Mr. Speaker, I rise today with many Members to mark President Lyndon Baines Johnson's 1964 State of the Union Address. Let me first take a moment to thank Leader Pelosi; our whip, Steny Hoyer; and the chair of the Congressional Black…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today with many Members to mark President Lyndon Baines Johnson's 1964 State of the Union Address.
Let me first take a moment to thank Leader Pelosi; our whip, Steny Hoyer; and the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, Congresswoman Marcia Fudge, for their tremendous leadership in leading our agenda for economic justice and for jobs.
This is truly a historic day in our fight to provide every American with a pathway out of poverty. This morning, we were joined here at the Capitol by Linda Johnson Robb, President Lyndon Baines Johnson and Lady Bird Johnson's eldest daughter, to mark the 50th anniversary of her father's State of the Union speech in which he declared an unconditional war on poverty. At the time of his speech, the Nation's supplemental poverty rate was approximately 26 percent; 36 percent of low-income households struggled with food insecurity; and more than a third of American seniors were living in poverty.
And let me tell you, President Johnson got it. He recognized in his speech that poverty is a national problem requiring national organization and support. He knew that in a great society it is absolutely essential that we prioritize investments that lift millions out of poverty. As a result of his vision, his daughter reminded us this morning of the bipartisan and bicameral effort that followed, benchmark antipoverty legislation passed during the Johnson administration, including--and I want to remind everyone of these major initiatives that have significantly changed the lives of millions of Americans--the Civil Rights Act, the Urban Mass Transportation Act, the Criminal Justice Act, the Food Stamp Act, the Older Americans Act, Social Security amendments, the Voting Rights Act, the Housing and Urban Development Act, the Public Works and Economic Development Act, the Department of Housing and Urban Development Act, the Amendment to the Immigration and Nationality Act, the Higher Education Act, the Child Nutrition Act, the Child Protection Act, and the National School Lunch Act, in addition to Head Start, Job Corps, of course food stamps, now known as SNAP, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security.
The result of these policies and programs are undeniable. The poverty rate was cut nearly in half by the mid-1970s. They even had a personal impact on many of us here, a personal impact on me, providing a critical bridge over troubled waters when I was a single mother in the seventies, trying to raise two boys and go to college. And I am forever grateful to the American people for being there for me when I needed them.
And we know that today, 50 years later, these critical antipoverty programs continue to provide that support for vulnerable Americans and people living on the edge. Today, the Nation's supplemental poverty rate is now 16 percent, well below what it was in 1964. The programs put in place after the war on poverty, they work. They create economic security, return people to their dignity, and provide opportunities for Americans to lift themselves out of poverty.
According to a report released by the Center for American Progress yesterday, without the safety net initiated as a part of the war on poverty, ``poverty rates today would be nearly double what they currently are.'' And I will now insert that report into the Record.
[From americanprogress.org, Jan. 7, 2014]
Key Findings From Our New National Poll
One-quarter to one-third of Americans, and even higher
percentages of Millennials and people of color, continue to
experience direct economic hardship. Sixty-one percent of
Americans say their family's income is falling behind the
cost of living, compared to just 8 percent who feel they are
getting ahead and 29 percent who feel they are staying even.
Twenty-five percent to 34 percent of Americans report serious
problems falling behind in rent, mortgage, or utilities
payments or being unable to buy enough food, afford necessary
medical care, or keep up with minimum credit card payments.
While these numbers have somewhat retreated over the last
five years, they are still shockingly high, and the
disparities across demographic groups underscore how uneven
the current recovery has been.
A majority of Americans have a direct personal connection
to poverty. Fifty-four percent of Americans say that someone
in their immediate or extended families is poor, a figure
that has actually increased 2 points
since we conducted our first poll in. Nearly two in three
African Americans (65 percent) report a direct connection to
poverty, while 59 percent of Hispanics say the same.
Americans vastly overestimate the annual income necessary
to be officially considered poor. Perhaps expressing a more
realistic understanding of the economy than official
government measures currently capture, Americans on average
estimate that it takes just over $30,000 in annual income for
a family of four to be considered officially in poverty--
about $7,000 more than the government's poverty line. Most
respondents in the focus groups were shocked to hear that the
official poverty line was as low as it is; many suggested
that it represents a disconnect with the reality of rising
prices over the last few years. Americans on average also
report that it would take more than $55,000 in annual income
to be considered out of poverty and safely in the middle
class.
Americans now believe that nearly 40 percent of their
fellow citizens are living in poverty. When we conducted our
2008 poll, 13.2 percent of Americans were living below the
federal poverty line, but our survey found that Americans
guessed the number to be 29 percent. Today, with unemployment
at pre-financial crisis levels and a recovery ostensibly
underway for several years, government statistics tell us
that 15 percent of Americans live below the poverty level.
The public, however, believes that number is now 39 percent--
a stunning 10-point increase that flies in the face of
economic indicators such as the unemployment rate, consumer
confidence, the financial markets, and gross domestic
product, or GDP.
Americans strongly believe that poverty is primarily the
result of a failed economy rather than the result of personal
decisions and lack of effort. In a forced choice test of
ideas, nearly two in three Americans (64 percent) agree more
with a structural argument about the causes of poverty--
``Most people who live in poverty are poor because their jobs
don't pay enough, they lack good health care and education,
and things cost too much for them to save and get ahead,''
underscoring the current economy's failings in the areas of
wages, health care, education, and cost of living. In
contrast, only 25 percent of Americans agree more with a
personal cause--``Most people who live in poverty are poor
because they make bad decisions or act irresponsibly in their
own lives.'' Even white conservatives and libertarians prefer
the structural vision of a failed economy over personal
reasons for poverty by a wide margin (63 percent to 29
percent).
Retrospective evaluations of the ``war on poverty'' are
mixed, but Americans across ideological and partisan lines
believe the government has a responsibility to use its
resources to fight poverty. Americans do not generally have a
favorable impression of the term ``the war on poverty''
without additional context about the programs and goals
associated with the larger project. But after introducing
information to describe the war on poverty and its impact, an
overwhelming percentage of Americans--86 percent--agrees that
the government has a responsibility to use some of its
resources to combat poverty. Moreover, a majority (61
percent) feels that the war on poverty has made a difference,
albeit not a major difference, in achieving its goals (41
percent say war on poverty has made a ``minor difference'';
20 percent say it has made a ``major difference'').
Retrospective evaluations of the war on poverty, however, are
heavily divided by ideology, partisanship, and race. Nearly 7
in 10 (69 percent) white liberals and progressives believe
the war on poverty has worked, and more than 6 in 10 (64
percent) white conservatives and libertarians believe the
opposite.
Despite mixed feelings about the original war on poverty,
there is strong support for a more realistic goal of reducing
poverty by half over the next 10 years. Asked whether they
would support or oppose ``the President and Congress setting
a national goal to cut poverty in the United States in half
within ten years,'' 7 in 10 Americans said they would support
such a goal--40 percent of the public would strongly support
the goal--and only 22 percent would oppose it. This figure is
quite similar to the 74 percent of support reported in the
first study in 2008. Support for a national goal of cutting
poverty in half is very strong among African Americans (87
percent support, 58 percent strongly) and reaches roughly 80
percent among both Millennials (79 percent) and Latinos (79
percent). Sixty-five percent of whites support this goal as
do a majority of Democrats (89 percent), Independents (66
percent), and Republicans (54 percent).
The public is clear about its priorities for reducing
poverty--jobs, wages, and education. Asked which two areas
they believe are most important for new investments, 40
percent of Americans choose ``creating jobs and increasing
wages''; 30 percent choose ``job training and workplace
preparation''; 25 percent choose ``elementary and secondary
education''; 23 percent choose ``college access and
affordability''; and 21 percent choose ``early childhood
education.''
Americans also express very strong support for a number of
policies to help reduce poverty rates with particular
intensity around jobs, wages, and education but also on more
traditional safety net items. Of the 11 policy ideas tested,
five proposals received 80 percent or higher total support
and 50 percent or higher strong support from Americans. These
five policy proposals are: help low wage workers afford
quality child care (86 percent total support, 52 percent
strong support); expand nutrition assistance to provide
families with healthy food and enough to eat (85 percent
total support, 50 percent strong support); make universal
pre-kindergarten available for all children (84 percent total
support, 59 percent strong support); expand publicly funded
scholarships to help more families afford college (84 percent
total support, 54 percent strong support); and increase the
minimum wage and make sure it rises with inflation (80
percent total support, 58 percent strong support). A second
tier of anti-poverty proposals with roughly three-quarters
total support and more than 40 percent strong support
includes ideas for expanded tax credits like the Earned
Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit and access to
affordable health coverage, as well as proposals for a new
national jobs program and more refinancing of mortgages.
Policymakers should feel confident that the American public
will support efforts to expand economic opportunity, increase
access to good jobs and wages, and maintain a robust social
safety net. Harsh negative attitudes about the poor that
seemingly defined political discussions throughout the 1980s
and 1990s have given way to public recognition that many
Americans--poor and middle class alike--are facing many
pressures trying to stay afloat and get ahead in the
difficult economic environment. Supporters of anti-poverty
efforts should not be complacent in their efforts, however,
and should recognize that although Americans back government
action to reduce poverty, questions remain about the
structure and scope of these efforts and how effective they
have been over time.
Let me give you an example. SNAP lifted 5 million people out of poverty in 2012 alone; and according to a new report by the White House, released yesterday, unemployment benefits reduced poverty by nearly 1 percent in 2012 alone.
Without Social Security, nearly half of our Nation's seniors would live in poverty; and since 2008, unemployment insurance has kept 11 million people out of poverty, including 2.5 million children and adults in 2012.
We are going to talk about not only the history this evening but also about the challenges ahead.
I will now yield to Congresswoman Yvette Clarke from New York to speak about many of the challenges which remain, in addition to a historical perspective on the war on poverty.
I now yield to the gentleman from North Carolina, Congressman G.K. Butterfield.
I thank the gentleman from North Carolina.
Now I would like to yield to the Democratic whip, Steny Hoyer, whose Democratic Whip's Task Force on Poverty, Income Inequality, and Opportunity I am honored and proud to chair. I thank him very much for being here and for his tremendous leadership.
Thank you very much for that very powerful message, Mr. Hoyer.
Let me now yield to Representative Danny Davis from Illinois who continues to remind us of the formerly incarcerated individuals who have families and children living below the poverty line.
Thank you.
Let me now yield to the gentlelady from California, Congresswoman Susan Davis, whom I served with in the California Legislature, who continues to remind us that middle-income individuals are worried at this point now of falling into the ranks of the poor. Thank you for being here.
Thank you very much for your leadership and for being here with us tonight, Congresswoman Davis.
I would now like to yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), someone who has been a fighter and a warrior for many, many years and who continues to remind us of our moral obligation, our religious obligation for many, to ensure that we continue this fight in the war on poverty.
I want to thank the gentleman for reminding us tonight of our moral obligation to the most vulnerable in our country. Thank you for being here.
How much time do I have remaining?
Thank you very much.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlelady from Illinois (Ms. Duckworth), who will speak on behalf of not only her constituents but the entire country. She has come to Congress, hit the ground running, and continues to remind us of our veterans and the sacrifices that they have made, and to ensure their economic security. So many live on food stamps, unfortunately, as we speak. So thank you for being here.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro) whose subcommittee I serve on, the Appropriations Subcommittee on Labor, Health, and Human Services.
I thank you so much for not only talking the talk, but walking the walk each and every day.
I yield now to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Delaney) and thank you so much for your tremendous leadership.
Thank you very much.
Let me now yield to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee), my good friend who constantly throughout his life has been waging this war on poverty. Thank you for being with us.
Mr. Speaker, how much time do we have remaining?
Thank you, Mr. Speaker.
We have many Members who still would like to speak, which really let's us know the importance of this issue.
I yield to Congresswoman Grace Meng from New York, a freshman from New York who has hit the ground running, is representing her constituents in a bold and brilliant way. Thank you for being with us.
Thank you very much.
Let me yield now to Congressman Pete DeFazio from Oregon, who has some stories he would like to tell about his constituents and what they are going through.
Thank you for that very powerful statement and for sharing those stories. All of us have stories very similar, but thank you for your constituents' testimonies.
I yield to Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur from Ohio. I am privileged to serve with Congresswoman Kaptur on the Appropriations Committee, who constantly speaks for the voiceless. Thank you for being here.
Thank you for that very powerful statement, Congresswoman Kaptur.
I yield now to our assistant leader, my good friend Congressman Clyburn from the great State of South Carolina, who constantly and consistently talks about prioritizing and targeting resources to area needs, to the poor and low-income communities. Thank you for being here.
Thank you so much for being here with us and for your leadership, Mr. Clyburn.
Mr. Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?
Let me yield now to the gentlelady from Texas, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee.
Thank you.
Mr. Speaker, I have Congresswoman Schakowsky and Congressmen Green and Bishop here, who would like to insert their statements into the Record. We had an overwhelming number of Members who attended, and they did not have the opportunity to speak tonight.
General Leave
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.