jews in the Middle East and everywhere they can get their hands on them. This is what is going on, on our college campuses.

If you talk to the students who were there at George Washington University

that night, what they will tell you is, they feared for their safety; they feared for their lives; they don't know if they are any longer welcome on campus or physically safe on campus.

What did the university do in the wake of this attack? Well, the answer has become all too familiar. Virtually nothing. They issued a statement saying that the students weren't authorized to project these genocidal slogans onto the library wall, and that is about it.

We have to do a heck of a lot better than that.

Last night, at Cooper Union, an institution of higher education in the State of New York, Jewish students were barricaded inside their own library as a pro-Hamas group rampaged through the building shouting violent slurs at these students and then pounded on the library doors seeking to gain entrance.

This morning's New York Post reads: ``Cooper Union barricades Jewish students inside library as pro-Palestinian protesters bang on [the] doors.''

The students who were there last night spoke of being herded into the library, of campus security saying they didn't think they could protect them; campus security then locking the doors to the library to try and keep the Jewish students inside and an angry mob assembling.

There are photos of this. Don't take my word for it. The video is available everywhere. Go look for yourself.

An angry mob of pro-Palestinian, pro-Hamas students were banging on the windows--the glass windows--of the library at the Jewish students who were literally barricaded inside.

These students were calling 9-1-1, calling their relatives, asking for help. Eventually, an hour or more later, campus security reportedly took them out through the back door. They couldn't walk out the front door of a library in their own school. They had to be taken out the back for fear, I guess, of their safety, perhaps also for appearances.

I can't help but think, 50 years ago, 60 years ago, the President of the United States had to activate the 101st Airborne Division to make sure African-American students could go to class in this country without being physically assaulted. Is that what it has come to now on America's college campuses?

Are we going to have to activate the National Guard to see that Jewish students can go to class in safety without being in fear of their lives?

I would just say this: As a nation, we must speak with one voice and say that there is a right, and there is a wrong; there is good, and there is evil; and threatening to kill an entire class of people is wrong and it is evil.

Speaking up, shouting in support of genocide is wrong, and it is evil. Threatening the lives of your fellow students because they are Jewish is wrong, and it is evil.

Plainly, these institutions of so-called higher learning have failed these students. These students have clearly no idea what right and wrong means. You project stuff like this on a library wall while your Jewish classmates stand in fear for their lives, you don't have any idea about what right and wrong is.

Clearly, these institutions have failed these students, which is why we need to speak with moral clarity now. This is a teachable moment. This is a moment for us to say that genocide is wrong, that terrorist attacks against Jews are wrong, that threats on the lives of Jewish people anywhere--the Middle East, in this country, Europe, anywhere--is wrong.

This shouldn't be hard. But we have to do it so that these students and everywhere within the sound of our voice can understand what right and wrong means--can understand the moral gravity of the situation we are now confronting.

That is why what we are doing today matters, and that is why I am pleased today that we are able now, finally, to pass this resolution that explicitly names the rhetoric, explicitly calls out the language of pro-violence, pro-genocide, and says that is wrong.

Now, I want to be clear. Our First Amendment--of which I am a great defender--our First Amendment allows people to say the most terrible things--vile, horrible, reprehensible things. The First Amendment, as I have often said, is the right to be wrong. And these students are absolutely wrong.

So they may have the right to say these things--although I must add, nobody has the right to threaten violence against other Americans or anybody within their ambit. They may have the right to say terrible things, to say that they are in favor of genocide, to say that they want to see Jewish people killed. They may have the right to say those things, but that doesn't mean that we have to agree with it. That doesn't mean that we have to say: Oh, that is morally neutral. Sure, you can say it, fine. We have no opinion.

No, no, no. The answer to that kind of hateful, virulent, dangerous speech is speech with moral purpose. It is language with moral clarity. It is a moral stand that says: No, that is wrong. That is not us. That is not the United States of America. That is what we are doing right here, right now, on this floor today.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

The Senator from Missouri is absolutely right about the horror of the Hamas terrorist attacks on Israel.

I was at the Kfar Aza kibbutz at the end of June. That was the site of one of the massacres--50 people gunned down, killed: dads, moms, kids. We have to condemn the horror of the Hamas attack in the strongest of terms. And we will, as a body, make sure that we stand by our ally and partner Israel as it prosecutes its fight against Hamas. Not only does Israel have the right to defend itself, it has an obligation and duty to its people to defend itself.

I am confident that in the coming days, the U.S. Senate will provide more than just words of support--those are very important, and I want to applaud the President of the United States for what he has been doing--but also tangible support.

This resolution is not about condemning Hamas's attacks on Israel.

What this resolution does is condemn certain speech around the country.

Now, let me just say to my colleague from Missouri: I stand with anybody and second to none when it comes to condemning anti-Semitism, whether in words or in actions. And I have stood up throughout my time in public service to do exactly that. If the Senator from Missouri wants to bring to the floor of the Senate a resolution condemning anti- Semitism, a resolution that points out what we just saw from the most recent FBI statistics about the rise in anti-Semitism, I will join with him in that effort. But what this resolution does is attempts to smear students, many of whom engaged in anti-Semitic remarks but many who did not.

My view is that when you come to the Senate floor to pass such a resolution and you are talking about freedom of speech, it is very important not to paint a broad brush and condemn everybody engaging in speech.

This is what this resolution does. It is an attempt to say, even to those who had legitimate--legitimate--statements to make about war and peace, to smear them all as making anti-Semitic remarks.

I would also say to my colleague that there have been a lot of other anti-Semitic remarks around the country, from radio show hosts to others. And if we want to make it a practice of regularly coming to condemn remarks--hateful remarks--whether anti-Semitic or racist or anti-gay or whatever it may be, then the U.S. Senate is going to have to think long and hard about doing exactly that.

I heard you mention violence. Most of these protests--as repugnant as some of them were in terms of the words--were not violent. The one terrible violent hate crime we have seen in the United States since Hamas's awful attack was the 6-year-old Palestinian-American Muslim boy in Chicago stabbed 27 times.

You mentioned here, ``Whereas Columbia University was forced to close its campus to the public after an Israeli student was violently assaulted,'' I ask whether my colleague from Missouri wants to also include in the resolution violent acts. They were hate crimes. The police have said these were hate crimes. He was attacked because he was a Muslim. I don't see any condemnation of that in this resolution. Nothing.

So I would stand with my colleagues in standing up to hateful rhetoric, condemning anti-Semitism. But what this resolution does--what this resolution does--is not that.

I would be happy to yield.

I am not suggesting to my colleague that any particular statement that he took out from these protests was a legitimate statement. No. No. But what you are doing here--what you are doing here--is smearing all of the students who engage in these protests--yes, you are--and that is wrong.

I would just invite you, again, to join with me--if we are going to get in this practice--and I don't suggest it; this is one of the reasons I am here--of when there are terrible, hateful remarks made against any group, whether they be Blacks or other minority groups, the U.S. Senate maybe will weigh in, but--

--on this issue--

There are student groups that may have legitimate concerns, for example, about--just a minute--legitimate concerns about the loss of innocent civilian life in Gaza.

No. No. No.

But what you are doing is saying--you are questioning--based on certain remarks made by some students, you are questioning them all.

I object.

Mr. President, if I may, I have to----

I have got another meeting, but I object.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, in 1984, President Ronald Reagan designated October as National Down Syndrome Awareness Month. We have been honoring that month ever since. We are attempting to ensure that Americans have had the opportunity to celebrate and recognize individuals with Down syndrome and those individuals' contribution to our world.

Since 2015, I have served as the cochair of the Congressional Down Syndrome Task Force, a bipartisan, bicameral caucus dedicated to promoting policies that enhance the quality of life for individuals with Down syndrome.

Last September, the task force partnered with leaders in Down syndrome advocacy groups and the medical research sector to host a roundtable discussion on recent scientific advances in Down syndrome research. During the roundtable, self-advocates brought awareness to the issues important to their communities, such as work and education opportunities, policies to improve independent living, support for their loved ones and caretakers, and medical research.

Hearing the firsthand testimonies from individuals of Down syndrome and medical professionals who have dedicated their careers to the understanding of Down syndrome in order to better care for the community was meaningful to me, and it helped us better understand the needs of the Down syndrome community.

Through my interactions on the task force, I have also had the privilege to meet amazing parents, siblings, aunts, uncles, advocates, and caregivers who support individuals with Down syndrome in living successful and fulfilling lives. The dedication to improving the lives of those in the Down syndrome community is appreciated not only this month of October, but in every month, every day, every year.

As a cochair of the task force, I have worked to advocate for Federal resources for the Down syndrome community to support medical research and enable individuals with Down syndrome to live a full and independent life.

Through congressional commitment to expand Federal resources, Down syndrome research has improved significantly in recent years. In May of 2022, the National Institutes of Health report stated Federal investment in Down syndrome research had increased from $18 million in fiscal year 2014 to around $124 million in fiscal year 2022. This increase in funding is a recognition of the gaps in our medical research and works to make certain that we prioritize learning more about Down syndrome.

As we take this month to celebrate the Down syndrome community and their families, I look forward to building on recent successes and urge Congress to renew its commitment to pursuing policies that support the Down syndrome community and improve the quality of every American's life.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, first, I know that we will be voting on shortly the resolution showing our support for the State of Israel from the horrible attack by Hamas. I just really want to thank our colleagues for the cooperation in getting this resolution before us. Right after this horrific attack, I worked with Senator Risch to show bipartisan support to draft the resolution that would express our strong support for Israel, that we had their back, that

we stand shoulder to shoulder with them, and that it enjoyed the support of the U.S. Senate.

I want to thank Senator Schumer and Senator McConnell for their leadership in being able to bring this up for a vote today. It is a clear message that the United States stands with the State of Israel; that Israel has the right to defend itself; that it has the obligation to defend itself. We certainly have made it clear that if any of the enemies of Israel try to take care of this situation, they better think twice because the United States has made it clear that we will not tolerate such actions. And we have also made it clear that the hostages need to be released safely, immediately.

So it is a clear message, and we know that President Biden's presence in the Middle East was also a clear message. I want to thank the President for what he has done, and we are now hopeful that we are going to get some humanitarian assistance in to the innocent people who are being affected by this campaign.

And I must tell you, we are working very hard to make sure that we maintain the efforts toward normalization. We know that Hamas is trying to derail that. We are working very energetically to get back on track the Saudi-Israel normalization talks. But today, we have a chance in the U.S. Senate to speak with one voice.

I am proud of the action we are going to be taking this afternoon. I want our brothers and sisters in Israel to know they are not alone, that America is with them.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.