Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise today in support of my amendment to H.R. 21, which would prevent increased drilling on Federal lands under this act until the…
Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise today in support of my amendment to H.R. 21, which would prevent increased drilling on Federal lands under this act until the Secretary of Energy certifies that it would not perpetrate environmental injustice.
Let me just thank, first of all, Ranking Member Pallone for his leadership and support in advancing this amendment.
My amendment is very simple. It prohibits increases in the percentage of Federal lands leased for oil and gas production under this act, if that new drilling would perpetuate environmental injustice.
Environmental justice is the right to a safe, healthy, productive, and sustainable environment for all, regardless of race, class, income, or background.
For too long, we have overlooked the impact of environmental issues on underserved communities in this country. EPA data shows that people of color are much more likely to live near polluters and breathe polluted air. For instance, asthma, which is often caused by a particular pollution, impacts approximately 13.4 percent of African- American children, compared to only 7.3 percent of White children.
But all low-income people and communities, and especially in poor communities, all communities deserve to be safe from environmental health impacts, and people of all races confront environmental injustice.
Rural communities are also adversely impacted by mining pollution and contaminated air and groundwater. Environmental injustices impact all of us; from urban centers to rural regions.
In my home State of California, we are experiencing the climate emergency firsthand. We know that these unprecedented fires are driven by climate change. Preventing harmful oil and gas drilling, especially when it harms those already most vulnerable, will help get us back on the path to justice.
This amendment builds off of the A. Donald McEachin, our beloved late colleague, his Environmental Justice for All Act, that I am proud to co-lead with Ranking Member Grijalva, which sets the stage to begin addressing the long history of environmental racism and injustice in the United States.
Mr. Chairman, this fight for environmental justice is also very personal for me. I was born and raised in El Paso, Texas, under the shadow of the smokestacks of the Asarco copper smelter. Myself, my friends, my neighbors, we were constantly exposed to toxic chemicals. I watched so many people close to me, including family members, suffer with major health challenges because of lead that spewed from that plant.
In the 1970s, the CDC found that 62 percent of children under 10 living near the plant where I lived had toxic levels of lead in their blood. Even after the smelter was shut down, I think it was, like, 2013, it took decades before any of the residents harmed saw any sort of justice.
Mr. Chairman, I include in the Record an article titled: ``Before Flint, Before East Chicago, There Was Smeltertown.''
[From NRDC, Nov. 29, 2016]
Before Flint, Before East Chicago, There Was Smeltertown
(By Lauren Villagran)
After a 1970s CDC study showed that the mostly Mexican-
American population of this Texas town had dangerously high
blood lead levels, its buildings were demolished and its
residents were booted.
The Smelter Cemetery sits high atop a desert arroyo between
Interstate 10 and the Mexican border in El Paso. Its wind-
worn wooden crosses are almost all that remain of a community
that sprang up more than a century ago next to an Asarco lead
smelter on the banks of the Rio Grande.
The stone-pile graves bear testament to the history of this
place called Smeltertown. At one time it was a village of
more than 2,500 people, most of them Mexican immigrants who
built their lives on company land in the shadow of the
smelter's smokestacks that would poison their air, their
land, and their children. And almost as soon as the
contamination became known in the 1970s, the community of
Smeltertown was erased: its buildings demolished, its people
forced out.
Now, the men and women who lived and worked in Smeltertown,
their children, and their children's children reunite each
year. Many still live in El Paso, in neighborhoods that
cropped up as Smeltertown was torn down. Others travel from
California, the East Coast, and abroad. They come together to
reweave the social fabric of Smeltertown by sharing memories
and retelling stories they all know by heart. They celebrate
their old hometown despite the dangers it posed to their
families.
Seminal research done on Smeltertown in the 1970s by the
Centers for Disease Control found that 62 percent of children
10 and under living within one mile of the smelter had blood
lead levels considered to be ``evidence of undue lead
absorption.'' The residents of Smeltertown would be the first
American community to face the grim prospect of lead exposure
and its consequences--but they wouldn't be the last. The
communities of Flint, Michigan, the West Calumet Housing
Complex in East Chicago, Indiana, and the schools in Newark,
New Jersey, are just three of the most recent examples. But
the CDC estimates that at least half a million children in
the United States have elevated blood lead levels--and many
of them may not even know it.
A Company Town
The American Smelting and Refining Company owned a smelter
in El Paso that, starting in 1910, refined hundreds of
thousands of tons of lead and copper harvested from its mines
in Mexico. It did so with the help of ``an army of Mexican
contract workers,'' according to University of Houston
associate professor of history Monica Perales in her book
Smeltertown: Making and Remembering a Southwest Border
Community.
Mexican workers who labored in Asarco mines began migrating
north, lured by that new operation on the U.S. side of the
border. Many settled on company land below the foothills of
Mt. Cristo Rey. In the early years of the 20th century,
Smeltertown lay outside El Paso city limits, a few miles from
the city's downtown. Divided into an upper section, El Alto,
where the Anglo managers lived, and a lower section, El Bajo,
where the Mexican workers lived, Smeltertown had its own post
office, butcher shop, bakery, cantinas, a theater, San Jose
Catholic parish, a YMCA, a public elementary school, and the
Smelter Vocational School.
Smeltertown was a quintessential company town, in which the
company could be both benefactor and tyrant. Former residents
say Asarco paid well, better than many other employers of the
working class. And yet poverty in Smeltertown could be
extreme. Residents built and invested in their homes, but the
company owned the land; few families could afford cars; many
relied on outhouses into the 1960s. ``As in other single-
industry towns, Smeltertown's residents fashioned their own
way of life in the world the company made, one marked by
inequality, racial segregation, and corporate paternalism,''
Perales writes. The community would flourish for 70 years
under the plumes of the smelter's twin smokestacks, ignorant
of the pervasive danger.
``A Silent Poison''
In March 1971, a team of Epidemic Intelligence Service
officers from the CDC arrived to investigate lead exposure
connected to the Asarco smelter.
Dr. Bernard Rosenblum, the El Paso City-County health
commissioner, had called the CDC after his department
discovered that Asarco was discharging large quantities of
lead and other metallic wastes into the air. Between 1969 and
1971, the smelter's stacks had spewed more than 1,000 tons of
lead, 560 tons of zinc, 12 tons of cadmium, and 1.2 tons of
arsenic into the atmosphere. Soil studies showed the highest
concentrations of lead and other metals in surface soil
closest to the smelter--essentially, in Smeltertown. The city
of El Paso was suing Asarco on the basis of those findings
alone, but Rosenblum wanted to know more. He was worried
about the health of the kids. (OnEarth made several attempts
to reach Asarco and its parent company, Grupo Mexico, for
comment without success.)
The CDC team, led by a 29-year-old pediatrician named
Philip Landrigan, began to explore a subject about which
precious little was known: lead toxicity, especially its
effects on children. Landrigan, now a pediatrician and
epidemiologist at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York, says,
``The notion that lead could be toxic at lower levels was
extremely new at that time. Up until 1970 and continuing for
years, people believed you didn't have to worry about lead
unless it was so high that it made a child seriously sick.
The whole idea that lead in the body could be a silent poison
was a new concept.''
Landrigan and the CDC team first looked at whether
environmental contamination would be reflected in human blood
lead levels over three months. The results were startling:
Although they found no cases of overt lead poisoning, 43
percent of people in all age groups and 62 percent of
children 10 and under living within one mile of the smelter
had blood lead levels of at least 40 micrograms per
deciliter. That's eight times the level at which the CDC
recommends a full-fledged public health response today.
Landrigan quickly followed up with a second study in
Smeltertown in 1972, examining the health consequences of
lead exposure in children. The CDC team administered IQ tests
and a finger-tapping test of physical reflexes to the
Smeltertown kids with elevated blood levels; a control group
of children with blood lead levels below 40 micrograms per
deciliter was also tested. The study found that children with
elevated blood lead levels tested as many as seven points
lower on the IQ test than the control group; they also showed
much slower reaction times on the physical reflexes test.
I am not going to quit until all of my colleagues understand the human consequences of environmental discrimination. I ask my colleagues to consider the people, the families, who every day bear the unequal and unjust consequences of our addiction to fossil fuels.
As President Biden has said, justice must be at the heart of our response, and my amendment does just that.
I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this amendment. I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.