Floor Statements

Mr. President, I come to the floor today to celebrate the 175th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Guatemala and the United States.

As we mark this milestone, I want to highlight the strength of the U.S.-Guatemala bilateral relationship today. Earlier this year, I led a congressional delegation to Guatemala, and we met with President Bernardo Arevalo. He is a leader who was elected last year by voters who were sick of widespread corruption. He ran by focusing on corruption and insecurity, as well as generating employment and promoting climate change policies. And I was impressed. Prior to serving in elected office, Arevalo worked in Guatemala's Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He served as First Secretary and Minister Counselor in Israel in the 1980s and as Ambassador to Spain and Deputy Foreign Minister in the 1990s. For several years, Arevalo was active as a leader in civil society, promoting anticorruption initiatives.

The Guatemalan President clearly cares--as do I--about upholding the rule of law, promoting democratic values, and combatting corruption. I believe that Guatemala stands at one of the most pivotal and potentially transformative moments since the end of the 1996 civil war.

But the path it takes going forward will largely depend on the extent that President Arevalo is able to govern. I was deeply concerned by attempts to undermine his democratic election last year and by the concerted efforts by the previous government to obstruct the peaceful transfer of power.

Attorney General Maria Consuelo Porras led the charge in weaponizing the justice system against him. She criminalized the President's political party. She jailed journalists. She has forced former prosecutors and judges investigating corruption into exile. She continues to use the Public Ministry to protect her personal financial and political interests--working without any practical check on her power.

This makes it difficult to combat corruption, to go after transnational crime, and to seek justice for human rights defenders persecuted under the previous government.

And yet despite these challenges, President Arevalo has not given up. He hasn't given up on his commitment to rooting out corruption at home, as we have seen with the launch of the National Commission Against Corruption.

He has continued to build on our strong economic relationship; the U.S. is Guatemala's largest investor and trading partner. Just this year, our countries held a High-Level Economic Dialogue with discussions across all sectors of society, including private businesses and indigenous groups.

President Arevalo has also continued to have the courage to support liberty across the globe. Despite economic coercion by the People's Republic of China, he has maintained Guatemala's diplomatic relations with Taiwan. And on the question of migration, his government has been supportive of the Biden administration's safe mobility office in Guatemala. This effort has been critical to reducing irregular immigration on our southern border and providing legal pathways to vulnerable populations.

I know we will continue working together to address the root causes of migration, whether it is corruption, poverty, violence, crime, or climate change.

Now, I recognize these are immense challenges. And we are going to have a new administration coming into office here in the United States in January with very different views of America's role in the world-- especially with regards to our relationship to the Western Hemisphere.

But for those of us who believe deeply in values-based policy making, for those of us who understand the importance of democracy and the rule of law, for those of for whom respect for human rights is paramount, we must not give up.

Making the world a better place is hard, but it is not impossible. So whether you live in Guatemala--or in the United States--let us come together in mutual respect to address the challenges we face.

And let us commit to making the next 175 years of our relationship one of prosperity, security, and peace.

Mr. President, I rise to pay tribute to our colleague, and more importantly, my dear friend Congressman Dutch Ruppersberger. By any standard, Dutch has had an exceptional career with 38 years in public office, beginning when he was first elected to the Baltimore County Council in 1985. Even before our time together in Congress, Dutch and I shared a common bond as we are both proud graduates of Baltimore City College High School. Maryland is grateful to be the home of City College as it is our Nation's third oldest public high school and its alumni include three Maryland Governors and the late U.S. Representative Elijah Cummings.

Dutch's decision to seek public office began after a serious car crash while he was working as a prosecutor a decade earlier which nearly claimed his life. Dutch credits the facility now known as the R. Adams Cowley Shock Trauma Center at the University of Maryland for two things: saving his life and setting him on his political path. I am dually grateful to the doctors at the University of Maryland for their quick thinking and expertise which has, in turn, presented Dutch with the grit, determination, and circumstances to run for office and serve 11 successful terms in the House of Representatives.

Dutch is a Marylander through and through, born and educated in Baltimore, and his quick rise in the Baltimore County State's Attorney office was therefore not surprising. After almost a decade of taking on organized crime, drug trafficking, and political corruption in Baltimore as a county executive, he was elected to serve as the Representative for Maryland's second district in 2002. Dutch immediately broke new ground by becoming the first ever Democratic freshman to be appointed to the coveted House Intelligence Committee. A decade later, Dutch served as the ranking member for the very same committee during a tumultuous time for our Nation's national security. Dutch, and then House Intelligence Committee chairman Mike Rogers, became the first dual recipients of the William Oliver Baker Award, which recognizes excellence in nonpartisan security. The presentation of this prestigious award was due to their superb work on the high- profile Osama bin Laden capture, Benghazi attacks, and Edward Snowden leaks.

Dutch also served on the powerful House Appropriations Committee for 12 years, now serving on both the Defense and Commerce, Justice, and Science Subcommittees. He had previously served on the Armed Services Committee, as well as the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. He has been a staunch advocate for community project funding and leveraged his role as an appropriator to ensure the Port of Baltimore, the Chesapeake Bay, and the local communities received their fair share of funding from the hundreds of billions of Federal dollars in which the House Appropriations Committee is responsible for each fiscal year. I am proud of his dedication to improving the lives of Marylanders at every opportunity.

His support of the local community extends to local governments as well. In 2016 Dutch founded the House Municipal Bond Caucus for both sides of the aisle to better advocate for the tools local and State governments require to fund schools, roads, libraries, local law enforcement, and emergency services. Dutch's focus on enhancing the quality of life for public servants through legislation promoted by this caucus has had a net effect of lower taxes and new jobs for the everyday Marylander.

Maryland's second district was formally home to two Army bases: Fort Meade, which houses the codemakers and codebreakers of the National Security Agency and U.S. Cyber Command, and Aberdeen Proving Ground. In addition to these bases, Dutch was also responsible for the oversight of the U.S. Coast Guard Yard in Baltimore, as well as dozens of other defense support equities. Dutch also chairs the U.S. Naval Academy's Board of Visitors, of which I am also a member, and is the cochair of the bipartisan House Army Caucus.

Dutch has always been a man of action, from his days as a police officer during law school, to his time as a lifeguard on the beaches of Ocean City, MD--where I am sure he will be spending much of his retirement.

This same drive for action has benefited our Nation's men and women in uniform in many ways, like establishing the Peer Reviewed Orthopedic Program, which revolutionized the way traumatic combat injuries to extremities were treated from troops returning home from the Middle East, often saving them from amputation. Dutch also created the ``Operation Hero Miles'' program in concert with Fisher House after he learned that our servicemembers and their families were paying out of pocket to visit their wounded or ill loved ones who were undergoing treatment at a military or Veteran's Affairs medical center. This program allowed any American to donate their frequent flyer miles to our Nation's heroes.

These are just a few of Dutch's many accomplishments, and on behalf of our beloved Marylanders and all Americans, I thank him for his decades of service. I am equally thankful for the continued friendship of Dutch and his wife Kay, and I am thrilled for him to be able to spend more time with Kay, his two children, and his five grandchildren. Dutch's cheery wit and unwavering patriotism will be missed by me, the entire delegation, and in the Halls of Congress. I offer congratulations to Dutch on his well-deserved career of public service.

Mr. President, I rise to pay tribute to my dear friend, Congressman John Sarbanes. Next Congress will be the first without a Sarbanes representing Maryland in 54 years. The Sarbanes family will be sorely missed in this body.

I had the great fortune to working with John's father, the late Senator Paul Sarbanes, who is referred to as ``The Senator's Senator.'' I met Paul when he first ran for public office in 1966. We both were elected to the Maryland General Assembly that year, and we became good friends. Delegate Sarbanes at that point made a name for himself on the house judiciary committee in the Maryland General Assembly and was a rising star from his first day in the Maryland General Assembly.

He shortly thereafter ran for the U.S. House of Representatives, where he served three terms, then moved over to the Senate where he served for five terms with a very distinguished record. His service in the House occurred during the Watergate scandal, and his time in the Senate marked by the Enron scandal. During both periods of crisis, Senator Sarbanes stepped into the breach as a steady hand to help regain the American peoples' confidence in their institutions. Like his father, Congressman Sarbanes' legacy in Congress has been focused on protecting the integrity of our Nation's most cherished institutions.

John is the product of a household ethic of public service. That is evident in his actions in Congress and how he conducts himself as a public official. John shares his father's intellect and

thoughtful approach to politics. He speaks substantively and honestly, and his approachability has made working on behalf of his constituents appear second nature. Since he was elected in Congress in 2007, he has put his head down and worked hard for the people of Maryland and the Nation. He serves on the House Committee on Energy and Commerce, and the Subcommittees on Health; Energy, Climate, and Grid Security; and Environment, Manufacturing, and Critical Minerals.

In addition to his environmental record, one of his most notable accomplishments has been his long-term work on campaign finance reform and voting rights reform. His work on this issue began long before his bill, H.R. 1, For the People Act, became a top priority in Congress. Indeed, then-Democratic Leader Pelosi appointed John to chair a new Democracy Reform Task Force in 2017. The comprehensive legislative package John developed would ultimately propose to strengthen democratic institutions, enhance Federal ethics standards, and reign in unlimited and secret dark-money campaign spending by wealthy and powerful special interests. In particular, John was known for promoting a matching system for small donations and more effective oversight of campaign finance and spending by the Federal Election Commission.

This legislation ultimately became the Freedom to Vote Act, a signature piece of democracy reform legislation in the last few Congresses. This transformational anticorruption and clean elections reform package builds on his previous efforts to pass H.R. 1, the For the People Act.

On five separate occasions, the House of Representatives passed various versions of H.R. 1 and ultimately succeeded in putting these issues squarely before the Senate. Unfortunately, in 2022, the Senate failed to muster the votes necessary to overcome the filibuster and vote on this critical package of reforms.

In addition to his work on election reform, Congressman Sarbanes has demonstrated a lifelong devotion to environmentalism. I have been particularly grateful to work with him on the restoration of the Chesapeake Bay, which his father famously declared ``the soul of Maryland.'' John has led the Chesapeake Bay Watershed Task Force to several victories, including securing Federal funding and policy changes that support a healthier bay. His Chesapeake Bay legacy, however, will be his work to connect more Marylanders to the bay by improving access and environmental literacy.

Congressman Sarbanes saw that many Marylanders lacked meaningful experiences with the Chesapeake Bay and worked to expand public access to the bay and its tributaries, most dramatically though legislation to create a Chesapeake National Recreation Area. He also worked hard to expand educational opportunities so that the general public is empowered to steward our shared natural resources. His No Child Left Inside legislation helps expand outdoor education opportunities for students, which provide incredible benefits to students and supports a new generation of environmental champions. It has been an honor to work with him on Chesapeake Bay issues, which has been close to my heart during my time in public office.

I thank Congressman Sarbanes for his work in Congress and for so honorably carrying on his father's legacy as a public servant. He has set an outstanding example for Congresswoman-elect Elfreth. I will miss working with John, but am grateful for our time in office together and wish him success and joy as he enters this new chapter.

Mr. President, I want to take this opportunity to acknowledge a colleague of mine and a valued member of Team Maryland, Representative David Trone. Since coming to Congress in 2018, Representative Trone has demonstrated a passion for tackling some of the most pressing issues that face our country and a persistent drive to advocate for the people of western Maryland.

I am proud to have worked closely with Representative Trone over the years to fight for Marylanders on a variety of issues. The progress that Representative Trone has made in combatting the opioid crisis stands out in my mind as an example of his tenacity and effectiveness.

Many regions in our country have seen the harm opioid and substance use disorders can bring to their communities, and western Maryland is no exception. When Representative Trone took office, he made it clear to his constituents that this would be a top priority of his.

He quickly backed it up with action, by hitting the ground running in the House of Representatives. Representative Trone launched the Bipartisan Mental Health and Substance Use Disorder Task Force, bringing together more than 140 Members of Congress from across the country and aisle. Twenty-six of their bills became law in the 117th Congress. Representative Trone serves on the House Appropriations Committee, Budget Committee, and the Joint Economic Committee.

Outside of specific legislative work, Representative Trone has played an important role in shifting the narrative to see addiction as a disease and a public health crisis, rather than a personal shortcoming. That is why he has supported mental health offerings like passing a bill to provide confidential mental health support to first responders. He worked to expand the Public Safety Officers' Benefits Program to include coverage for first responders whose deaths are a result of suicide or are permanently disabled as a result of traumatic service- related experiences.

I will miss working with Representative Trone, but I am grateful for his service to the Maryland delegation. I wish Representative Trone, his wife June, and his entire family only the best going forward. I wish him only happiness and success in what follows his career in the House. And I thank him for sharing his dedication to Maryland's sixth district with the American people and his fellow colleagues.

Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is still available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications that have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such an annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is still available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications that have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such an annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Joe, we are letting you have the last word here.

Mr. President, on behalf of the majority leader, I ask the Chair to execute the order of November 20 with respect to the Weilheimer nomination.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is still available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications that have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such an annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is still available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications that have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such an annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is still available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications that have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such an annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I come to the floor today to honor the legacy of Sergei Magnitsky, who was killed 15 years ago this weekend. Sergei was born in 1972 in Odessa, in Ukraine. He was brilliant. He won the physics and mathematics Olympiad when he was just 15 years old.

He knew right from wrong and was willing to stand up for what he believed in. Working as a tax attorney in Moscow, he uncovered a scheme that included the theft of $230 million of taxes by Russian corrupt officials. He not only filed criminal complaints against the Russian police officers involved; he testified against them. He named names. He did what any lawyer and responsible citizen should do. He believed that individuals should be held accountable for their corrupt actions.

In response, they arrested Sergei. They held him in custody for 358 days. They refused visits from his wife and mother and telephone calls with his children. They denied him medical care. They tortured him, trying to get him to recant his testimony.

Most people would have given in, but Sergei refused. So they had him chained to a bed as eight guards with rubber batons beat him to death.

I want to read what his colleagues wrote about him in memorial.

They said that Sergei ``wasn't involved in politics. He wasn't an oligarch and he wasn't a human rights activist. He was just a highly competent professional. The kind of person whom you could call up as the workday was finishing at 7 pm with a legal question, and he would cancel his dinner plans and stay in the office until midnight to figure out the answer. He was what many people would describe as the good face of modern Russia: a smart and honest man working hard to better himself and to make a good life for his family.''

And he was murdered because he sought the truth in Russia.

When I talk about values of foreign policy, I think about the values of Sergei Magnitsky.

Mr. President, the two of us have the honor of serving on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

I must tell you, our Presiding Officer is one of the great champions to advance human rights, a bedrock of our value-based foreign policy. America's strength is in its foreign policy. It is based upon values, supporting human rights, anti-corruption, democratic institution building--as compared to autocratic regimes that have foreign policy based upon transactional goals and media goals that they enforce many times by corruption and force.

We see that today with Mr. Putin in Russia, as he tries to take over Ukraine.

We have value-based foreign policy--our strength. Sergei Magnitsky was about values: his bravery, his honesty, and his willingness to stand up to a corrupt authoritarian state.

Looking around the world today, we see war in Europe and the Middle East and Africa. We see a growing autocracy and kleptocracy across states like Russia and China, a rise of anti-democratic sentiment in traditional bastions of liberty.

I believe one of the keys to fighting back against these forces starts with holding the perpetrators of human rights violations accountable.

If we hold the perpetrators accountable, others will not follow in that path. If there is impunity and no accountability, it breeds more perpetrators that violate individuals' rights.

The idea has informed how I think about foreign policy and the rule of law. And it also informed two pieces of legislation I am proud of writing in my time in the U.S. Congress: the 2012 Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act and the 2016 Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act.

At the time of Sergei Magnitsky's killing, our main policy tool for penalizing human rights abusers and corruption was country-based sanctions. This is a blunt tool--useful to respond to major events like Russia's invasion of Ukraine or Iran's enrichment of uranium to nuclear weapons grade. If you go against the country, there is a penalty to be paid. But it is less effective to provide accountability for human rights violators which are individuals who are perpetrating those violations.

We needed something more responsive, more targeted. And inspired by the tragedy of Sergei Magnitsky's murder, I set out to write legislation to hold his murderers accountable. I didn't know at the time the profound impact the bill would have for human rights and accountability.

The original bill targeted the individuals who were complicit in the jailing and murder of Sergei Magnitsky. It blocked these individuals from enjoying the benefits of America. It stopped them from traveling to the United States and stopped them from using our banking system.

It gave the U.S. Government the authority to seize the properties. It stopped them from violating human rights with impunity.

Magnitsky-style sanctions seem like a foregone conclusion today but not when we got it enacted. Although it passed the Senate with overwhelming bipartisan support, it was not an easy fight.

Different parts of our foreign policy community were vehemently opposed. It was something. It was change. And change is hard.

The executive branch doesn't like the legislative branch interfering in how they conduct their business. But that is our responsibility--the legislative branch's responsibility--to set the policies.

We pushed ahead. In 2016, we expanded the bill beyond the reach of human rights violators and corrupt actors around the world. We have expanded it--the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Act--and we made that permanent.

I want to acknowledge that one of the ways we got this done was because it was bipartisan. Senator Lugar helped me, as I was a freshman Member of this body in the Foreign Relations Committee, in getting the attention on the need for this legislation.

The late Senator John McCain was my principal cosponsor and helped to get the original Sergei Magnitsky Accountability Act included in a bill that could pass the U.S. Senate.

And my good friend and the leader with me on the Helsinki Commission, Senator Roger Wicker, was principally responsible, working with me to get the Global Magnitsky bill made permanent with a place in the National Defense Authorization Act.

The sequence was, 2017, Executive Order 13818 was issued to structure the implementation of the law and broadened the scope of the law.

In 2022, we made the law permanent by repealing the sunset clause.

In 2023, the United States sanctioned 78 foreign persons under the Magnitsky Sanctions Program.

And as of November 7 of this year, the program has sanctioned over 712 foreign persons and entities since its inception.

I can tell you specific examples. I can tell you about being in Bulgaria and being treated as a hero because it was the Magnitsky sanctions against their corrupt leaders that allowed their country to move forward with the reforms that the people of Bulgaria wanted. It meant real change.

I can tell you about recently being in Guatemala, where we see hope for a democratic regime. It was Magnitsky sanctions that helped get to that point.

These sanctions have real consequences because, you see, corrupt leaders want the protection of a country's rule of law for their wealth, even though they live in countries that don't believe in the rule of law. We take that away from them by the Magnitsky sanctions. It has had a profound impact on human rights, where now individual actors have to consider their own conduct, even when acting on behalf of the state.

Their reputation, ability to travel, and ensure access to the assets are at risk. I have seen a lot in 58 years of public service, much of which I have devoted to human rights advocacy.

I remain inspired by the heroism of Sergei Magnitsky and can confidently say that he did not die in vain. His death jarred the global conscience forever.

Today, the Magnitsky name is synonymous with an approach by dozens of leading democracies to respond to human rights abuses and official corruption. The United States led on this issue. We were the ones who were able to get it started. When we lead and we lead with values and we lead on behalf of democracies, other countries will follow our leadership.

Shortly after we passed the Magnitsky sanctions, there was action in the United Kingdom; there was action in Canada; the EU has adopted them; and now two dozen countries have Magnitsky-type sanctions.

We have to do more. We have to figure out a way how we can coordinate these sanctions so we can really isolate those human rights violators and have a global approach to the imposition of the Magnitsky sanctions.

There is more we need to do to fight corruption. So we have a lot more work to do. But I will tell you, Magnitsky is a name that strikes fear in the hearts of Vladimir Putin and corrupt oligarchs around him.

As government officials and responsible citizens, we have an obligation to advance policies that respect human freedom and the dignity of the individual. That is especially true of those of us who live in democracies.

I know that at times our task may seem difficult or impossible, but we must never give up hope. We must continue to have faith that our work is worthwhile. There were days where I thought the Magnitsky quest would not have any main consequences. I look today with pride. I am glad we did

not give up hope, and we were able to get that law passed.

Vaclav Havel once wrote:

There is only one thing I will not concede: that it might

be meaningless to strive in a good cause.

I will never concede either. The struggle for human rights can sometimes seem insurmountable. Let me just share with you one of my experiences in life. I have been very fortunate to have had an incredible career. In 1987, as part of the U.S. Helsinki Commission, I traveled to Germany and went to West Berlin. I went through Checkpoint Charlie to East Berlin. I walked up to the Brandenburg Gate and saw East German machineguns focused at me so that I would not cross back into West Berlin by trying to sneak across.

I met with East Berliners who were desperate for someone to listen to their cause. They never gave up hope. They were living in a very oppressed country. They fought for their freedom. And we helped them. We didn't give up hope; they didn't give hope.

Two years later, I returned to Berlin with a hammer in hand to help knock down the Berlin Wall. I have returned to Berlin many times since and see a unified city. We can never give up hope.

What we do in this Chamber, the leadership we take, to go after those abusers affect real people and the future of real countries.

We must not give up hope in striving for a good cause because if we do not give up hope, we will overcome oppression and violence and build a world that is safe and peaceful and prosperous.

It is not only the right thing to do, it is the right thing for our national security. I am proud of the work we have been able to do in this Chamber. I thank my colleagues who have helped in this effort, including the distinguished Presiding Officer, who has been incredible. We have a lot more work yet to be done. Thank you for all your help. I appreciate your listening to my comments.

With that, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is still available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications that have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such an annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the following statement be printed in the Record.