Floor Statements

Madam President, today I rise to celebrate the Senate's ratification of the Kigali Amendment to the Montreal Protocols to phase down the use of hydrofluorocarbons, also known as HFCs. Not only did this critical amendment receive resounding bipartisan support, it also marked our Nation's participation in the most significant climate treaty in 30 years.

Across the country, there have been alarming examples of extreme weather. Parts of California are blanketed in black smoke from wildfires, many Kentuckians are still without homes as a result of flooding in July, and Hurricane Fiona left millions of Puerto Ricans without power. And around the world, we have seen a devastating drought in East Africa, Greenland's ice sheet's largest September melt event on record, and flooding in Pakistan that left a third of the country underwater. It is clear that climate change isn't something that's happening 100 years in the future, it's happening now.

That is why our ratification of the Kigali Amendment is so critical. HFCs are particularly potent greenhouse gasses, disproportionately responsible for rising temperatures that are linked to catastrophic weather events. By joining the effort to reduce global HFC consumption and production by 80 percent by 2047, we can help prevent 0.5 degrees C of warming by the end of this century.

In addition to helping the planet, phasing out the use of HFCs in common consumer products like refrigerators and air-conditioners will deliver clear benefits to the American people in the form of lower energy bills. It also creates huge opportunities for U.S. businesses that have developed green alternatives to HFCs to reach global markets. This is one of the many situations where what is good for our planet is also good for consumers and businesses.

The ratification of the Kigali Amendment builds on the progress our country made with the enactment of the Inflation Reduction Act, which included provisions to tackle the climate crisis. Because of this law, we are on track to reduce carbon emissions by 40 percent by 2030. It was a huge step, but we still have more work to do to become a

completely carbon neutral economy by 2050.

To keep paving the way to our clean energy future, I introduced several pieces of legislation to accelerate our energy transition, including the HEATR Act, to drive manufacturing of heat pumps and the Energy Efficiency for Affordable Housing Act to make it easier for people living in affordable housing to invest in more efficient systems.

With the ratification of the Kigali Amendment, we are asserting our global leadership in the fight to combat climate change. Working on the national and international level, we can mitigate the worst impacts of climate change while generating benefits for the American people and opportunities for American businesses.

First of all, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the following nominations en bloc: Calendar No. 1041 and 1150; that the Senate vote on the nominations, en bloc, without intervening action or debate; that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action; and that the Senate resume legislative session.

Madam President, I will note that the two Senators from Minnesota are now controlling the Chamber.

But we have also, during our time in the Chamber alone, confirmed someone who used to live in our State, and she would be Robin Meredith Cohn Hutcheson, to be the Administrator of the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration, in addition to the U.S. attorney for the State of Tennessee.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 7846, which was received from the House.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time.

Madam President, I know of no further debate on the bill.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Madam President, the next matter before the Senate is a bill that Senator Grassley and I have long led, the Kevin and Avonte's Law reauthorization.

So I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from further consideration of S. 4885 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Madam President, now resolutions en bloc.

I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to the en bloc consideration of the following Senate resolutions, introduced earlier today: S. Res. 793, S. Res. 794, and S. Res. 795.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolutions be agreed to, the preambles be agreed to, and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 796, submitted earlier today.

I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Madam President, I now ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn under the provisions of S. Res. 796 until 11 a.m. on Friday, September 23, to convene for a pro forma session, with no business conducted; further, that when the Senate adjourns on Friday, it stand adjourned until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, September 27, and that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; that upon the conclusion of morning business, the Senate resume consideration of the motion to proceed to Calendar No. 389, H.R. 6833; further, that the Senate vote on the motion to invoke cloture on the motion to proceed at 5:30 p.m.

Madam President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order following the remarks of Senator Sullivan of Alaska.

Mr. President, I rise today in support of the DISCLOSE Act and the need to take action to get secret money out of our elections.

I want to thank Senator Whitehouse for his leadership on this legislation--and testimony at the Rules Committee hearing I held on it this summer--as well as Leader Schumer for holding this vote. Senator Whitehouse has championed this bill since 2012, and I have been proud to support it alongside him in every Congress.

This vote could not come at a more important time, as we are seeing an unprecedented flood of money into our elections. Over $14 billion was spent during the 2020 elections, the most expensive in our country's history.

As we approach the general election in November, with 48 days left, this is already the most expensive midterm election ever. One estimate expects that nearly $10 billion will be spent just on political advertising this election cycle, more than double the $4 billion in the 2018 midterm elections.

As spending on elections increases, the sources of the spending are less accountable than ever before. One investigation found that more than $1 billion was spent on the 2020 elections by groups that do not disclose their donors at all.

Americans know there is way too much money in our elections, and--for our democracy to work--we need to know where this money is coming from. But since the Supreme Court's decision in Citizens United opened up the flood of outside money, no significant improvements have been made to our disclosure laws or regulations.

Unlimited, anonymous spending in our elections doesn't encourage free speech; it drowns out the voices of the American people who are seeking to participate. And this unrelenting secret spending will continue unless we take action to address it, which is why we need to pass the DISCLOSE Act.

The DISCLOSE Act would address this tidal wave of secret money by requiring outside groups that spend in our elections to disclose their large donors--those that contribute more than $10,000--to the public.

Importantly, the bill also makes it harder for wealthy special interests to hide their contributions or cloak the identity of donors; and it cracks down on the use of shell companies to conceal donations from foreign nationals.

I held a hearing on the bill in the Rules Committee this summer, where we heard about the effects that secret money is having on our democracy--and why we need to pass this legislation.

Senator Whitehouse testified at that hearing, and he spoke powerfully about the impact that secret money is having on our government-- affecting all aspects of our lives, from the makeup of our courts to people's healthcare decisions to addressing climate change.

We also heard from Montana's Commissioner of Political Practices Jeff Mangan, who told us how his State's version of the DISCLOSE Act passed in 2015 with bipartisan support. I couldn't agree more that transparency in our democracy should not be a partisan issue, and regardless of political party, we should know who is spending in our elections.

The American people know what is at stake, so it is no surprise that campaign finance disclosure laws have overwhelming support. One recent poll found that in swing States, 91 percent of likely voters-- Republicans and Democrats--support full transparency of campaign contributions and spending in our elections. Another poll from 2019 found that, across America, 83 percent of likely voters support public disclosure of contributions to groups involved in elections.

There is also a long history of bipartisan support for reducing the influence of money in our democracy. In fact, the very first limits on corporate campaign contributions in 1907, the landmark Federal Election Campaign Act in 1972, and the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act in 2002-- which my friends and former colleagues Senators John McCain and Russ Feingold joined together to champion--were all passed on a bipartisan basis and signed into law by Republican Presidents.

Former Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia--never one to hide his opinions--was also a staunch supporter of campaign finance disclosure. In a 2010 case, Doe v. Reed, he wrote: ``For my part, I do not look forward to a society which, thanks to the Supreme Court, campaigns anonymously . . . hidden from public scrutiny and protected from the accountability of criticism. This does not resemble the Home of the Brave.''

Ensuring the transparency of our elections has been--and should continue to be--a bipartisan value. These issues are at the very heart of our democracy, and this commonsense bill would protect the right of voters to make informed choices and know who has been trying to influence our elections.

While we are here today to vote on legislation to counter the flood of secret money in our elections, there is so much more we must do to safeguard our democracy, and I continue to support this and the other reforms in the Freedom to Vote Act.

I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting these measures that are so fundamental to our system of government and voting to advance this legislation.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I rise today with my colleague from the great State of Ohio, Senator Portman, to share with the Senate and the country some of the things that we learned from our recent trip to Ukraine.

I first want to thank Senator Portman. He comes to the floor every week--never gives up, whether things are good or bad--to talk about what is happening in Ukraine.

President Zelenskyy was incredibly grateful--that was the first thing he wanted us to report back to the Senate and to the country-- incredibly grateful for all America has done to stand with Ukraine.

We know that this is a country that has given its all. Sometimes we wonder in our own country: What would we put on the line for democracy? Are we going to vote? Or things like that. The people in this country have put their very lives on the line every single day: ballerinas donning camo and going to the frontline; exhausted workers at a nuclear plant trying to protect not just Ukraine but all of Europe in what is the biggest nuclear powerplant in Europe and which supplies 20 percent of Ukrainian energy; the cellist playing beautiful melodies in the bombed-out remnants of a town square to remind people that no matter what Vladimir Putin did to their country, no matter what he did with his inhumane barbarism, culture and love is there in Ukraine, and it is not going away.

Senator Portman and I visited the mass grave in Bucha, and in Irpin we saw many, many apartment buildings that were completely blown apart from the bombs.

We saw firsthand the strength of the Ukrainian people and their leaders. But just as Vladimir Putin has shown his true colors with the bombing and the shelling near a nuclear powerplant, the people of Ukraine have shown their colors in a brilliant yellow and blue. Over the past 6 months since the invasion, their bravery and humanity consistently shine through.

We had, together, traveled to Ukraine. And the last group of Senators who visited before the war started was Senators Shaheen, Murphy, Blumenthal, Cramer, and Wicker. We witnessed the incredible resolve of the people back then, and it has only grown stronger.

In our meeting with President Zelenskyy for over an hour and with Defense Minister Reznikov and the President's Chief of Staff, we heard, time and time again: the helpfulness of the HIMARS. In fact, the Embassy staff told us that they went to a takeout place in Ukraine and that the people who worked in the restaurant didn't even know they were with our Embassy but knew they were American, and they gave them their bag of food, and on the bag was written the words ``Thanks for the HIMARS.'' That is how the people of Ukraine are focused day in and day out on what is happening in their region.

We also, of course, talk about the counteroffensive, and I know Senator Portman will talk in detail about what is happening. And we know the fight is not over. Russia has retaliated by striking infrastructure just in the last few days, and Ukraine is still on the move. But, if anything, this is certainly a sign that our aid--our humanitarian aid, our economic aid, and our military aid--has been very helpful.

The situation, of course, remains dangerous, especially in the Zaporizhzhia region, where the nuclear powerplant is located. We have a situation where the Russians have been bombing and shelling around that plant, where several times Ukrainians have lost power for the power that powers that plant. But also, of course, that plant provides energy. All of it is dangerous.

We called for the IAEA when we were there--they visited literally the next day--to be able to inspect that plant. They were able to--14 inspectors, with 2 being allowed to stay on indefinitely. And, of course, we have called for a demilitarized zone, as has our government.

We also got to meet with the 101st Airborne in Poland, and they, again, underscored our commitment to our NATO allies, the work they have been doing, including helping the Ukrainians remotely to make repairs on various missiles and various weapons and the like. It is an incredible story.

Last week, our administration reported that Moscow is in the process of purchasing rockets and artillery shells from North Korea. It shows how much trouble they are in.

This Senate voted nearly unanimously to allow Finland and Sweden to join NATO. That must happen as quickly as possible because we want to see a united front. As Senator Portman pointed out many times on our trip, there are over 40 nations that are aiding in this effort; it is not America alone.

I always think of that viral video that President Zelenskyy did. He knew the importance of staying in his country and not abandoning his post when the Russians invaded. If you think back to that day, if he had done that, if he had left for a safer location, we would never be where we are today, standing up for democracy. But what he said that night was simply this: We are here. He said: We are here. From that moment on, he and his people inspired the world. Now it is our time to ensure the Ukrainians--as we move forward with our next continuing resolution and supplemental with the budget--that we are here for them; that we know what they are up against, and it is evil, and we stand with their democracy.

Again, I want to thank Senator Portman for his incredible leadership

in working with our leadership, our military, but also the Ukrainian leadership. They know him well.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I rise today to report back from a trip that Senator Portman and I took to Ukraine last week. And the No. 1 thing I would like to report is that President Zelenskyy personally asked us--and I know that Senator Portman addressed the Senate last night and reported this--but he personally asked us to thank the U.S. Senate, to thank the people of this country for the generous and unending continuing help that the Senate has given to Ukraine in their fight for democracy.

This is a country that has given it all. Sometimes we wonder, in our own country, what are we going to put on the line for our democracy? Are we going to go over and vote today? How much do we care? There, the people of Ukraine are putting their lives on the line every single day.

The ballerina who puts on camo and goes to the front lines, the exhausted workers at the nuclear plant trying to protect not just the country of Ukraine, but surrounding countries because it is the biggest nuclear plant in all of Europe, supplying 20 percent of the electricity to the people of Ukraine.

They go to work every day, under incredible stress and pressure that we can't imagine, trying to keep their country safe while surrounded by 500 Russian troops. We think of the cellist playing beautiful melodies on the front steps of bombed-out remnants of a

town square to remind people that culture and love still exist in this country.

I think of the mass grave that we visited in Bucha, in Irpin, the apartment buildings after apartment buildings burned out, but Ukraine goes on. We saw firsthand the strength of the Ukrainian people in the face of Vladimir Putin's inhuman barbarism. But just as Putin has shown his true colors, so have the people of Ukraine in brilliant blue and yellow. Over the past 6 months since the invasion, their bravery and humanity has consistently shone through.

When Senator Portman and I went to Ukraine last January as part of a group of Senators--we were the last group which went in before the war started, with Senators Shaheen and Murphy and Senator Blumenthal and Senator Wicker and Senator Cramer--we witnessed the incredible resolve of the Ukrainian people. Last week, we saw up close a nation defending its homeland in a way that few expected would even be possible.

We had an excellent hour-long meeting with President Zelenskyy and Defense Minister Reznikov and the President's chief of staff.

Our country has helped them so much. We heard the story of how our employees at the Embassy--we now have people located in Kyiv--went to get some takeout food from a Ukrainian restaurant, and when they got the food back, got the bag back, someone, not even knowing who they were or where they worked but thinking they were American, had written on it: ``Thanks for the HIMARS.''

Along with at least 42 other nations, from Japan to South Korea, to Poland, we have stood with democracy. We have stood with Ukraine.

We also discussed with President Zelenskyy the counteroffensive Ukraine is making to reclaim its territory in the Kherson region. This was one of the first cities Ukraine lost when the war began, but we have seen some initial signs of success.

Ukrainians have also announced that they have recaptured some villages and knocked out weapons and radar stations and a pontoon bridge the Russians had built.

We are working closely with the Ukrainians to tailor our security assistance to meet their immediate needs on the frontlines of the conflict, something that was more difficult to do at the beginning. Now we actually have people back in Kyiv, and we also have clear lines of communication with the Ukrainian leadership.

Of course, as I mentioned earlier, the situation on the ground remains incredibly dangerous, especially in the Zaporizhzhia region, home to the largest nuclear plant in Europe, which was a central issue that we raised in our discussions with Ukrainian leadership.

The plant, which, as I noted, previously provided Ukraine with 20 percent of its power, is at significant risk because of Russian shelling.

Just today, Ukraine announced that they may have to shut the plant down for fear of a nuclear disaster, as this skeleton crew constantly has to reconnect the lines that have been shelled to not only get the power out to Ukrainians, which Russians are trying to divert to their territories--to Russian-held territories--to making sure they have the power to keep the reactor going and safe.

We called on Russia to establish a demilitarized zone around the plant and to allow the team from the IAEA to inspect the plant. We were glad when the team of 14 inspectors visited the plant. Two inspectors will remain there indefinitely. This is all happening as we speak.

The IAEA released its report yesterday and said:

While the ongoing shelling has not yet triggered a nuclear

emergency, it continues to represent a constant threat of

nuclear safety and security.

The agency, which is full of nuclear safety experts from around the world, noted extensive safety concerns. They urged an immediate stop to fighting on site and in the vicinity.

I continue to call for that demilitarized zone around the plant. We know that this nuclear incident wouldn't be just an incident; it would be a catastrophe.

We all know this is a hard fight, but America must continue to stand with Ukraine.

If Vladimir Putin had been allowed just to enter their country, take over an entire democracy, he would never have stopped there.

We also held a meeting with U.S. military leaders at the 101st Airborne Division in Poland, who are there to underscore our commitment to our NATO allies and the defense of Europe. They affirmed that the Ukrainians are making great use of the weapons we have supplied in their fight against Russia.

In addition to the direct support we are providing to Ukraine, we are also seeing that sanctions are working in Russia, as just yesterday, the administration reported--our administration--that Moscow is in the process of purchasing rockets and artillery shells from North Korea. It shows how much trouble Russia is in when they are purchasing military equipment from the country of North Korea. This type of desperate purchase says a lot about the state of Russia's supply chain.

In fact, we have seen that as Russia has attacked Ukraine, its actions have been met with almost universal condemnation. It was a key factor in Finland and Sweden's decision to pursue NATO membership, a measure we here in the Senate supported on the floor with a resounding 95-to-1 vote.

The United States has provided economic, military, and humanitarian aid since the invasion. Our leadership has brought and continues to bring other nations to the table and has allowed Ukraine to continue to fight for its freedom.

We remember that moment after the invasion began when President Zelenskyy stood in Kyiv and said the simple words: ``We are here.'' ``We are here.'' That video went viral. ``We are here.''

From that moment on, he and his people inspired the world--a living symbol of courage. So now it is our time to assure the Ukrainians, knowing that they are up against the evil of Vladimir Putin, with the simple words: ``We are here.''

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I have eight requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders.

Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate: