Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 14, 2011, at 10 a.m., in room 253 of the Russell Senate Office Building. The Committee will hold a hearing entitled, ``Moving Intercity Passenger Rail into the Future.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Finance be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 14, 2011, at 10 a.m., in room 215 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Tax Reform Options: Marginal Rates on High-Income Taxpayers, Capital Gains and Dividends.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions be authorized to meet, during the session of the Senate, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Securing the Pharmaceutical Supply Chain,'' on September 14, 2011, at 10 a.m., in room 430 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 14, 2011, at 10 a.m.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate, on September 14, 2011, at 10 a.m., in room SD-226 of the Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``The Trafficing Victims Protection Reauthorization Act: Renewing the Commitment to Victims of Human Trafficking.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs' Subcommittee on Housing, Transportation, and Community Development be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 14, 2011, at 2 p.m., to conduct a hearing entitled ``New Ideas for Refinancing and Restructuring Mortgage Loans.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Personnel of the Committee on Armed Services be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Wednesday, September 14, 2011, at 2 p.m.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs' Subcommittee on Securities, Insurance, and Investment, be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on September 14, 2011, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing entitled ``Emerging Issues in Insurance Regulation.''

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, today I join my colleagues in commemorating the 10th anniversary of September 11, 2001. I remember that morning so vividly. It was stunningly clear and beautiful with a crispness in the air that hinted that fall was just around the corner. And then, with a sudden ferocity, the airliners crashed into the World Trade Center, WTC, the Pentagon, and Somerset County, PA. Barely 2 hours elapsed between the first hijacking and the collapse of the North Tower of the WTC, 2 horrific hours that forever changed our Nation and the world.

We mourn the lives that were lost in New York City, here in the Washington metropolitan area, and in Pennsylvania. The emotional trauma of those losses affected each and every American. Millions of us remained glued to our TV sets, watching unbearable images of death and destruction.

We remember the 3,000 people who perished on 9/11. The attacks spared no one: Blacks, Whites, Christians, Jews, and Muslims; the young and old; parents, children, siblings; Americans and foreigners--all these and more were among the victims. The attack was not on one ethnic group, but on a way of life. It was an attack on our freedom and our dedication to its preservation.

We honor the selfless actions of our first responders, including firefighters, police, paramedics, and other emergency and medical personnel, all of whom did not hesitate to answer the call of duty and demonstrated extraordinary bravery and courage in our hours of need.

We also honor our brave service men and women who have taken the fight to the terrorists on foreign soil. We must never forget our country's solemn obligation to our service men and women, our veterans, and their families.

There is no question that 9/11 and the days that followed were difficult ones. But they were also among our proudest ones. It brought out the best of the American spirit. Men and women waited in lines for hours to give blood, children donated their savings to help with relief efforts, communities sponsored clothing drives, and different faith groups held interfaith services.

On 9/11 and in the days and months that followed, Americans stood together. Our response showed the world that Americans have an unquenchable love of freedom and democracy. It showed American resilience, vigilance, and resolve.

Much has changed since that day in September. The 9/11 attacks propelled our Nation into a new kind of warfare, unlike any war we have ever fought. They exposed the scope, depth, and utter ruthlessness of the al-Qaida network. And the attacks revealed gaps in our national security. Evolving threats required new tools.

I am proud of how far we have come in addressing the challenge presented by al-Qaida or other terrorist organizations. While our security networks are far from perfect, in the decade since the 9/11 attacks, we created the Department of Homeland Security to streamline and better integrate the Federal departments and agencies responsible for protecting us. U.S. intelligence and law enforcement at all levels have become much more aggressive in pursuing terrorist threats at home and abroad. These measures have been largely successful.

And let us remember arguably our greatest success against al-Qaida: President Obama's bold stroke to bring Osama bin Laden to justice. The raid was the result of painstaking intelligence gathering and analysis and thorough planning, and it was a remarkable display of our Special Forces capabilities and the extraordinary heroism of our men and women in uniform.

The end of al-Qaida is in sight. Their future is bleak. They have far less global impact than they used to. They cling to an outdated and empty ideology, with little mainstream influence in the Muslim world. Indeed, the recent Arab Spring demonstrates that people in Middle Eastern countries--especially young people--are more interested in freedom and democracy than in being susceptible to al-Qaida's repressive ideology.

Even as al-Qaida becomes more and more marginalized, evolving state- and nonstate-sponsored threats to our Nation's security persist. One of our greatest challenges will be securing cyberspace. The Internet has grown into one of the most remarkable innovations in human history. But it carries risks.

Our current system allows hackers, spies, and terrorists to gain access to classified and other vital information. Today's cyber criminals, armed with the right tools, can steal our identities, corrupt our financial networks, and disrupt government operations. Tackling cybersecurity in a meaningful way will fill one of the last holes that exist in our national security regime.

As our government moves to extinguish the remnant of al-Qaida and address new threats, we must strive to maintain a careful balance between protecting our Nation and protecting our civil liberties. Commemorating 9/11 should remind us of what makes us unique as a nation. Our country's strength lies in its diversity and our ability to have strongly held beliefs and differences of opinion, while being able to speak freely and not fear that we will be discriminated against by our government or our fellow citizens.

After the 9/11 attacks, I went back to my congressional district and made three visits as a Congressman. First, I visited a synagogue and we prayed together. Then, I visited a mosque and we prayed together. Finally, I visited a church and we prayed together. On that day in September, Americans banded together, regardless of our personal belief or religion.

My message that day was clear: we needed to condemn the terrorist attacks and to take all necessary measures to eliminate safe havens for terrorists and bring them to justice. But my other message that day was equally important: we cannot allow the events of 9/11 to make us demonize a particular religion, nationality, creed, or community. In these trying times, we cannot let our society succumb to the temptation to scapegoat one group.

We did it before--with the Palmer Raids following World War I, the internment of 120,000 Japanese-American citizens during World War II, and the McCarthy-era witch hunts. These were shameful events of our history. We must strive to live up to our Nation's highest ideals and protect our precious civil liberties, even when doing so is difficult or unpopular. We must always remember how we stood united on 9/11 and showed the world the depth of our commitment to ``E Pluribus Unum.'' Out of many, one.

Our many faiths, origins, and appearances should bind us together, not break us apart. They should be a source of strength and enlightenment, not discord and enmity. All of us belong to smaller communities within the larger community we call the United States. Each community has an obligation to the larger community to promote the safety and well-being of each and every one of us. There is a mutual self-interest in preserving and nurturing our freedom.

September 11, 2001, was a dark day. We remember those who perished and mourn with those who lost family and friends. We honor those who responded and those who fought and continue to fight to keep us safe.

Archibald MacLeish wrote, ``There are those who will say that the liberation of humanity, the freedom of man and mind, is nothing but a dream. They are right. It is the American dream.'' 9/11 was a nightmare. As horrific and cruel as it was, however, it can't extinguish the dream.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 9:45 a.m. on Friday, September 9; that following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hour be deemed to have expired, and the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and that following any leader remarks, the Senate will be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. President, there will be no rollcall votes during Friday's session. The next rollcall vote will be on Monday, September 12, no earlier than 5:30 p.m.

Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate stand adjourned under the previous order.

Will the Senator yield?

I want to thank Senator Boxer for raising this issue. I cannot tell you how many people I have heard from in Maryland, not just the workers at the FAA who have been furloughed but small business owners who are not getting their contracts who are going to have to lay off workers through no fault of their own. So I think it would be absolutely wrong for us to go home on this recess, for this district work period, and not extend the FAA.

For those who think it will save the government on the budget deficit, let me remind you that if we do not extend the FAA authorization, we do not collect the revenues on the passenger tax, which, by the way, is currently being charged by the airlines in extra ticket prices to the passengers. So the passengers are not even getting the break of lower prices, but we are not getting the revenue. It is $30 million a day we are adding to the deficit problems because we are not collecting the revenue associated with the FAA reauthorization.

For all those reasons, for the sake of those 4,000 furloughed workers, who are really not at fault here, who are currently on furlough, and that is hurting our economy; for the sake of the contractors, who are depending upon the government funds in order to pay their workers, many of which are small companies; for the sake of the construction work that needs to be done at our airports, including work being done at our own airport, BWI; and for the importance to moving forward with modernization of the FAA itself, I would urge us to find a way to extend the FAA authorization until we come back. I would hope we could get a conference committee together, a reauthorization, but at a minimum we should extend the current provisions during those negotiations.

I say to Senator Boxer, she is absolutely right. I strongly urge the Senate to allow a short-term, clean extension of the FAA. That is the best way to proceed. I hope we can find a way to get this done now so the damage that is being done no longer will take place.

I thank the Senator.

Mr. President, I wish to submit for the Record a report on the activity of a congressional delegation I led to Belgrade, Serbia, from July 7 to 10, to represent the United States at the 20th Annual Session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. I did so in my capacity as cochairman of the U.S. Helsinki Commission.

I was joined by our colleague from New Hampshire, Senator Shaheen, who also traveled to Sarajevo, Bosnia. Senator Shaheen is also a member of the Helsinki Commission. Our colleague from Alaska, Senator Begich, also participated on the delegation but was in Dubrovnik, Croatia, as part of the official U.S. Delegation to the 6th annual Croatian Summit of regional political leaders and European officials.

As the report details, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE PA, has been an excellent opportunity for the U.S. Congress to engage our European friends and allies, and to make clear to less friendly countries that our ties to the continent will not be diminished.

U.S. engagement also provides a means for us to advance U.S. interests by encouraging Europe to focus more on policy issues of concern to us, from democratic shortcomings within Europe such as Belarus to the new challenges and opportunities coming from North Africa and the Middle East and other parts of the world.

The revised Senate schedule made us miss the opening days of the Belgrade meeting, but we made up for that with an intensive schedule from Friday to Sunday. All three U.S. resolutions and most of our delegation's amendments to resolutions were adopted, including a resolution I submitted on political transition in the Mediterranean region and amendments welcoming the arrest of at-large war crimes indictee Ratko Mladic and calling for Turkey to allow the Ecumenical Patriarch to open a theological school in Halki.

Senator Shaheen and I also used the opportunity of visiting Belgrade to encourage progress in Serbia's democratic transition. We met with President Tadic as well as the Speaker of the Serbian National Assembly, the chief negotiator in the technical talks on Kosovo-related issues, representatives of civil society, and of Serbia's Romani and Jewish communities.

We came away from our visit impressed with the progress Serbia has made thus far. While there are lingering manifestations of the extreme and violent nationalism from the Milosevic era of the 1990s, I believe there is a genuine commitment to overcome them. We should support those in and out of government in Serbia who turn this commitment into action.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the Report to which I referred.

Mr. President, let me first compliment the majority leader. I think he said it accurately; that is, we need to find a compromise between where we are, so we can move forward with increasing the debt limit, and a credible plan to reduce the deficit. I have heard many of my colleagues talk about that. But I want to point out that Leader Reid's proposal that we will be voting cloture on in a few moments is a compromise.

It includes two major provisions that the Republicans have been asking about that, quite frankly, many Democrats disagree with. First, there will be a dollar for dollar reduction in spending for the increase in the debt ceiling.

Let me tell you, there is no relationship between the debt ceiling and spending. The debt ceiling represents funds that have already been committed that we have an obligation to pay. We all understand what would happen if we violated the debt ceiling. It would affect the credit of America, its standing internationally, the dollar's global significance, it would affect our creditworthiness in America, increase the cost of government borrowing, increase the spending for all taxpayers in this country.

It would have effects in my own State of Maryland. We have been told that the Maryland bond rating is very much tied to the Federal bond rating, and it could very well cause a downgrade for Maryland taxpayers, increase costs for mortgages, for credit cards. Every family would be affected.

So the Reid bill yields to what the Republicans have asked. And although there is no relationship to the debt ceiling and the spending, because these are bills that have already been incurred, there is dollar for dollar reduction in spending for every dollar increase in the debt.

The second major concession the Democrats have already made in the Reid proposal is that there is no revenue in this. We have been talking for a long time. If we are going to have a credible plan to reduce the deficit, we have to include all of the elements of Federal spending. We have a lot of what are called tax expenditures: moneys that are spent in our Tax Code.

Some of these dollars are spent on shelters and loopholes that we should close. I have taken the floor several times to talk about several of these loopholes, the ethanol credit that we should not give for ethanol subsidies, the funds that go to gas and oil companies.

There are a lot of loopholes in our Tax Code that we could close. The Reid proposal has made an accommodation to the Republicans to say: Okay, you said that is a deal killer. That is not in the Reid proposal.

So the Reid proposal is the largest amount of deficit reduction--$2.4 trillion of deficit reduction or $2.4 trillion of debt ceiling increase so we can get through March of next year, March of 2013, the year after. That gives us the stability we need. And we know what we have gone through already as far as the debt ceiling debate. It has already hurt our country. We don't want to go

through this again. That is what I think is critically important by moving forward to get this done.

We are going to have a vote in about 45 minutes. That vote is on cloture. I want to explain that. Senator Levin talked about it yesterday. What the Republicans are doing is they are filibustering the debt limit bill. It is a filibuster. They are requiring us now to have 60 votes rather than a simple majority. The Speaker of the House passed his proposal in the House with a majority of those voting. That is what democracy should be about. We are talking about the debt limit increase and whether it is a type of issue that should be filibustered by the Republicans. They are doing that--filibustering it--and their vote in a little while will determine whether we should be able to move forward without a 60-vote threshold.

The majority leader pointed out that on previous occasions we have taken up the debt ceiling and we have not required a 60-vote threshold. I had my staff pull the information about the debt ceiling votes we had when George W. Bush was President. The Senate passed the debt ceiling increase by a 68-29 vote on June 11, 2002--with no requirement for a 60-vote threshold. We had another vote on May 23, 2003, that passed the Senate by a 53-to-44 vote, and there was no filibuster of that by the Democrats. We had a vote on November 17, 2004, with a debt ceiling increase of $800 billion. The vote was 52 to 44 in the Senate. Again, there was no effort made to require a 60-vote threshold, and there was no effort made to filibuster that issue. Then again on September 27, 2007, the debt ceiling was increased by $850 billion by a vote of 53 to 42. On a fourth occasion--March 16, 2006--there was a 52-48 vote for a debt ceiling increase. Once again, there was no effort made to filibuster that issue.

Webster's Dictionary defines ``filibuster'' as ``the use of extreme dilatory tactics to delay or prevent action by the majority in a legislative or deliberative assembly.'' That is exactly what the Republicans are doing if they vote against the cloture motion in a few moments. They are using extreme dilatory tactics to deny the majority the opportunity to take up an issue.

I know we are close to working out an agreement. I certainly hope we work out an agreement. I have been saying on the floor of the Senate for a long time that Democrats and Republicans need to put the Nation's interests first.

We have two goals: to increase the debt ceiling and have a credible plan to deal with the deficit. The Reid proposal offers solutions to both of those goals. I hope we have a bipartisan agreement before the day is out. We can move forward.

I think it is critically important that the Members of the Senate express whether they believe we should be filibustering a debt limit increase. I believe that is not the right precedent for this body to set. We should always allow the debt ceiling to be increased by a majority vote. That is what they did in the House; that is what we should be doing in the Senate.

I urge my colleagues to vote for the cloture motion, but let's continue this discussion because in order to get a bill to the President's desk, we know we are going to have to reach further compromises. We understand that. We have had, I think, some discussions among our colleagues here, and I am hopeful we will be able to reach that type of a compromise.

We have a chance, in a few minutes, to move forward so that we can express ourselves that we should be doing this in the Senate by majority vote. I urge my colleagues to support cloture and support the Reid proposal.

I ask unanimous consent that during the quorum call, the time be equally divided between the Democrats and the Republicans.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I rise today to bring attention to the ongoing humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa. More than 11 million people--twice the population of my State of Maryland--are now in need of emergency assistance to survive.

Large portions of the Horn of Africa region are now in the grip of one of the worst humanitarian crises in the region in recent decades. Nearly half of the population in Somalia is in urgent need of assistance, and malnutrition rates are on the rise in neighboring Ethiopia and Kenya. Without the immediate action of the international community, it is projected that an additional 180,000 people will perish in the coming months due to the drought and famine.

It is difficult to fully comprehend the levels of human suffering currently occurring in the region, as refugees flee famine-affected areas. People are literally walking for days without food and water to try to reach food and safety. More than 166,000 desperate Somalis are estimated to have fled their country to neighboring Kenya and Ethiopia in recent months--approximately 3,500 people are arriving every day at refugee camps in those countries compounding the already tenuous humanitarian situation in the region.

On July 21, the United Nations declared a famine in two regions in southern Somalia. This declaration is not done lightly and is the first declared since 1992. Famine is only declared when acute child malnutrition rates exceed 30 percent and more than 2 people per 10,000 die per day. The U.S. Agency for International Development, USAID, reports that the under-5 death rates in southern Somalia are higher than 4 children per 10,000 per day in all areas and as high as 13 to 20 per 10,000 per day in areas of south central Somalia. Already, outbreaks of measles, cholera, and watery diarrhea have been reported in affected areas as well. Unless this is addressed immediately through immunization campaigns and medical treatment, more people will perish from these preventable diseases.

The United States is one of the largest donors of emergency assistance to the region, helping more than 4.4 million of those in need and providing over $431 million since last October. The actions taken by our Nation and the international community in anticipation of the drought last year has helped save countless lives. Through the Famine Early Warning System, we saw data come in, and we were able to move resources into the region and implement programs to provide food in critically affected areas throughout the Horn of Africa. However, emergency assistance alone cannot solve the underlying long-term problems. The United States continues to provide longer term development assistance through Feed the Future and other programs, which are working in the region to address the root causes of hunger and malnutrition.

USAID Administrator Shah was in Kenya last week and met with Somali refugees there. He met with a woman who had traveled for 33 days by foot with her two children and suffered a robbery along the way, in order to arrive at a refugee camp in Kenya and have access to safety, food, and basic human security. He also visited with a 4-year-old boy who, in the acute malnutrition wing of the hospital at the

camp, weighed only 19 pounds and was reliant on a nasal feeding tube and very specific feeding regimens in order to, hopefully, survive. There are countless more stories like this, of people who risked their lives to bring themselves and their families to a safe environment.

This crisis has several contributing factors--most notably the worst drought on record in 60 years, which has devastated crops and livestock. But another major contributor to this crisis is the complete lack of governance in Somalia, a failed state for more than two decades, and the ongoing conflict there and in particular, the al- Qaida-affiliated Somali militia, al-Shabaab. Since 2009, al-Shabaab has prevented most Western aid organizations from operating in their territory, and it is no coincidence that the areas of famine are areas controlled by al-Shabaab. My sincerest hope is that al-Shabaab will stand aside and allow international organizations to assist people in their territory, people essentially held hostage by this radical, Islamist group.

The U.N. estimates that an additional $300 million will be needed just in the next few months to help those affected by this humanitarian disaster and that approximately $1.8 billion will be needed to fully address the massive scope of this crisis and help the people in the Horn of Africa. Without this crucially important funding, nearly 200,000 people could die. To date, this appeal is less than half way met by the international community. The international community must do more to meet this appeal.

This situation is a clear example of the critical importance of maintaining a strong U.S. commitment to emergency food assistance. The House of Representatives passed a fiscal year 2012 Agriculture appropriations bill that would cut funding for emergency food assistance by 75 percent from just 3 years ago. This comes at a time when not only is there famine in the Horn of Africa, but around the world needs are increasing as food prices remain high and the number of people affected or displaced by natural disasters and conflict continues to increase.

The international disaster assistance level specified in the House State-Foreign Ops appropriations bill for fiscal year 2012 would result in emergency humanitarian programming reaching 19 million fewer disaster-affected people than it would if the account were appropriated at the fiscal year 2011 level, based on average costs per person by the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance at USAID between 2006 and 2009.

If we cut the migration and refugee assistance and emergency refugee and migration accounts, as the House Foreign Operations bill does, we would jeopardize U.S. support for many of the world's 48 million forcibly displaced people, the majority of whom are assisted and protected by the international community. This includes almost 1 million Somalis. Before the current crisis in the Horn, 725,000 Somalis were seeking refuge in the region. Since the onset of the current crisis, 100,000 Somalis have arrived in Kenya and 75,000 in Ethiopia. Obviously, cuts of that magnitude would lead to catastrophic consequences. This could affect millions; primarily women and children suffering from hunger as a result of conflict and natural disasters would lose access to lifesaving food. This would significantly reduce America's ability to address instability in volatile countries and decrease its capacity to respond quickly to the needs of hungry people affected by conflict and natural disasters.

Aside from the national security implications for the United States in this already unstable region, the U.S. Government has a moral responsibility to help the least fortunate, both at home and abroad. As a global leader, the United States should not shy away from helping the least fortunate, regardless of race, religion, or nationality. In addition, the United States should encourage greater international participation. It is the moral, human course of action to take, but it is also the smart thing to do: a more stable and prosperous Somalia keeps the rest of the world and the United States more secure as well.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. President, we all know we are running against the deadline of Tuesday, August 2, on raising the debt of our Nation, and there is a real risk that if we don't make that deadline on Tuesday, there will be checks from the Federal Government that will not be able to go out. The number of 70 million is used as the number of checks written each month by the Federal Government that go to employees, that go to contractors, that go to recipients of certain benefits.

Let me talk about 4,000 Federal workers who already have been furloughed. It doesn't have to do with raising the debt ceiling; it has to do with the failure of the House of Representatives to send a clean extension of the Federal Aviation Administration--the FAA reauthorization bill--for us to consider. As a result of the failure to pass the reauthorization of the Federal Aviation Administration or to pass a short-term extension of the FAA, 4,000 workers at the Federal Aviation Administration have been put on furlough. That in and of itself has a major impact on our economy. That is 4,000 Americans who are no longer receiving a paycheck. It affects people who work for the FAA in such fields as safety engineers, computer scientists, aeronautics engineers, physical scientists--the list goes on and on-- jeopardizing the progress we have made in keeping our airways safe and jeopardizing the convenience to those who travel by air. Many of those workers live in the State of Maryland, so it is having a direct effect on the State I have the honor of representing in the Senate.

It goes beyond just the Federal workforce who have been put on furlough as a result of the failure to pass a short-term extension of the FAA. It also goes to construction contracts that are funded through aviation funds. At many airports around the Nation, there have now been stop orders on construction of runways, construction of towers, and construction of other improvements that are important to keep our airports modern and safe and convenient in handling the increased number of air passengers.

Let me tell my colleagues that, yes, it affects those large contractors who are doing the work of the Federal Government. It is going to affect their payrolls and their workforce, but it also affects a lot of small businesses in Maryland and around the Nation.

Let me give one example. Chappy Corporation is an electrical and mechanical operations small business specializing in airport landing systems and lighting. Chappy Corporation is the lead contractor implementing BWI's--the main airport in Maryland--ASDE-X project, a runway safety mechanism that enables air traffic controllers to detect potential runway conflicts by providing detailed coverage of movement on runways and taxiways. For the safety of all of us, I hope we would want to move forward with those types of improvements in our major airports in the Nation, including the one which most Marylanders use-- BWI Airport. Chappy Corporation has been told to stop work on this important aviation safety project, thus decreasing their value and making it more difficult to make payroll. It is already tough for small companies out there today, and now, because of the failure of the House to send over to us a clean extension of the FAA bill, which we have done many times in the past, we have a company such as Chappy which is running the risk of its strength to continue with its current workforce and to do important work at airports for safety.

It also goes beyond the Federal employees and the contractor employees who are not getting a paycheck and the contractors whose work has been stopped and they are not getting their construction contract payments. It also affects the Federal Aviation Administration's revenues. They collect a lot of revenue. There is a ticket tax. When a person buys an airline ticket, they pay a tax that goes into the Federal Aviation Administration's funds which are used for improvement projects at our airports. That amounts to about $30 million that will not be collected. What happens to that money? Well, we lose it in the Federal Treasury. People say: Well, maybe it will make it less expensive for people to travel. But that is not the case.

Let me quote a headline from Reuters: ``Airlines Raise Fares as Taxes Lapse.''

I am quoting:

Many U.S. airlines have raised fares in recent days to take

advantage of a lapse in U.S. ticket tax collection after

Congress failed last week to fully fund the Federal Aviation

Administration's budget, but passengers are not likely to

notice any price difference.

JetBlue Airways Corp. and Southwest Airlines Co. began

raising ticket prices by at least 7.5 percent on Friday,

according to FareCompare.com. Other airlines, such as Delta

Air Lines and United Continental Holdings Inc., boosted

prices on Saturday.

So we can't collect the 7.5-percent tax and the airlines are pocketing the money. The people who are purchasing tickets are still paying the same amount even though none of that money is going to improve our airports. It makes no sense whatsoever.

All of these occurrences--the Federal workers not getting a paycheck and being put on furlough, contractors not getting paid and construction work not being done, revenues not being collected that are necessary for the Federal Government--are hurting our economy. All are making it more difficult for our recovery.

Why has this happened? The reason, quite frankly, is that we have not been able to pass the reauthorization bill. We passed the reauthorization bill early in the session, the Senate did. The House passed a bill about 100 days ago but has refused to appoint conferees to work out the differences. Then the House sends over--because we didn't meet the deadline--an extension bill that includes a partisan labor provision, an antilabor provision. Now, that should never be in an extension bill. It shouldn't be in any legislation. But it should be negotiated between the conferees of the House and Senate so we can get a reauthorization bill done. They shouldn't use an extension bill in order to get that done, and that is what they have done. As a result, we have the consequences of Federal workers being furloughed, contractors not being paid, and revenues necessary for our airport improvements not being collected.

So what should we do? What do we need to do? Well, we need to first pass a short-term extension, a clean short-term extension without these killer amendments attached to allow our workforce to be able to work and to get their paychecks, to allow contractors to continue the work they are doing, and to allow the government to collect the revenue necessary to keep our airports modern. That is the first thing we should do.

Secondly, we need to negotiate in good faith between the House and the Senate conferees so we can pass the Federal Aviation Administration reauthorization bill. That bill contains many very important provisions, including what we call NextGen, which is the way in which we can operate our air service in a much more efficient way, using less fuel, less time, and helping our economy. The FAA reauthorization bill is estimated to create hundreds of thousands of jobs for our country. We need to get that done. So we need to negotiate the bill, get that done, and all of that will help create more jobs for our community.

I urge my colleagues, particularly those in the House, to send us a clean extension bill, negotiate in good faith, and let's get the FAA bill done.

Actually, I see the ranking member of that committee, our colleague from Texas, who may wish to talk about it or some other issue.

With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Charles Vallejo Anderson, an intern in Senator Merkley's office, have the privileges of the floor for the balance of today.

Ten minutes.

Madam President, let me first thank our assistant Democratic majority leader for his incredible work on the Bowles- Simpson Commission. Senator Durbin was a real voice of reason and brought together diverse views. We need that this week. And then with the Gang of 6, with our colleagues in the Senate on both sides of the aisle, he was able to bring us together in achieving two goals--and that is what we need to do--one is we need to raise the debt limit and, secondly, we need a credible plan to deal with the deficit. I think Senator Durbin has added greatly to accomplishing those goals, reaching across party lines, and understanding that it cannot be what the Democrats want or what the Republicans want but we have to work together.

But I must say that at this moment, we are 7 days away from the August 2 date. So we have two goals. Goal No. 1 is to raise the debt limit so that we don't default on America's obligations. Raising the debt limit needs to be our goal No. 1. We have already incurred this debt. This is not about increasing America's spending; this is for spending that has already occurred, and now we have to pay the bills.

The cost of default is unimaginable to the American people. We will pay more as taxpayers because the cost of government borrowing will go up. We know that. That is not speculation; we know that. But the cost to every American will go up because the cost of home mortgages will go up, the cost of credit card interest will go up, and student loan costs will go up. All of the borrowing costs in America will go up. It will also hurt our economy. It will cost us jobs.

It makes no sense whatsoever to be here without raising the debt limit. Senator Reid's proposal does that through 2012. It gets the job done. Speaker Boehner's proposal does not get it done--another short- term extension.

We should listen to the experts in the market. Christian Cooper, who is a currency expert and trader, said:

From the markets' point of view, a two-stage plan is a

nonstarter . . . There is significant risk of a downgrade

with a deal that ties further cuts to another vote only a few

months down the road given the significant resistance to do

the right thing now.

Speaker Boehner's proposal just kicks the can down the road for a couple more months without resolving the problem. And that is Goal No. 1. The Reid plan accomplishes that.

Goal No. 2 is having a credible plan to get our debt under control. The President was right as he explained last night how we got here. He went through how, under the Bush administration, the previous administration, we took a surplus to a deficit by cutting taxes not once but twice, by two wars that were not paid for, by spending programs that weren't paid for, and now we are in a situation where we have a nonsustainable deficit. That is accurate.

It is our responsibility to make sure we have a credible plan to deal with the deficit. Leader Reid's proposal gives us that glidepath. I think all of us would like to see a grand deal, a grand bargain. That is not going to be achieved by August 2. Senator Reid's proposal gives us the glidepath for a responsible, credible plan to bring our debt under control. Speaker Boehner's proposal does not do that. It just basically says we will deal with it at a later time.

Look at the downpayment. Leader Reid gives us $2.7 trillion of deficit reduction now that we can enact by August 2, while Speaker Boehner gives us $1.2 trillion. It is clear that $2.7 trillion really gets us much closer to the $4 trillion goal we all know we need to achieve, but it also gives us a game plan to be able to achieve the $4 trillion in deficit reductions we all know we need to do.

Madam President, you and I are in agreement on how we can get that done now. We know that. We have a plan. The problem is that we can't get that done by August 2 because we can't get the Republicans in the House to move on a balanced plan. We understand that.

Well, the Reid proposal preserves all options but gives us a way to get to the $4 trillion of deficit reduction that is clearly needed. It allows the use of a joint committee that will use a balanced approach. We have models they can look at. The Bowles-Simpson Commission is a balanced approach to bring in a credible plan to deal with the deficit. The Gang of 6 gives us a balanced approach in order to deal with our deficits. So we have the model before us in order to get it done.

Let me tell you why I think Leader Reid's proposal is the best way for us to proceed 7 days before the August 2 deadline. It gives the Republicans basically what they have asked for. We can't do this by Democrats alone. We need Democrats and Republicans working together. The Reid proposal represents the views of the Members of the Senate on both sides of the aisle. Why do I say that? From the beginning, the Republicans have been saying we have to have a dollar-for-dollar reduction in debt for a $1 increase in the debt ceiling. There is no relationship between our current spending and what the debt ceiling represents because, as I said earlier, it represents what we have already spent. But, OK, that has been what the Republicans said we had to

do. Leader Reid's proposal does that--a $2.7 trillion reduction in the deficit with a $2.7 trillion increase in the debt ceiling.

The second thing the Republicans have asked for--not all but many--is that we can't consider revenues in the package. Now, I disagree with that. I don't believe you can have a credible plan to deal with the deficit unless you include revenues, getting rid of the loopholes, getting rid of shelters. We could do that without increasing rates. We have said that many times. But the Reid proposal--what we would vote on by August 2 that accomplishes our goals--will do it without additional revenues. It preserves the right of revenues in order to have a credible plan to reach the $4 trillion target, but we get our $2.7 trillion without any revenues--something the majority of Republicans have been asking for.

The third point: The $2.7 trillion in cuts the majority leader put on the table represents cuts that have been negotiated between the Democrats and Republicans. Madam President, $1.2 trillion was included with Vice President Biden, the $1 trillion in cuts in regard to our overseas operations was included in the Ryan budget, and the list goes on. So these are cuts that are achievable, that have already been negotiated or agreed to between Democrats and Republicans.

I applaud Senator Reid. I think Senator Reid understands the seriousness of us moving forward. It allows us to move to increase the debt ceiling and preserve our rights to negotiate and get the grand bargain done and has a fallback mechanism with a joint committee that would have required votes on the floor to make sure we all have a chance to vote up or down. It preserves our options, allows America to move forward, and allows us to concentrate on job growth and security, which should be our focus as we rebound our economy for the future of our Nation. For all those reasons, I hope my colleagues will support the effort of Senator Reid to bring us together to avoid the unspeakable default that could occur 1 week from today.

Madam President, I yield the floor, and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, today I wish to congratulate Cambridge International, Inc., the world's largest manufacturer of metal belting and wire cloth, on the occasion of its 100th anniversary. Cambridge International is a thriving, dynamic manufacturing company that is a testament to the resiliency of American manufacturing. The company is located in Cambridge on Maryland's Eastern Shore and is a world leader in engineering and manufacturing metal mesh, conveyor belts, wire cloth, filter leaves, and other industrial materials. The company exports its products worldwide, requiring sales facilities in the U.S., Mexico, and Brazil.

Since the company was founded on September 17, 1911, Cambridge International has grown to more than 400 employees and has three divisions: Industrial Belting, Architectural Mesh and, most recently, Environmental Technologies, CET. CET is developing new products to meet the needs of older existing manufacturers. Starting with the firm's own headquarters, CET has completed a $4.8 million renovation that included installing energy efficient heating, ventilation, and cooling, HVAC, and lighting systems and bathroom and equipment upgrades. Installation of a wood waste gasification system will ultimately allow Cambridge to power new production equipment in its manufacturing facilities. CET product offerings include an electrostatic precipitator, ESP, that functions at an efficiency level above the Environmental Protection Agency's pollution control standards for components for major waste-to- energy projects. Cambridge International is hiring 36 new employees to support its new green manufacturing division and CET is creating a green job market that will continue to grow and offer expanding employment opportunities.

Cambridge International is a valued business and employer in Maryland. As Cambridge International celebrates its first 100 years of manufacturing, I ask my colleagues to join me in looking forward to Cambridge's next century of manufacturing innovation.