Mr. President, I call up amendment No. 3368. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with. Mr. President, we are going to face a series of amendments on the missile defense system, and I believe I…
Mr. President, I call up amendment No. 3368.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, we are going to face a series of amendments on the missile defense system, and I believe I have an amendment which I am surprised we even have to have a long debate about because it is so straightforward. It says let us not spend the money to deploy the system until it has been tested and until it has been certified as passing those tests by the one office that has the capability of doing it, which is the Office of Director of Operational Test and Evaluation.
We want to ensure that the ballistic missile defense system the President plans to deploy later this year has passed these tests.
In 1983, Congress created the Office of the Director of Operational Test and Evaluation--DOT&E. It is now headed by Mr. Thomas Christie.
The Office of DOT&E was created under the ``fly before you buy'' law. ``Fly before you buy'' makes a lot of sense for our taxpayers. Frankly, when it comes to defending our country, my goodness, how much more important can it be before we tell our people they are protected that we actually know they are protected and that the tests which have been done have been signed off on by the very office that has been created for that purpose?
The office oversees the operational testing programs of all major military systems. Operational testing is intended to be as realistic as possible. This includes testing at night, testing in bad weather, using soldiers rather than contractors who have a special interest in the outcome of the test, and using expected enemy countermeasures.
Let me repeat that. In order to have operational tests that you can trust, the testing has to be done under realistic circumstances. We don't know if our enemy is going to attack us on a beautiful, clear day with the wind blowing at a certain rate. The fact is, we need to test under the harshest conditions so that we know what we are deploying works. It must be a realistic test. Most importantly, the tests must be conducted by the Office of DOT&E--
the program that is developing the weapons system.
I am sure you are going to hear people stand up and fight against this amendment.
I have to tell you that if you really look at the facts, they do not have them on this side. If I were to ask one of my constituents, who knew nothing about this at all, who they would rather have testing our military systems to make sure they work, the contractor, who has an economic interest in it; the program director, who has an economic interest in getting the program funded; or basically an independent office that was set up by Congress, the Office of Director of Operational Test and Evaluation, I think the answer would be clear. People would want an objective test.
My amendment requires that the Secretary of Defense confirm that the ground-based, midcourse missile defense system has passed these operational tests prior to deployment for initial defensive operations. It is very simple--fly before you buy, test before you deploy, common sense, following the wishes of Congress that knew this was a problem when we set up that office.
Here is why it is important. This amendment is important because the current plan of the Missile Defense Agency does not include any operational testing at any time in the foreseeable future.
Let me say that again. The current plan of the Missile Defense Agency does not include any operational testing at any time in the foreseeable future. And this statement I just made has been confirmed by the Office of Director of Operational Test and Evaluation.
Imagine: We are about to spend $10 billion on this program. It is the biggest program in the defense budget, as I understand it, and we are going to deploy without operational testing.
On December 17, 2002, President Bush announced that the United States will declare a midcourse ballistic missile defense system ready for defense operations at the end of the year. That is interesting. He declared and announced that we would be ready to deploy before the system was tested. He should say: Assuming it passes the tests by the appropriate evaluation agency, which is DOT&E. But he didn't say that. The Pentagon's current plan is to deploy the first interceptor missile in late July, and before the system becomes operational by the end of September when five interceptors are in place at Fort Greeley, AK. The Missile Defense Agency hopes to have a total of 10 interceptor missiles in place by the end of January 5 at both Fort Greeley and Vandenberg Air Force Base in California.
They are moving ahead without any operational testing done by the office that was created to do this.
This plan that I described to you, known as Block 2004, will eventually result in the deployment of 20 missile interceptors by the end of next year.
There is a serious problem here. We have no way of knowing that these interceptor missiles will actually be able to protect us from an incoming ballistic missile attack. The system President Bush is deploying has been tested eight times--not by the Director of the Office of Operational Test and Evaluation, it has been tested by the DOD. The contractor was involved in those tests, and the program director was involved in those tests of the Missile Defense Agency, but not the office that has been created to be the objective tester. The tests were conducted, again, by the Pentagon's Missile Defense Agency in cooperation with the contractor--not the DOT&E.
These tests were highly scripted. They occurred in an unrealistic test environment, and only five of the eight were successful.
Here is the GAO report.
The date is April of 2004. This is a relatively new report. In this report, the GAO criticizes the administration's plan, saying:
as a result of testing shortfalls and the limited time
available to test the BMDS [Ballistic Missile Defense System]
being fielded, system effectiveness will be largely unproven
when the initial capability goes on alert at the end of
September 2004.
That is when the initial five missiles will be deployed.
This report from the General Accounting Office, which is the investigative arm of the Congress, goes on to say:
the Missile Defense Agency predicts with confidence that
the September 2004 defensive capability will provide
protection of the United States against limited attacks from
Northeast Asia. However, testing in 2003 did little to
demonstrate the predicted effectiveness of the system's
capability to defeat ballistic missiles as an integrated
system.
And from the GAO, who we pay a lot of money to, to advise us, they go on to say:
None of the components of the defensive capability have yet
to be flight tested in their fielded configuration (i.e.,
using production-representative hardware).
My friends, the GAO has essentially exposed the fact that the President plans a ``Wizard of Oz'' defense. We have seen the Wizard of Oz. That Wizard of Oz was scary, but when you pull back the curtain, it was just some little guy.
I want to see a successful missile defense system. I want to see it work. Ever since I have been in Congress, I have been voting continually for research, research, so we have one system in place that works. It would be the greatest to have. We may eventually have it. I hope to God we do. I am from California. I want a missile defense system. I am worried. I am just as worried, however, that if we tell our people they are defended and we do not have objective testing behind it, it will be a very hard blow to people and a waste of money that, God knows, we need in other areas of the military and in other ways to defend our people from the suitcase bomb or an attack on a nuclear power plant, which we know the terrorists are looking at.
The President's decision, in my view, before the testing is done, is a waste of our resources. The total amount requested for missile defense in 2005 is $10.2 billion, more than any other defense system in one year ever.
To put this $10.2 billion in perspective, let me read the budgets of some of the programs in agencies critical to protecting us from the threat of terrorism. I have a chart listing what we spend in other areas that are key in our fight against terrorism.
The entire missile defense system is $10.2 billion. That includes everything, research and everything else. I am talking about the deployment costs, which are about $3.7 billion of the $10 billion. This chart shows the $10.2 billion, which is the entire missile defense cost. The money we are talking about spending is $3.7 billion to deploy these 20 missiles.
Look what we have spent on the other areas to protect our people. The customs and border protection is $6.2 billion. My colleague, Senator McCain, right now is holding a hearing--unfortunately I could not do it because I had to be here--on our problems at the border, protecting our borders from terrorism. The fact is, we need to spend more in high- tech equipment to better protect our people from terrorists crossing the border. The total is $6.2 billion, compared to $10.2 billion on missile defense; Transportation security, $5.3 billion; Coast Guard, $7.4 billion; FEMA, $4.8 billion; Office of Domestic Preparedness, $3.5 billion. This is what we are talking about spending on this deployment--$3.7 billion of the $10 billion--before it is operationally tested by the office that is supposed to do that.
We know the customs and border protection is the front line in protecting the American public against terrorism. Transportation Security Administration--we all know what happened on 9/11; they are responsible for keeping our airlines safe but also our railroads and our ports secure--$5.3 billion, and we are going to spend $3.7 billion on an untested deployment? Coast Guard, $7.4 billion. Imagine that is what we spend on the Coast Guard, and they are right in the line of fire. I visit my Coast Guard ports all the time. They are the lead Federal agency in maritime safety. They are so important. We spend $7.4 billion. And we are spending $10.2 billion on the entire missile defense and ready to toss out $3.7 billion of that in this initial deployment.
All of FEMA, the lead agency for preparing us to respond to all domestic disasters, including acts of terrorism, $4.8 billion. We are about to spend $3.7 billion on an untested system, and we are spending $4.8 billion on FEMA.
Office of Domestic Preparedness, $3.5 billion, which is less than we will spend on an untested system. They are the
lead agency responsible for preparing the Nation against terrorism by assisting States and local governments in preparing for terrorists acts.
The Presiding Officer must hear the same things I hear at home from the police officers, from nurses, from the first responders, the firefighters. They are hurting. They need our help. Would it not be better at the moment now not to waste $3.7 billion on this initial deployment, if we have that extra funding, but to put it into the fight on terrorism?
My amendment does not cut any money from this program. My amendment does not cut one dollar from the program. However, it says, do not spend the money until the system is operationally tested. We will have other attempts because other people will be taking out some funding. I do not touch the funding. All I say is, test it before you deploy it. If the Office of Operational Test and Evaluation comes back with a good report, then I say please deploy but not until that time.
We are at war with al-Qaida and with terrorism. The only four nations that have ever successfully tested a nuclear capable intercontinental missile are Russia, France, Britain, and China. We are not at war with them.
We will talk about Korea and Iran. There are fears, and I share the fears, that this technology could get into the hands of the wrong countries or somehow a terrorist could get his or her hands on one of these missiles. That is why I want to protect our country against the potential of this kind of a strike. However, I do not want a make- believe system. I do not want a Wizard of Oz system.
I want a system I can look my people in the eye and say: We spent $3.7 billion deploying the first aspects of this system, and we know it works. I think my people deserve to know that.
When I was in the House, I was on the Armed Services Committee, and I worked very hard on procurement reforms. I enjoyed so much being on the Armed Services Committee in the House. I was there for years. We had some wonderful debates. What we found is: ``Fly before you buy'' is essential. And that is all we are saying. We want to know the system works. We want to be able to tell the people the system works. And, clearly, we should look at the threat we face.
Now, the reason I am for this program, the reason I have voted for this program many times for research, is because I want to have a system that works. Why? North Korea. I am very fearful of North Korea. Although I believe we can try our best and do more to negotiate with them, there is no question I am worried about a potential missile system in North Korea.
But here is the issue. We have a capability that is not talked about that much here, but the Pentagon's former Director of DOT&E, Philip Coyle, has said: We would never wait until North Korea has launched a missile attack. ``We'd blow it up on the ground.'' We have the capability to know when these missiles are being moved into place. Let me repeat what Philip Coyle said, the Pentagon's former Director of
Mr. President, the admirals and generals are essentially asking to take that money, that $3.7 billion, out of the $10 billion, and divert it to other programs. I am not doing that. I am simply fencing the money and saying: You can spend it when the tests pass. So they are really asking more than I am doing.
The people who wrote this letter are some of our most distinguished military men and women. I am going to read the names of these generals and admirals:
ADM William J. Crowe, United States Navy, Retired; GEN Alfred G. Hansen, United States Air Force, Retired; GEN Joseph Hoar, U.S. Marine Corps, Retired; LTG Henry E. Emerson, Army, Retired; LTG Robert Gard, Jr., Army, Retired; VADM Carl Hanson, Navy, Retired; LTG James Hollingsworth, Army, Retired; LTG Arlen Jameson, Air Force, Retired; LTG Robert Kelley, Air Force, Retired; LTG John Kjellstrom, Army, Retired; LTG Dennis McAuliffe, Army, retired;--they are all retired, so I will not continue to say that--LTG Charles P. Otstott, Army; LTG Thomas Rienzi, Army; VADM John Shanahan, Navy; LTG Dewitt Smith, Jr., Army; LTG Horace G. Taylor, Army; LTG James Thompson, Army; LTG Alexander Weyand, Army; MG Robert Appleby, Army.
Yes.
Sure.
OK.
I am happy to take another 7, 8 minutes and then finish.
I will finish in 5 minutes.
May I ask the Senator, I do get a vote on this?
The reason I am reading these names is because these are names we know. These are our heroes: Major General Appleby, Major General Boatner, Major General Bradshaw, Major General Brady, Major General Burns, Rear Admiral Center, Major General Crawford, Major General Edmonds, Rear Admiral Elliot, Major General Faith, Rear Admiral Gormley, Major General Griffitts, Rear Admiral Grojean, Major General Haddock, Major General Holbein, Major General Hyman, Major General Jackson, Major General Lawson, Major General Luchsinger, Major General LeCleir, Major General Willoughby, Brigadier General Cannon, Brigadier General Costa, Brigadier General Cowan, Brigadier General Foote, Brigadier General Forney, Brigadier General Grubbs, Brigadier General Hastings, Brigadier General Johns, Brigadier General Roush.
This is not easy for these people to come out here now and do this. They believe, as I do, and as I hope colleagues on both sides of the aisle feel--and I don't know what will happen with this--that with all of the threats we face today, we have to take care of everything. But for goodness' sake, before we make a $3.7 billion deployment decision, let us test the system with the agency that was set up to do it, not with the program that is kind of fighting for its life always because that is what happens around here, whether it is in the military or any service. You can't rest with that and with the contractors that have the economic stake. This separate objective office is the one.
I stand with the scientists who say we need the realistic test. I stand with the 49 former generals and admirals who say the militarily responsible course is not to spend this money until these tests pass. The Pentagon's current Director of the DOT&E, Thomas Christie, says we can't be sure the system will work against a real North Korean missile. So why wouldn't we fly before we buy? Why wouldn't we be sure that we are spending the money for the taxpayers in a wise way?
I want this as much as anybody else. I want this very much to work. But I don't want to spend the money until we know we have tested the system realistically, and that is common sense.
Again, I named the names of these admirals. They want to go even further. They want to postpone this. I am saying let's not take away the money. Keep the money in place. Let's just make sure the appropriate agency does the testing. That appropriate agency is the Director of Operational Test and Evaluation. It is very simple. I hope my colleagues will support this. We are being told by the people who know that it is not ready yet for deployment.
I thank my colleagues for their patience. I yield the floor. I look forward to a good vote.
I am sorry. My staff was pointing out something. You are asking me if what?
Yes.
Absolutely not.
We want operational testing. We want the tests to be done by the appropriate office. That is the purpose of the amendment. That is exactly what the generals are saying. That is what the admirals are saying.
Sure.
Will the Senator yield for a question on that point?
So when Senator Warner says essentially we need to go ahead because we are going to test this once they are deployed, what I hear my colleague saying the Pentagon told him, and they put it in writing, is because of safety concerns there will be no operational testing at those sites; is that correct?
Mr. President, is there any time for me to rebut some of what was said?
Mr. President, I will take this time to rebut some of what has been said.
The amendment I am offering with Senator Levin does not cut one slim dime from the National Missile Defense Program. All it says is, let us make sure the system works before we expend $3.7 billion to deploy it. How people can say that is devastating is beyond belief.
If one wants to talk about devastating, devastating is investing money in something that will not work when it is needed. Devastating is something where the people of this country are told they are protected when they are not because the agency that was set up to test this is not in charge of the operational testing.
The opponents to this amendment also say something else over and over again: It is important we deploy these. Then we will test.
The fact is, the Pentagon themselves--and I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record this Pentagon report in which they say:
Due to safety considerations, no tests are currently
planned to launch interceptors from the operational missile
fields.
Here we have a situation where you have an amendment that does not cut any money from this, that just says fly before you buy. I hope my colleagues will approve it.
I yield the floor.
I thank the Senator.
I think we have had a good debate. I am just saying to colleagues, these are the names of retired admirals and generals you all admire. They are saying we have to delay this deployment because we have no idea that this system works.
To my colleagues who said let's deploy it and then test it, the Pentagon in its own words has said they can't do it. It is not safe. Here it is. They say:
Due to safety considerations, no tests are currently
planned to launch interceptors from the operational missile
fields.
So the Pentagon has said very clearly--and good for them because it would be too dangerous--they are not going to operationally test from the missile fields. So what are we doing? We are investing $3.7 billion out of the $10 billion to move forward with a system that is untested.
For those people who say this is a devastating amendment, why do they support ``fly before you buy,'' which is the way we do things around here? This is a way to get around realistic testing. That doesn't make us any safer; it makes us weaker. It makes us vulnerable.
So I hope you will stand with these 49 generals and admirals and Senator
Levin and me and vote for the Boxer-Levin amendment.