To amend the Clean Air Act with respect to the ethanol waiver for Reid Vapor Pressure under that Act, and for other purposes.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Minnesota for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, this rule is what happens when you try to make a deal by telling people what they want to hear. It is what happens when you come to an agreement by telling one group of people one thing and another group of people the total opposite.

That is the situation that Speaker Johnson finds himself in. He can't keep his word to his own Members, can't manage his own Conference, can't figure out how to pass a bill, and apparently can't keep his stories straight between the two groups he was negotiating with. The incompetence takes my breath away.

We are now wasting floor time to basically undo something Republicans did last week, to unattach an E15 bill from the farm bill after Republicans had us vote to attach an E15 bill to the farm bill. You can't make this stuff up.

That is what this is all about: shady backroom deals falling apart because Republican leadership can't keep its word and just hoped that everything would somehow work out and nobody would notice anything.

Former Speaker Kevin McCarthy used to do the same thing: promise everything to everyone, cut one side deal after another, and hope nobody noticed. How did that work out for him?

Maybe, just maybe, there is a lesson here. If you are going to make a deal, make an honest deal. If you are going to write a bill, know what is in the bill. If you are going to promise your Members something, maybe don't come back 3 weeks later and say: Actually, never mind.

I have to say I am a little surprised that some of my Republican colleagues from the Midwest are going along with this strategy because if you think separating E15 from the farm bill will help you get what you want, I have a degree from Trump University for you.

This is not some brilliant legislative maneuver. It is a quick way to make sure the Senate never takes it up. The reason I know this is because the way the bill is written. The reason why this doesn't have much of a future is because--get this--this bill will cost over $2 billion, billion with a b, and none of it is offset.

What happened to the deficit hawks? $2 billion, basically, that is just going to be added to the debt. It will be dead on arrival at the Senate, and again I think everyone knows that.

If I represented a corn-producing State, I would not be thrilled that my leadership took one of my top priorities and pulled it out of a bill that possibly had a chance to move and said: Trust us.

I don't know whether the gentlewoman read the rule because it sounded a little bit confused here, but here is the rule. It is one sentence. It doesn't talk about bringing E15 to the floor. It doesn't allow for there to be a debate or an amendment on an offset so that we don't add $2 billion to the credit card. It basically just is a rule that will detach E15 from the farm bill. That is it. I don't know. I wouldn't feel particularly comfortable if that is all that we were doing today, that that is all that the bill is accomplishing.

What we have here is a majority that cannot manage its own Conference, cannot keep its promises, and cannot pass its own agenda without completely breaking into disarray. The American people see this.

They see a Republican majority that spent weeks fighting with itself over the farm bill.

They see a Republican majority that cannot decide whether E15 belongs in the farm bill, outside the farm bill, attached to the farm bill, detached from the farm bill, or shoehorned into something else.

They see a Republican leadership that panders to the American people talking about lowering costs and inflation and then does none of it.

Here is the thing. Republicans are bad at governing because they do not actually believe in governing. They believe in power for the sake of power. They believe in theatrics. They believe in blaming everybody else. When the time comes to do the basic work of this House, they fall apart. They block amendments. They shut down debate. They cut food assistance and healthcare, while protecting the rich and powerful. They fund Donald Trump's vanity projects, while families are getting crushed by the cost of groceries, rent, gas, and medicine. They know that their agenda is unpopular, and that is why they are not trying to earn people's votes anymore. They have given up on that.

Instead of changing their agenda, they are changing the rules of democracy itself. Instead of earning votes, they are rigging maps. Instead of persuading people, they are silencing them. Instead of serving voters, they are choosing their voters. Just look at what is happening across this country.

Donald Trump demanded that red States start gerrymandering so Republicans can cling to power in this House, and Republican politicians lined up to do it--the hell with democracy, the hell with what the people want.

It is a very different story in States like Virginia where they actually had a vote on the new maps. People voted. Guess what. Voters approved a redistricting plan to fight back against the staggering Republican assault on our democracy. A narrow majority on the Virginia Supreme Court tossed it aside--an awful, awful decision in my view.

Now, the United States Supreme Court has taken another wrecking ball to the Voting Rights Act, a law that for generations helped protect many communities from having their voices diluted and their powers stolen.

Guess what, Mr. Speaker, we are not going back to the days of Jim Crow. Too many people have fought too hard for equal representation in this country.

A party that is confident in its ideas does not need to make it harder for people to vote.

A party that is proud of its record does not need to dilute people's representation.

A party that knows how to govern does not spend its time making shady side deals and begging courts to save it from voters.

But this Republican majority is not confident, not proud, and sure as hell not competent. Case in point: today's rule, a rule to undo just one more mess of their own making.

Mr. Speaker, the American people deserve a hell of a lot better than this.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I think there is some confusion here. I have the rule. Maybe I have the wrong rule, I don't know, but the resolution says: ``Resolved, That section 11 of House Resolution 1224 shall have no force or effect.''

Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield to the gentlewoman if she could tell me where in this rule it says that we are bringing E15 to the floor. I am happy to yield to the gentlewoman to tell me where in this rule it says that.

I yield to the gentlewoman from Minnesota.

I reclaim my time, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. Speaker, in the other rule we did, it makes it in order. It is already in order. It can be called up right this second, but in this, it basically doesn't make it in order. There is nothing here that says that this bill will be brought to the floor. This decoupling makes it more likely that the Senate could ignore it.

It doesn't even guarantee that we are going to have a debate on the House floor on this, otherwise, it would say that specifically.

The rule that we are voting on today does not bring E15 to the floor. If it did, it would say it.

Again, this is a good education, I think, for my colleagues here. Read the rule because my friends on the other side don't always explain the rule correctly and here it is. It is one line, and it does not bring it up.

What it does is, it decouples E15 from the farm bill, which makes it more likely that the Senate will kill it if it ever gets over there.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I have to read the rule again for my colleagues on the Republican side: ``Resolved, That section 11 of House Resolution 1224 shall have no force or effect.'' Just like Midwest House Republicans if they agree to this deal.

Bottom line is, you fought to get this provision attached in the farm bill, and now we have a rule that basically detaches this issue from the farm bill. It doesn't even give us a pathway to bring it to the House floor. I am stunned by all of this.

Mr. Speaker, I urge that we defeat the previous question. If we do, I will offer an amendment to the rule to bring up H.R. 8698, the Lower Prices at the Pump Act, which would make it a Federal crime for oil companies and gas stations to price gouge the American people under cover of President Trump's illegal and misguided war in Iran.

Mr. Speaker, today, the average price of gas across the United States increased to more than $4.50 per gallon. That is up from roughly $3 per gallon a year ago before Trump launched this disastrous war.

What are Republicans doing about this price gouging? Nothing. Not a thing. They don't care if people are struggling to put gas in the tank. When asked just yesterday about the situation, the President said: ``I don't think about Americans' financial situation.'' However, 1 month before the 2024 elections, Donald Trump said: ``within 1 year, you are going to have electric bills and energy bills and gasoline for your cars is going to be 50 percent cheaper than it is right now.'' That is what Trump said. What a crock. What a crock. I need a neck brace for the whiplash here. If my Republican colleagues actually want to address the cost-of-living crisis, they will vote with Democrats to defeat the previous question, which would allow us to vote on legislation to bring down gas prices.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment into the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Schrier) to discuss our proposal.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I am just kind of amazed listening to my colleagues on the other side of the aisle. Republicans fought tooth and nail to get this attached to the farm bill. I mean, they said this was like a huge, huge issue, and now, they are leading the charge to detach it from the farm bill. I mean, I don't get that.

That means that if it gets sent over on its own to the Senate, and it is not going to have an offset, then it is not going anywhere, even if you can pass it in the House.

I mean, it is a complete capitulation by midwestern House Republicans. I mean, it is stunning to me that my friends are caving like this.

This whole E15 debacle is a great example, I think, of just how dysfunctional Congress has become under Republican rule. Year-round E15 was included in a bipartisan, end-of-year spending package back in 2024, a deal that was negotiated by none other than Speaker Johnson. That was 1\1/2\ years ago.

Guess what happened. Elon Musk and President Trump blew up the deal. Musk tweeted about how much he hated the bill over 100 times and, over a 2-day span, threatened to fund primary challenges to anybody who voted for it. Then, later that second day, President Trump came out against the deal.

Fast forward to this January, where Republicans in support of year- round E15 threatened to vote against their own party's agenda until they got an up-or-down vote on their proposal. They said that this issue was existential to the farmers they represent.

Yet, in the end, they caved like they always do, and a deal was cut between midwestern Republicans and the leadership to create an E15 Rural Domestic Energy Council. They didn't get a solution. They got a do-nothing task force.

At the time, Representative Miller-Meeks of Iowa said that the Council was created because Republicans ``failed in our primary duty to deliver immediate relief to rural America.''

The partisan task force failed to produce a bill by the February 15 deadline, breaking another promise. Months later, at the end of April, text mysteriously appeared from some back room in the Capitol.

The text was filed by Representative Fischbach as an amendment to the farm bill. She even tried to sweeten the deal by adding billions of dollars in taxpayer-funded handouts to the oil industry, but that amendment was, once again, blocked by Republican leadership, and it never got a vote.

Instead, Speaker Johnson told one group of Republicans that E15 will get its own vote and be added to the farm bill, while telling a different group of Republicans the exact opposite.

Now, here we are, debating a bill to detach the E15 proposal from the farm bill after just passing a rule that combined the E15 proposal with the farm bill.

I hope my midwestern Republican friends take note. They all got bamboozled. If this rule passes, E15 will be delinked from the farm bill and ignored by the Senate, and they will be back at square one.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, a couple of things I will say to my friends who are talking about how important E15 is. Supporting the rule makes it less likely that it is going to become law. I don't understand the way they think.

In any event, the gentlewoman earlier chastised me for talking about other things besides this one-sentence rule. The reason why is because the Republican agenda sucks. It is awful. It doesn't address what real people are dealing with every day.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to include in the Record the Trump administration's own analysis of rising food costs.

Mr. Speaker, the USDA's April 2026 Food Price Outlook makes it clear that prices are not down. They are up. They are way up. Food prices are up 2.7 percent from last year. Restaurant prices are up 3.8 percent. Beef and veal prices are up over 12 percent. In fact, the average cost of a pound of beef is more expensive than the Federal minimum wage. I mean, let that sink in. Veal prices are up. Fresh vegetables are up 7.5 percent. Nonalcoholic beverages are up 4.7 percent. Grocery prices, overall, have gone up around 2 percent.

These are not Democratic talking points. These are the Trump administration's own numbers after 16 months of total Republican control in Washington.

They control the House. They control the Senate. They control the White House. They passed tax breaks for those who are well-off and well-connected, billionaires and millionaires. At the same time, they cut SNAP by $200 billion. I hope they are proud of themselves.

They imposed tariffs. They started the war that is driving up food and gas prices. The price of fertilizer is going through the roof.

All they do is blame Biden, blame Democrats, and blame anyone, while they fail to find any solutions. They promised lower costs. What a crock. Their own USDA says that families are paying more because of their disastrous economic policies.

We are going to continue talking about things that my Republican friends think are extraneous because these are real issues. These are real issues that everyday families are struggling with right now.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, again, the gentleman makes a strong case for his position. I don't know if he read the rule or not, but what he is doing with this rule is making it less likely that this will ever become law.

The reason why this was going to be attached to the farm bill is because I think my Republican colleagues understood that that may be a vehicle that was moving but that the Senate would not consider this legislation on its own.

Why is that? Well, according to the Congressional Budget Office, this measure would cost $2.27 billion, billion with a b, and none of this is offset. If this were a program to help feed hungry people or if it were to help people get healthcare, my Republican friends would be quoting CBO left and right, but not in this case.

Some Republicans have a problem with the fact that this is $2.7 billion added to the debt. My friends know that just sent over on its own, it is going nowhere in the Senate.

What we are doing today is Republicans are reversing their position. Again, Republicans insisted and fought to get this so that it would be attached to the farm bill, and now we have a rule that will unattach it to the farm bill. I don't know when the Speaker will bring this up for a vote, but I think everybody is pretty certain that the Senate isn't going to take it up, certainly not adding $2.7 billion to the debt.

I don't understand the way my friends who claim to be champions for the farms in the Midwest--I don't understand why you flip-flopped on this issue, but you can explain that to your farmers.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

The gentleman just said the wheels of progress don't always turn quickly. Well, you guys are turning them backwards.

Nobody has explained to me why my Republican friends are leading the charge to undo what they demanded be done in the first place. So this doesn't smell right.

Mr. Speaker, let me just say on another issue that electric bills are up. Gas bills and prices are up. Grocery prices are still too high. Inflation is at the highest rate it has been in 3 years.

And what is the President focused on? He is focused on a ballroom-- get this--a ballroom, a billion-dollar security request tied to his White House makeover. Even some Senate Republicans are saying they need more details. Good. I hope they actually mean what they say. They should because the American people deserve the details, too. They deserve to know why Republicans can always find money for Donald Trump's wide range of vanity projects around D.C. but somehow can't find money to lower the costs for average working families.

Last year, Trump had his big birthday military parades. Tanks were in the streets. Troops were marching through Washington. It was a taxpayer-funded spectacle that the Army said cost tens of millions of dollars for a parade that just happened to fall on Donald Trump's birthday.

Now he has a laundry list of renovation requests. He wants to repaint the Eisenhower Executive Office Building. Meanwhile, preservationists are warning it could permanently damage a historic landmark.

He wants to turn the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool bright blue like a swimming pool in Florida. A Federal contract for that project has been reported in the millions, and preservation groups are suing because they say the administration skipped required historic review.

He wants a UFC fight on the White House lawn with a 4,500-seat arena built on the grounds of the White House. He wants race cars roaring down the streets of Washington in August. He wants a giant triumphal arch near Arlington National Cemetery, a 250-foot monument that veterans and historians are already fighting in court.

He wants to turn humble, public golf courses in D.C. into championship-level resorts while also using some areas as a dumping ground for remnants of his historic East Wing.

Mr. Speaker, none of this is serious or necessary. This is a rich guy decorating national buildings and monuments like they are one of his hotels and sticking taxpayers with the bill: enough money for the parade; enough money for the ballroom; enough for the blue reflecting pool, the UFC cage fight, race cars, the arch, and the golf courses.

I say to my Republican colleagues: Stop funding the vanity tour, and let's get back to work to actually helping hardworking people in this country.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to the time remaining.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, let's be honest why we are here. Republican leadership made promises they could not keep, and they are now back here asking the rest of us to help clean up their mess. That is the whole story.

The longer this goes on, the more the American people lose faith not just in this Republican majority--I think they have lost faith in the Republican majority in this Congress--but in the basic idea that Congress can actually solve real problems.

Again, nobody can explain to me why, after defending this program, we are here with the rule to basically make it more likely that this will never materialize. This will go nowhere in the Senate.

Two-thirds of the American people say this country is headed in the wrong direction. And what do House Republicans do?

They gutted healthcare so that billionaires can get another tax giveaway.

They supported Trump's unpopular war, which has killed American servicemembers and driven up costs for everyday families.

Know why gas prices are going up? Look no further than the illegal, risky and reckless war that this President has launched.

Here is what is really frustrating: The majority in this Congress can't even bring itself to have a serious debate and vote on whether or not to authorize the use of military force in Iran. They step away. They don't want to get involved in that debate.

On Trump's ballroom, Republicans want to spend a billion dollars, billion with a b, on his tacky, stupid, vanity ballroom. That is what they would rather do than lower your costs and fight inflation. It is insane, and it is outrageous.

To my midwestern colleagues, again, who care about E15, I hope you got more than a handshake from your leadership, because once this gets separated from the farm bill, lots of luck.

Then what do you say to your farmers? What do you say to the people who you promised that you would fix this?

The bottom line is, we all know what is going on here. Again, the Senate is not going to take up an independent E15 bill. I stand corrected. Earlier I said that it costs $2.2 billion. It is actually $2.27 billion that it adds to the deficit and the debt.

This place is no longer a serious place to get stuff done, to solve problems. The American people are hurting. They are suffering.

I just did a townhall in Massachusetts, and all people wanted to talk about was how everything was more expensive. They were saying: What are you doing about the affordability crisis?

To be honest, the legislation being brought to the floor today by the previous rule and even now is not going to do anything to help lower costs for anybody. That is sad because people are depending on us to help make their lives a little bit better, to help make their lives easier and more manageable.

People are hurting, and my Republican friends are just doing nothing. Legislation that amounts to press releases are now, you know, making it more difficult to pass legislation that my Republican friends say will help their farmers.

This is not the way government should be running.

I close by urging my colleagues to get their act together. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the previous question, vote ``no'' on the rule, and let's get back to doing the actual work of the American people.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Another week, Mr. Speaker, another chance for this Republican majority to show the American people what they actually care about. Once again, sadly, it is not affordability. It is not lowering prices. It is not the issues that my constituents raise with me at townhalls back home.

For 16 long, long months, Republicans have controlled the House, the Senate, and the White House. Republicans have been running the show for over a year now, and what have they done?

Have they lowered prices? Not grocery prices; those are up. Not gas prices; those are up, too. Not healthcare costs; those are up, too. Not utilities or childcare; those are more expensive than ever.

That is the problem with winning power, Mr. Speaker. At some point, the problems you complain about become your problems, and if you fail to fix them, then that failure is yours. That is where this Republican majority finds itself.

You guys have failed to deliver big time.

Donald Trump promised he would end the war in Ukraine. Not only did he fail to do that, he started a new one in Iran.

Republicans promised they would lower prices on day one. We are now in year 2, and where are prices? They are not down. They are up, way up. Ground beef, vegetables, fruit, sugar, it is all up, according to Trump's own USDA.

Whose fault is it? Democrats did not start the war with Iran that is driving up food and gas prices. Republicans did that. It wasn't Biden who put in place tariffs that are hurting American farmers and jacking up costs. Republicans did that. The left did not give massive tax breaks to billionaires paid for by stealing from the program working families use to buy groceries. Republicans did that.

This administration and Republicans in Congress spent years claiming Democrats drove up prices and promising they would bring them down on day one. They failed. If you want to know why, look no further than the bills on the floor this week.

It is a greatest hits album of MAGA extremism, corporate giveaways, and political theater: a culture war bill targeting trans kids; a budget resolution that moves Heaven and Earth to give even more money to ICE and CBP while FEMA, TSA, and the Coast Guard remain shut down because Speaker Johnson refuses to advance a bipartisan Senate agreement that would pass overwhelmingly if brought to the floor; a FISA bill that lets the government spy on Americans without proper warrant safeguards; and a farm bill that locks in long-term cuts to SNAP, formerly known as food stamps, after Trump's big, ugly bill stole nearly $200 billion from the program in order to give tax breaks to billionaires.

We are talking about a food benefit that gives barely over $6 a day to some of the poorest people in this country, many working multiple jobs and still unable to make ends meet and many others who are seniors, who are veterans, who are children, and Americans with disabilities.

That is the meager benefit you guys cut to give tax breaks to rich people. Give me a break.

Let's not forget the provision in this farm bill that helps chemical companies dump toxic chemicals into our food system, poisoning farmworkers and polluting our air and water. Who the hell asked for that? Was it drafted in the Monsanto boardroom?

Thankfully, a popular bipartisan amendment was made in order by the Committee on Agriculture to fix the provision. While I am glad that we will be able to take a vote on it and see where Members lie on this issue--my hope is that it passes--it still doesn't fix the rest of this awful, terrible bill.

Costs are up. Corruption is up. Chaos is up, and you guys are screwing over poor people. This is beyond outrageous. It is immoral. It is sick. It is wrong.

After huddling in back rooms and arguing among themselves, Republicans are now sending to the floor a year-round E15 bill--get this, Mr. Speaker--that adds billions of dollars to the deficit. They are doing it in a very clever way. Once the E15 bill passes, it gets combined with the farm bill before it gets sent to the Senate.

Where are my Freedom Caucus friends? Do you even know that this provision is in the bill? Do you even know what is going on here? I mean, billions and billions of dollars are being added to the deficit. I thought you cared about the deficit, but apparently you don't. It is a reason to vote against this rule. If you don't know about it, then the leadership of this House pulled a fast one on you.

Since the day Trump took office last year, the national debt has gone up $2.8 trillion. Full Republican control--full Republican control has added nearly $3 trillion to the debt, and now we are

adding billions more with another Republican backroom deal.

I mean, during our Agriculture Committee markup, Chairman Thompson said over and over and over again that we had an obligation to remain budget neutral. He said that that is why we couldn't do anything to address the horrible nutrition cuts, why we couldn't do anything to provide any more support for our farmers, and why we couldn't modernize our conservation programs.

We can't do any of those things, but if it is for war or if it is for tax cuts for the rich or for this E15 bill, Republicans are more than happy to add to the debt.

Gut it. Gut it.

Mr. Speaker, people are struggling. They are working hard, and they are falling behind. If Republicans spent half as much time lowering costs as they spend passing nonbinding resolutions congratulating themselves, maybe we could actually get something done around here, but they can't help themselves.

The billionaires say, jump, and the Speaker asks: How high?

Monsanto says: Bail us out. Republicans ask: How much?

Big Tech, Big Ag, and Big Oil, they all run wild. It is pathetic, Mr. Speaker--pathetic.

The American people were promised lower costs. They were promised a Congress that would fight for them. They were lied to. Instead, they got extremism. They got a majority that wakes up every morning and asks how to make life easier for the rich and powerful. They got an administration and a Congress that covers up for Epstein-elite pedophiles instead of fighting for everyday people. Enough already.

This is an awful rule. It blocks 7 of 10 Republican amendments. It blocks 7 of 10 Republican amendments, 8 out of 10 bipartisan amendments, and 9 out of 10 Democratic amendments. No Member of this House has had an amendment debated on the floor in nearly 100 days. Now that we do, here is what we get.

In case it was not clear yet, Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on this rule, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, first, let me say to my colleague from Georgia: Keep bragging about gas prices and see how that works for you in November.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to include in the Record an article titled: ``U.S. Gas Prices Hit Highest Level Since Beginning of War in Iran.''

Mr. Speaker, I will say to my friend, the distinguished chairwoman of the Rules Committee: We offered amendments because we haven't had a vote on an amendment in nearly 100 days. No Democrat and no Republican has been able to vote on an amendment in nearly 100 days.

Mr. Van Orden, who is sitting there, had two amendments that were blocked. Mr. Neguse offered one of them last night, and every Republican voted against it.

Some of the amendments that we offered, quite frankly, I support. The Biggs amendment on FISA, I support. That was really an interesting display of theater because we had the votes, but one of the Republicans, Mr. Griffith, every time we brought it up, conveniently got up and walked out of the room so he didn't have to cast a vote. We called it up several times, and he kept on walking out of the room. If you want to talk about theater, that really does deserve an Academy Award.

There were a lot of other amendments, quite frankly, that we brought up that I support. By the way, we brought up amendments that I don't support, but just because I don't support them doesn't mean they don't deserve to be debated on the House floor.

That is one of the problems with the Republican leadership right now in Congress. You don't believe that this place is a deliberative body. You believe it is kind of your way or the highway, and it is not just Democrats who are getting locked out.

What is the percentage of Republicans? Republican amendments were blocked 70 percent of the time. Most of them were germane. Some of them weren't even particularly controversial in any way, shape, or form. They were blocked.

Bipartisan amendments were blocked 80 percent of the time. I know you don't care about Democrats, but 90 percent of our amendments were blocked. I mean, 70 percent of your own party were denied amendments in the Rules Committee. Again, it has been nearly 100 days since we have had a debate on any amendment, Republican or Democratic amendment.

Again, if that is how you all want this place to be run, have at it, but I would urge my Republican colleagues to take a stand now. Say ``no'' to this. Say ``no'' to this, and I guarantee you that it will change. Yet, going along to get along has resulted in even Republican Members being denied the right to offer their amendments.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Craig), the distinguished ranking member of the Committee on Agriculture who has done an incredible job standing up for our farmers and for the most needy in this country.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentlewoman from Minnesota.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I want to say to the gentleman who just spoke, the chairman of the Intelligence Committee, I have great respect for him, but that is a lot of words basically to say that Democrats and Republicans will be denied the right to be able to debate and vote on a warrant requirement.

Madam Speaker, I have already spoken about how terrible the bills in this rule are, but let me just take a minute to talk about how much of a dumpster fire the last 48 hours have been from a process standpoint.

The way this place is being run by your so-called leadership, Madam Speaker, is beyond incompetent. It is pathetic.

We spent all night waiting around while Republicans fought amongst themselves. We were told nearly at midnight on Monday to go home. We were then told Rules would meet at 8 a.m. on Tuesday. We showed up for that meeting only to be told there would be no meeting because Republicans were still busy fighting with each other.

Madam Speaker, you guys had all weekend. Didn't you think to do a Zoom call or something like that with your members to find out where they were? On FISA, this thing has been going on for weeks. Didn't you have a meeting or a phone call or a text thread or something to try to work that out?

Finally, at long last, we convened and reported out a rule, but based on public reporting, it is not clear whether the rule that we are debating right now can pass.

So what the hell are we doing here? I mean, can somebody please, please call the Republican whip and ask his office if they have the votes? Maybe they can ask them if they know how to count. We keep running around in circles here, Madam Speaker, and I will tell you why.

You guys have a tiny, slim majority. Rather than trying to work things out with Democrats, you cut us out of the process. The result is endless chaos, endless incompetence, and endless delay, and everyday Americans are the ones who pay the price.

Here is just one example. Democrats tried to make in order many Republican amendments in the Rules Committee last night. One of them, authored by Representative Biggs, would require a warrant before the government spies on Americans. Last time the amendment came to the floor, it tied. Clearly, this is an important issue with members of both parties on both sides. It is exactly the kind of debate Congress should be having out in the open.

What did Republicans do? Well, there were two Republicans who voted with us to bring the amendment to the floor--again, an amendment to make sure the government can't spy on Americans without warrants. That was what the amendment was. Then, a third Republican, as I mentioned before, kept getting up and leaving the room every time we called the vote. It was really comical.

That is why we won't be having a floor debate, again, on a Republican amendment. That was a Republican amendment we tried to bring to the floor, and it was blocked by a Republican who literally had to get up and leave the room because if he didn't, it would pass. I just wonder who asked him to leave. What an embarrassment to this institution.

For the record, it isn't just one amendment Republicans have blocked here. It is hundreds. Seven out of 10 Republican amendments are blocked. Eight out of 10 bipartisan amendments are blocked. Nine out of 10 Democratic amendments are blocked. Let me repeat that: Nine out of 10 Democratic amendments are blocked in this rule.

Over 50 times in the Rules Committee last night, we asked to simply have an up-or-down vote on these important issues on the floor. Over 50 times, we were blocked.

I understand my ideas won't always prevail and win, but to not even be able to get a vote--I mean, what the hell are Republicans afraid of? Isn't it our job to debate and to vote?

This is an interesting statistic. For the record, we had more amendment votes in the Rules Committee last night than we have had on the House floor this entire year. That is not okay. We call ourselves one of the greatest deliberative bodies of the world, and we aren't deliberating on anything, for God's sake.

Republican leaders are blocking nearly every amendment, and that is what this rule does. It blocks idea after idea after idea from being debated and voted on.

We can't debate more aid for farmers. We can't debate more help for hungry families. We have Republican Members who are publicly threatening to take down this rule because their amendments were blocked, too. I disagree strongly with some of their ideas, and I would vote ``no,'' but they deserve a vote, don't they?

These bills are take it or leave it. The leadership dictates every single letter, every comma. This is no way to run this place. It is no way to run a banana stand. It is pathetic. It is a disgrace. The Speaker and the majority ought to be embarrassed by what is going on here. You are screwing over your own Members.

Madam Speaker, you write bad bills, and you block good ideas. You refuse to work with Democrats in a bipartisan way. You bend over backward to appease the people in your Conference who have no interest in governing.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Neguse), a member of the Rules Committee who was there during the entire fiasco in the Rules Committee yesterday, to further expand on what I have been talking about.

Madam Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Colorado.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I would remind the gentleman from Wisconsin that he is in the majority party and that 100 percent of his amendments were blocked. I don't know what he did to tick off Mr. Austin Scott of Georgia, but he voted against his amendments in the Rules Committee last night.

By the way, I am somebody who believes that we ought to debate amendments, even the ones that I don't always agree with, because I think this is a place where diversity of opinion and ideas ought to be brought to the floor and ought to be debated.

I am sorry the gentleman doesn't share that passion. I will tell you this: If you vote for this rule, as you just said you would, you can look forward to your future amendments being blocked by the majority in your own party, because that is what they have been doing.

We haven't had a debate on a single amendment on this floor in nearly 100 days. I am not okay with that, and I hope my Republican colleagues are not okay with that, either.

They ought to send a message to your leadership that this bs has to stop now. Individual Members have to be respected, and their ideas need to be brought to the floor.

I will say one final thing on the E15 matter. I think it is a legitimate issue. Our problem with it is that we are told that we can't address the issue of hunger and food insecurity because it adds to the deficit and the debt.

The Republican leadership in here knows that the Office of Management and Budget has said that the E15 provision will cost billions--billions with a b. Rather than offset it, they came up with a clever way to vote on it separately and then merge it with the farm bill at the end and send it to the Senate.

Again, none of this is paid for. What happened to fiscal responsibility? I guess when it comes to helping poor people, everybody on that side is: Oh, we can't do it because we have to be fiscally responsible. On other things, the sky is the limit.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Oregon (Ms. Dexter).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I am sorry that my colleague from Georgia does not believe that we can help both farmers and hungry families, but I do. That is what I am fighting for.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Kamlager-Dove).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the rule to adopt the Senate amendment to H.R. 7147, the bipartisan compromise bill that the Senate unanimously passed twice now to fund all the law-abiding agencies under the Department of Homeland Security.

Enough is enough. This is the deal to fund the Department of Homeland Security while we discuss changes in ICE and CBP. It is a bipartisan measure. It passed unanimously in the Senate twice.

The situation is so dire now that even the White House has sent a letter urging the House to pass the bill.

I am, once again, giving all Members of this body a chance to do the right thing and to provide a vote on this bipartisan DHS bill. Stop the games. Stop the games.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment into the Record along with any extraneous material immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

I urge all Members to reject this madness and the games my friends are playing on the other side of the aisle and vote ``no'' on the previous question so we can fund, finally, DHS.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I just wish the E15 measure was paid for and wasn't going to explode the deficit.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Stansbury).

Madam Speaker, I don't have any more speakers, and I am prepared to close.

Madam Speaker, may I ask how much time I have remaining.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, prices are up, debate in this House is down. We are debating culture war nonsense instead of adhering to an affordability agenda. We are giving more money to ICE and CBP that are lawless and that don't need any more money. We are giving more tax breaks to millionaires and billionaires. Farmers are getting screwed over, poor people are getting screwed over, hunger is going up in this country, and enough is enough. Enough is enough.

My friends on the other side do not care.

I will say to my Republican colleagues: If you are tired of getting rolled by your own leadership, then vote ``no'' on this rule. Vote ``no'' on this rule.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 1224 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate

only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, last night the Rules Committee met and reported a rule, House Resolution 1224, providing for consideration of H.R. 7567, the Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026, to be considered under a structured rule.

The rule provides for 1 hour of debate, equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on Agriculture or their respective designees, provides for one motion to recommit, and makes 57 amendments in order.

The rule provides for consideration of S. 1318, the Foreign Intelligence Accountability Act, to be considered under a closed rule. The rule provides for 1 hour of debate, equally divided among and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary or their respective designees and the chair and ranking member of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence or their respective designees, and provides one motion to commit.

The rule provides for consideration of H.R. 2616, the Stopping Indoctrination and Protecting Kids Act, to be considered under a closed rule. The rule provides for 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on Education and Workforce or their respective designees and provides one motion to recommit.

The rule provides for consideration of S. Con. Res. 33, setting forth the congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year 2026 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal years 2027 through 2035 to be considered under a closed rule. The rule provides for 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on the Budget or their respective designees.

Finally, the rule provides for consideration of H.R. 1346, the Nationwide Consumer and Fuel Retailer Choice Act of 2025, to be considered under a closed rule. The rule provides for 1 hour of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce or their respective designees and provides one motion to recommit.

Additionally, the rule provides that in the engrossment of H.R. 7567, the clerk shall add the text of H.R. 1346, should it pass the House, as new matter at the end of H.R. 7567.

The rule also provides that in the engrossment of S. 1318, the clerk shall add the text of H.R. 1919, as passed by the House, as new matter at the end of the House amendment to S. 1318.

Finally, the rule allows the Speaker to entertain motions to suspend the rules at any time through the legislative day on May 1, 2026.

Mr. Speaker, we are here today to debate the rule on five pieces of legislation, beginning with H.R. 7567, the Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026.

Mr. Speaker, our country's farmers and ranchers are currently experiencing years of high input costs, shrinking margins, and uncertainty heading into the growing season. Misguided policy decisions from the previous administration have led to overregulation and consolidation, leaving the American producer to pay the price.

However, Mr. Speaker, through the body's work on H.R. 1, we achieved the first meaningful investments in the farm safety net since 2002, we brought integrity back to our nutrition programs, and we provided relief to our farming families through tax cuts.

H.R. 7567 builds on the accomplishments of H.R. 1 and completes the long-delayed farm bill process, addressing the remaining farm country needs. H.R. 7567 reinforces the farm safety net, allowing our producers the certainty they need to endure unpredictable markets, volatile weather, and rising input costs.

Strengthening ARC and PLC, expanding disaster assistance tools, and improving support for specialty crops gives producers the stability needed to keep producing the safest, most abundant food supply in the world.

The bill reaffirms our Nation's commitment to locally led, science- based conservation practices through improvements to programs like EQIP, CSP, and CRP. Promoting precision agriculture and science-based practices helps protect our natural resources while keeping working lands productive for generations to come.

Additionally, H.R. 7567 modernizes trade and global food assistance, codifying the move of the Food for Peace program to the USDA. Streamlining Food for Peace authorities and reinvesting in proven export promotion programs strengthens U.S. competitiveness abroad, while ensuring American commodities remain central to feeding vulnerable populations worldwide.

H.R. 7567 bolsters the future of American agriculture by improving access to farm credit, especially for those beginning, young, and small farmers. This farm bill ensures they have the capital they need to build and sustain their operations.

Mr. Speaker, this bill is centered on affordability and is a win for rural America. Investments in broadband, childcare, healthcare, workforce needs, and critical water and infrastructure projects strengthen our rural communities and give them the support to thrive in the years to come.

The Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026 delivers for our producers, strengthens our rural communities, and protects the security of America's food supply.

This is thoughtful legislation that has culminated from years of listening to farmers, ranchers, and families across our country in response to current realities with real solutions.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleagues and all the staff for the work that went into the Farm, Food, and National Security Act of 2026, and I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this legislation.

Moving on to S. 1318, the Foreign Intelligence Accountability Act, Mr. Speaker, this would authorize section 702 for 3 years. I will be clear: We cannot allow section 702 to expire at a moment when our adversaries are expanding their capabilities, accelerating their operations, and exploiting every gap in our intelligence posture.

Allowing this authority to expire would leave the United States blind to threats that move at the speed of the modern conflict. Section 702 allows the United States Government to collect intelligence on foreign nationals located overseas--I repeat, foreign nationals located overseas--who are reasonably believed to possess foreign intelligence information.

The FBI can only access FISA 702 data if the foreign section 702 target is relevant to an existing, open, predicated, full national security investigation. Section 702 cannot be used to target any U.S. person at home or abroad. That prohibition is explicit and reinforced by multiple layers of oversight.

While section 702 was first authorized in 2008 and has been reauthorized since with bipartisan support, it certainly has not been perfect. To account for needed reforms, Congress passed the Reforming Intelligence and Securing America Act in 2024, the largest FBI and FISA reform in decades.

This law mandated 56 different reforms, including strict limitations on FBI queries involving U.S. persons and a severe reduction in the number of FBI personnel with access to 702 data.

Additionally, to address concerns about the FBI's compliance on U.S. person queries, RISAA required the Bureau to provide an annual report detailing any noncompliant queries and what accountability measures were imposed on each FBI person who was determined to have conducted a noncompliant query.

This has led to 100 percent of queries on U.S. persons being reviewed by the

National Security Division and the FBI's Office of Internal Auditing. These reforms were not symbolic. They were structural, enforceable, and designed to ensure that section 702 remains both effective and accountable.

A quick example of effectiveness can be seen when comparing 2021 FBI queries, which numbered 2.9 million, to 2025 queries, which numbered 7,413.

Furthermore, Mr. Speaker, this bill contains additional reforms that Congress has worked to include over the last few weeks. Failing to reauthorize this authority, which allows us to stop terrorist attacks on United States soil, would be a massive setback, one that our adversaries would exploit immediately.

The time is now to reauthorize section 702.

Next, Mr. Speaker, we have H.R. 2616, the Stopping Indoctrination and Protecting Kids Act. This legislation addressed an important issue facing our country today: protecting a parent's right to be informed and involved in conversations regarding their children's education and what is happening inside their classrooms.

The Stopping Indoctrination and Protecting Kids Act does that. It would prohibit any federally funded public elementary or middle school from changing a child's name, pronoun, or access to facilities such as bathrooms or locker rooms without parental consent.

Again, Mr. Speaker, we are talking about elementary and middle schools. This legislation emphasizes the fundamental role of parents in making sensitive decisions regarding their children's identity and accommodations in school. This legislation responds to recent developments across the country where parental rights are being trampled on in favor of a progressive agenda that is completely out of touch with the average American family.

This is an urgent moment for Congress to stand up for parents and children and to reinforce the critical need for parental engagement and awareness in their child's education. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.

Additionally, Mr. Speaker, we have S. Con. Res. 33, setting forth the congressional budget for the United States Government for fiscal year 2026 and setting forth the appropriate budgetary levels for fiscal years 2027 through 2035.

This legislation would unlock the budget reconciliation process to fully fund both Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection through early 2029, continuing to deliver on the GOP- led Congress' promise to ensure our borders are secure and the brave men and women of ICE and CBP have the necessary resources to do so.

Over the last 18 months, President Trump has delivered on his promise to America to secure the southern border, deport violent illegal aliens, and support the law enforcement officers at Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection.

These officers work tirelessly to secure our borders and ensure Americans remain safe from foreign threats. It is time for Congress to do the same.

Finally, Mr. Speaker, we have H.R. 1346, the Nationwide Consumer and Fuel Retailer Choice Act of 2025. This legislation allows the option to sell gasoline that is blended with 10 percent to 15 percent ethanol year-round. Furthermore, it provides additional reforms to the renewable fuel standard.

Mr. Speaker, I look forward to the consideration of these important points of legislation, and I urge passage of this rule.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I am glad that the gentleman brought up corruption. Certainly, we have seen what is going on in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and many of the other Democratic-run cities and States.

He brought up gas prices, as well. I am thankful that Donald Trump has believed in energy independence, and gas prices are lower than they were under the Biden administration, even when we weren't at war, simply because of the stupid rules and regulations passed by that administration.

Mr. Speaker, I now yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Foxx), my friend and chairwoman of the Rules Committee.

Mr. Speaker, before we go any further, I would just like to remind the American citizens that under the Biden administration, over 82 percent of farm bill spending was going to SNAP, and they virtually eliminated any of the support for the American farm families.

Again, Democrats demanded that over 80 percent of farm bill spending go to SNAP benefits. That is one of the reasons that the American farm family is suffering so hard today.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Crawford), my friend and the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Van Orden).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, starving farmers the way Democrats did over the last several years, where they took and put 82 percent of farm bill spending into SNAP benefits, doesn't allow farmers the resources they need to grow the food that hungry people need.

We exempted anyone under 18 from the changes that we made. Anybody over 65 was exempted from the changes that we made. Anybody who is medically or psychologically disabled or unable to work is exempt from the

changes we made. Anybody who puts in the effort to work 20 hours a week is exempt from the changes we made.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Mann), my friend who has done tremendous work on the farm bill and

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Baird).

Madam Speaker, I am not aware of any recorded vote on the floor of the United States Senate. I am aware of a couple of actions being taken when nobody was on the floor of the United States Senate, but I am not aware of any recorded vote.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Nunn), who has done tremendous work on the farm bill and the E15 issue.

Madam Speaker, I, again, want to give great credit to Mr. Nunn and the Iowa delegation as well as many others for their work on the E15 issue and the farm bill.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I will just remind the gentlewoman that New Mexico has experienced a historic financial boom driven by what President Trump has done in unleashing America's domestic energy production. I think it was the Senate later that said they had more money than they could figure out how to spend in New Mexico.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, Customs and Border Protection is an extremely important part of protecting the United States of America. While the Democrats might want to eliminate Customs and Border Protection so that they can make the borders wide open, the American citizens want those borders secure.

This week, the House has the ability to advance five pieces of legislation, including the Farm, Food, and National Security Act, representing years of committee efforts and stakeholder engagement, strengthening rural America, improving conservation tools, and supporting American producers.

The Foreign Intelligence Accountability Act reauthorizes section 702, with reforms, providing the continued ability to collect intelligence on foreign nationals overseas, who are reasonably believed to possess foreign intelligence information, in order to stop terrorist attacks on United States soil--again, stopping terrorist attacks on United States soil.

We have no idea who the Democrats let into this country over the last several years.

The Stopping Indoctrination and Protecting Kids Act supports parents, strengthens transparency, and protects our children in educational environments.

The budget resolution is an essential first step toward ending this Democrat-driven shutdown at DHS and strengthening our Nation's national security and keeping our borders secure, which is what Democrats' real opposition is to the Department of Homeland Security.

Finally, the Nationwide Consumer and Fuel Retailer Choice Act allows the option to sell gasoline that is blended with 10 percent to 15 percent ethanol year-round and provides additional reforms to the Renewable Energy Standard.

Together these measures advance our commitments to American families, American procedures, and responsible stewardship of taxpayer dollars.

Madam Speaker, in order to keep America's border secure, I urge my colleagues to join me in voting ``yes'' on the previous question and ``yes'' on the rule.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 1274 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. Speaker, the rule before us today is simple. Two weeks ago, the Rules Committee met to provide for consideration of the farm bill, H.R. 7567, in addition to H.R. 1346, the Nationwide Consumer and Fuel Retailer Choice Act.

Nothing in this rule changes that. Instead, the rule before us makes a procedural change, which will allow H.R. 1346 and the farm bill, both, to be transmitted to the Senate separately for their consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 1346. For too long, the people of western Minnesota, along with families and farmers across the entire country, have been subjected to frustrating, outdated, and unnecessary regulations.

Currently, our growers are subjected to patchwork regulations that effectively ban the sale of E15 during the summer months. The summer ban is a direct hit to the American taxpayer. It limits consumer choice, drives up prices at the pump during the height of the summer travel season, and restricts the market for homegrown biofuels.

Because of these antiquated rules, farmers have been forced to rely on temporary, short-term emergency waivers that create confusion rather than progress.

The legislation before us today changes that. It includes text for permanent, year-round E15 to finally provide the certainty that our agriculture and energy sectors deserve. We are moving past the era of temporary fixes and toward a future of long-term stability.

The benefits of E15 are clear and backed by significant data. First, this is a major win for American consumers. E15 is a lower cost fuel option, typically priced 20 to 40 cents per gallon less than regular unleaded gasoline.

In a time of fluctuating global energy markets, providing this relief is a necessity for hardworking Americans. In fact, E15 adoption would save American drivers an estimated $27 billion a year on gas purchases, putting roughly $200 back into the pocket of the average American household annually.

Second, this is a win for our national security and energy independence. Ethanol is produced within American borders by American workers. Every gallon we blend is a gallon of oil we do not need to import from foreign countries.

By leaning into domestic production, we are strengthening our energy independence and reinforcing our commitment to American-made energy.

The American people understand this. Eighty percent of citizens believe renewable fuels, like ethanol, are necessary for our energy independence, and 71 percent support increasing the availability of E15 to help lower prices.

Year-round E15 is a massive win for the American farmer. In western Minnesota, our corn growers are large supporters of the biofuels industry. They deserve a fair and consistent market for their product.

Full adoption of E15 would increase corn consumption by 2.4 billion bushels, supporting our rural communities and ensuring steady, predictable demand year-round.

Beyond the farm, the economic impact is staggering. Full E15 adoption would add $25.8 billion to the U.S. GDP and support an additional 128,000 full-time jobs.

Beyond the economic and agricultural benefits, H.R. 1346 provides essential regulatory and market certainty. It enhances fuel supply chain stability and improves certainty for the entire fuel industry by eliminating unfair advantages for some refineries over others.

By reforming the small refinery exemption process, this bill helps the Environmental Protection Agency set renewable fuel standard annual volumes in a timely, transparent, and fair manner. It removes the reoccurring tension between refiners and agricultural stakeholders, allowing everyone from farmers to fuel retailers to better plan for the future.

It is important to address the technical advancements of vehicles since the current regulations were created.

E15 is legally approved for all vehicles built since 2001 or later, which accounts for more than 96 percent of the cars on the road today. Furthermore, E15 burns cleaner and reduces emissions that harm our health and our environment.

Mr. Speaker, we cannot afford to keep hitting the pause button on American energy every summer. This legislation removes the hurdles that have stifled E15 for decades. It gives farmers the confidence they need to plan, and it gives consumers a lower-cost option when they need it most.

The American people are calling for solutions. This bill provides more

choice at the pump and lower prices for America. It is real savings and real money back in the pockets of hardworking Americans.

It is time for a permanent, nationwide solution that supports our growers, lowers costs for families, and reinforces our commitment to American-made energy.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this rule and the underlying legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, as it often happens with the opposition, they stray off into every topic that they can think of and forget to focus on what we are here to talk about. What we are talking about is a rule to allow E15 to come to the floor to have a vote, so we are talking about energy independence. We are talking about saving Americans dollars on their gas bill. I just wanted to remind the public that that is what we are talking about today.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Mann) to talk about E15.

Will the gentleman yield?

Mr. Speaker and Mr. McGovern, I believe that you understand that that is referencing the decoupling, and it does allow for E15 to be brought to the floor--I mean maybe not exactly in the language that is on the paper.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I will clarify. I think my point was that the opposition went off on a whole bunch of other issues, and from his own admission, this is about E15. This is about decoupling from whatever the technical language is in that amendment.

We are talking about E15, not about all of the other issues that he spoke about earlier, so I will focus on E15.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Baird).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Feenstra), the great E15 leader.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. LaHood).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Nunn), another great E15 leader.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from South Dakota (Mr. Johnson).

Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close on E15, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, let's be honest. We are here to move the E15 legislation forward. That is what we are here to do today.

It is interesting that the good gentleman from Massachusetts used his time to talk about almost everything except E15. I was happy to yield time to my colleagues to talk about E15 and the benefits and the advantages and what it could do for our farmers and energy independence.

I rise today to close this debate because the choice before us is clear. Do we continue with the status quo of emergency waivers, or do we finally provide permanent certainty that American families and farmers deserve?

We have spent decades hiding behind outdated regulations that do nothing but hike summertime fuel prices. Every single year, this country is forced to hit a pause button on American-grown energy. It makes no sense and, frankly, Mr. Speaker, I am tired of it.

H.R. 1346 is about two things: lower costs and market stability. When families pull up to the pump, they should not be forced to pay more just because of what month it is on the calendar.

This is about providing real, permanent relief for hardworking Americans who are tired of seeing their pocketbooks take the fall for outdated red tape. This vote represents a choice between foreign oil and American energy independence. It is a vote for our corn growers across the country who are ready to fuel this country.

There is zero reason to rely on foreign countries for our energy needs when we can support American workers and strengthen our national security.

We are done with the era of temporary fixes that only create market instability. Our refiners, our retailers, and our rural communities deserve certainty.

E15 is cleaner. It is cheaper, and it is grown right here at home. Let's stop the games. It is time to pass a permanent, nationwide solution that provides for our growers, puts American families first, and reinforces our commitment to American-made energy.

Mr. Speaker, that is why we are here today. That is the issue in front of us, to move E15 year-round forward.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

Under clause 2 of rule XIV, executive communications were taken from the Speaker's table and referred as follows:

EC-3455. A letter from the Secretary, Department of War,

transmitting notification that General Randy A. George,

United States Army, was removed from his position as Chief of

Staff of the Army and Member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff on

April 2, 2026, pursuant to 10 U.S.C. 151(h); Added by Public

Law 99-433, Sec. 201 (as amended by Public Law 119-60, div.

A, title IX, Sec. 911(a)); (139 Stat. 1015); to the Committee

on Armed Services.

EC-3456. A letter from the Assistant Secretary for

Legislation, Department of Health and Human Services,

transmitting the Department's 2025 Report to Congress on the

Comprehensive Community Mental Health Services for Children

with Serious Emotional Disturbances Program, pursuant to 42

U.S.C. 290ff-4(c)(2); July 1, 1944, ch. 373, title V, Sec.

565(c)(2) (as amended by Public Law 106-310, Sec. 3105(c));

(114 Stat. 1175); to the Committee on Energy and Commerce.

EC-3457. A letter from the Senior Bureau Official, Bureau

of Legislative Affairs, Department of State, transmitting

notification that the request of the Drug Enforcement

Administration was authorized for danger pay for employees of

the DEA temporarily or permanently assigned to Embassy Belize

and Embassy Dominican Republic at the rate of 10% in both

countries, effective April 05, 2026; to the Committee on

Foreign Affairs.

EC-3458. A letter from the Senior Bureau Official, Bureau

of Legislative Affairs, Department of State, transmitting

notification of the Ratification of the Treaty Between the

Government of the United States of America and the Government

of Australia Concerning Defense Trade Cooperation (Treaty

Doc. 110-10); to the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

EC-3459. A letter from the Chairman of the Council, Council

of the District of Columbia, transmitting D.C. Act 26-307,

``Mu Lambda Foundation, Inc. Real Property Tax Exemption

Amendment Act of 2026'', pursuant to Public Law 93-198, Sec.

602(c)(1); (87 Stat. 813); to the Committee on Oversight and

Government Reform.

EC-3460. A letter from the Chairman of the Council, Council

of the District of Columbia, transmitting D.C. Act 26-308,

``Increasing Support and Grandparent and Close Relative

Caregivers Amendment Act of 2026'', pursuant to Public Law

93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87 Stat. 813); to the Committee on

Oversight and Government Reform.

EC-3461. A letter from the Chairman of the Council, Council

of the District of Columbia, transmitting D.C. Act 26-309,

``Statutory Neglect Amendment Act of 2026'', pursuant to

Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87 Stat. 813); to the

Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

EC-3462. A letter from the Chairman of the Council, Council

of the District of Columbia, transmitting D.C. Act 26-310,

``Safe Pregnancy, Delivery, and Postpartum Care for Youth at

DYRS Amendment Act of 2026'', pursuant to Public Law 93-198,

Sec. 602(c)(1); (87 Stat. 813); to the Committee on Oversight

and Government Reform.

EC-3463. A letter from the Chairman of the Council, Council

of the District of Columbia, transmitting D.C. Act 26-311,

``Strengthening Capacity and Transparency at DYRS Amendment

Act of 2026'', pursuant to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1);

(87 Stat. 813); to the Committee on Oversight and Government

Reform.

EC-3464. A letter from the Chairman of the Council, Council

of the District of Columbia, transmitting D.C. Act 26-312,

``Empowering Parents in CFSA Investigations Amendment Act of

2026'', pursuant to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87

Stat. 813); to the Committee on Oversight and Government

Reform.

EC-3465. A letter from the Chairman of the Council, Council

of the District of Columbia, transmitting D.C. Act 26-315,

``First Responder Retention Efforts Amendment Act of 2026'',

pursuant to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87 Stat.

813); to the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

EC-3466. A letter from the Chairman, Council of the

District of Columbia, transmitting DC Act 26-302, ``Rental

Housing Registration Data Integrity Temporary Amendment Act

of 2026'', pursuant to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87

Stat. 813); to the Committee on Oversight and Government

Reform.

EC-3467. A letter from the Chairman, Council of the

District of Columbia, transmitting DC Act 26-303,

``Archdiocese of Washington Parish Real Property, Deed

Recordation, and Transfer Tax Exemption Temporary Amendment

Act of 2026'', pursuant to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1);

(87 Stat. 813); to the Committee on Oversight and Government

Reform.

EC-3468. A letter from the Chairman, Council of the

District of Columbia, transmitting DC Act 26-304, ``Full

Accountability in Arrest Reporting Temporary Act of 2026'',

pursuant to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87 Stat.

813); to the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

EC-3469. A letter from the Chairman, Council of the

District of Columbia, transmitting DC Act 26-305, ``Body-Worn

Camera Transparency for Use of Force Temporary Amendment Act

of 2026'', pursuant to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87

Stat. 813); to the Committee on Oversight and Government

Reform.

EC-3470. A letter from the Chairman, Council of the

District of Columbia, transmitting DC Act 26-299, ``Promoting

Parental Engagement at DYRS Amendment Act of 2026'', pursuant

to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87 Stat. 813); to the

Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

EC-3471. A letter from the Chairman, Council of the

District of Columbia, transmitting DC Act 26-300, ``Child

Fatality Review Committee Amendment Act of 2026'', pursuant

to Public Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87 Stat. 813); to the

Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.

EC-3472. A letter from the Chairman, Council of the

District of Columbia, transmitting DC Act 26-301, ``Holding

Company System Amendment Act of 2026'', pursuant to Public

Law 93-198, Sec. 602(c)(1); (87 Stat. 813); to the Committee

on Oversight and Government Reform.

EC-3473. A letter from the President and Chairman, Export-

Import Bank, transmitting the Bank's Fiscal Year 2027 Annual

Performance Plan and Fiscal Year 2025 Annual Performance

Report to Congress, pursuant to 31 U.S.C. 1115(b); Public Law

111-352, Sec. 3; (124 Stat. 3868); to the Committee on

Oversight and Government Reform.

EC-3474. A letter from the Director, Equal Employment

Opportunity Office, Federal Trade Commission, transmitting

the Commission's annual report prepared in accordance with

section 203 of the Notification and Federal Employee

Antidiscrimination and Retaliation Act of 2002 (No FEAR Act),

pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 2301 note; Public Law 107-174, Sec.

203(a) (as amended by Public Law 109-435, Sec. 604(f)); (120

Stat. 3241); to the Committee on Oversight and Government

Reform.

EC-3475. A letter from the Senior Bureau Official, Bureau

of Legislative Affairs, Department of State, transmitting the

Department's report titled ``Conservation of Sea Turtles

Certification'', Department Report Number: 007157; ; jointly

to the Committees on Appropriations and Natural Resources.

EC-3476. A letter from the United States Trade

Representative, Executive Office of the President,

transmitting a periodic report on the total expenditures

incurred by the U.S. Government that are directly

attributable to the national emergency declared in Executive

Order 14257 of April 2, 2025, pursuant to 50 U.S.C. 1641(c);

Public Law 94-412, Sec. 401(c); (90 Stat. 1257) and 50 U.S.C.

1703(c); Public Law 95-223, Sec 204(c); (91 Stat. 1627);

jointly to the Committees on Foreign Affairs and Ways and

Means.