Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I take this time first to thank Senator Webb for bringing forward his amendment that I strongly support. I believe it is in the best…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I take this time first to thank Senator Webb for bringing forward his amendment that I strongly support. I believe it is in the best interests of our troops, their families, our military readiness, and the proper deployment of our troops.
I also thank Senator Levin and Senator Reid for their efforts in allowing us the opportunity to try to change our mission in Iraq. I believe it is not only in the best interest of the United States to do that but also the Iraqi people.
I also compliment Senator Biden for his efforts to bring forward an amendment that would give us a more realistic and achievable political game plan in Iraq. As has been recently reported, the Iraqi Government is dysfunctional, and the only way we are going to be successful in Iraq is if we can have a political solution to their problems.
On September 3, 2007, President Bush told troops at Al-Asad Air Base that the troop buildup has strengthened security--and that the military successes are ``paving the way for the political reconciliation and economic progress'' in Iraq. ``When Iraqis feel safe in their own homes and neighborhoods,'' said President Bush, ``they can focus their efforts on building a stable, civil society.''
I believe that the last part of that statement, when an Iraqi can walk into the street without fear of being attacked, blown up, or bribed, of having family harmed, his house or his business taken, when he is confident that his children will have enough food and water and be able to attend school in peace, he will be able to focus on building a more stable civil society.
But what I don't see is any independent evidence that the increased U.S. troop presence has, as promised, led to greater civilian security, let alone paved the way for political and economic success.
The 2007 emergency supplemental appropriations bill required President Bush to report to Congress and the American people in July and September on the progress Iraqis are making toward achieving certain critical benchmarks put forward by the Iraqi Government and affirmed by President Bush in his January ``New Way Forward'' speech. These were not benchmarks established by Congress. These were benchmarks established by the Iraqis, in this legislation. That same legislation asked the independent Government Accountability Office to undertake the same investigation and chartered the Independent Commission on the Security Forces of Iraq to investigate the progress those institutions are making toward independence. We now have each of those reports.
Not even President Bush claims that substantial progress toward political or economic benchmarks has occurred. As reported by his administration in July and September there has been little progress on debaathification reform, oil revenue sharing, provincial elections, or amnesty laws.
The GAO reports that the Iraqi Government has met only \1/8\ of the legislative benchmarks. The rights of minority party political parties in the Iraqi legislature are protected, though the same is not true for the Iraqi population whose ``rights are often violated.''
Any prospects for further progress toward these goals have been dashed by the withdrawal of 15 of the 37 members of the Iraqi cabinet. The Congressional Research Service reported that the boycott has left ``the Iraqi Government in essential collapse.''
That is another reason why we need The Biden amendment, and more important, for us to move forward implementing a new strategy in Iraq.
Just as important, there is no independent evidence that increased troop presence has created the security necessary to foster future political and economic progress in Iraq.
The GAO reports that it is not clear whether sectarian violence has been reduced and that the average number of daily attacks aqainst civilians has remained about the same.
The August National Intelligence Estimate reports that the level of overall violence in Iraq, including attacks on and casualties among civilians, remains high and will remain high over the next 6 to 12 months.
According to figures compiled by the Associated Press, Iraqis are suffering double the number of war-related deaths throughout the country compared to this time last year.
In an August op-ed, seven non-commissioned officers wrote:
[T]he most important front in the counterinsurgency,
improving basic social and economic conditions, is the one on
which we have failed most miserably. . . . Cities lack
regular electricity, telephone services and sanitation. . . .
In a lawless environment where men with guns rule the
streets, engaging in the banalities of life has become a
death-defying act. . . . When the primary preoccupation of
average Iraqis is when and how they are likely
to be killed, we can hardly feel smug as we hand out care
packages. As an Iraqi man told us a few days ago with deep
resignation, ``We need security, not free food.''
Even if we assume a decline in violence, in certain regions in Iraq it is far from clear that increased U.S. troops are responsible. There are over 2 million refugees that have fled Iraq.
Internally displace persons are estimated at 2 million and are increasing by 80,000 to 100,000 each month. At that rate, Washington, DC would be empty by March.
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees found that 63 percent of those displaced moved because of threats to their security. Sixty-nine percent left homes in Baghdad. Baghdad is undergoing sectarian cleansing. If the death toll in a Sunni district falls because its residents have fled, the resulting reduction in violence is not attributable to increased troops, and that kind of development is not ``progress.''
The bottom line: the GAO report found the Iraqi Government has not eliminated militia control over local security or political intervention in military operations. It has not ensured evenhanded enforcement of the law or increased the number of army units capable of independent operations.
Are Iraqis more secure? For me, the 100,000 people fleeing their homes each month in fear for their safety answer the question. The truth, as everyone acknowledges, is that the security that Iraqi man wanted instead of free food will only come with political reconciliation.
Those same seven NOC's explained that:
political reconciliation in Iraq will occur, but not at our
insistence or in ways that meet our benchmarks. It will
happen on Iraqi terms. . . .
[I]t would be prudent for us to increasingly let Iraqis
take center stage in all matters, to come up with a nuanced
policy in which we assist them from the margins but let them
resolve their differences as they see fit.
President Bush predicted that increased U.S. troop levels taking a more visible--rather than marginal--role would stabilize the country so that its national leaders could reach political agreement. They would enable us to accelerate training initiatives so that Iraqi army and police force could assume control of all security in the country by November 2007. President Bush sent over 28,000 more soldiers into Iraq to fulfill these goals.
The reports before us in September, like the reports before us in July, show us that President Bush's troop escalation is ineffective. It has failed to make Iraq more secure, failed to stem the civil war going on in Iraq, and failed to lead to political reconciliation. That failure was clear when I last came to the floor to discuss this issue in July, and it is clear today.
Since July, 150 more American soldiers have died; nearly 5,000 more have been wounded. My home State of Maryland has lost three more of its bravest citizens. One of those seven NOC's, whose wisdom and insight I have quoted at length, was shot through the head and, just last week, two others were killed. Every month in 2007 has seen more U.S. military casualties over the same month in 2006.
Six years after 9/11, our policy in Iraq has distracted us from confronting the weaknesses those attacks revealed. Terrorist attacks around the world continue to rise. No progress has been made on the Arab-Israeli conflict. Our military might has been stretched thin.
The most recent intelligence analysis reports that al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan is stronger now than at any other time since September 11, 2001. Iran is as dangerous as ever.
Thomas H. Kean and Lee H. Hamilton, cochairs of the 9/11 Commission, wrote that ``we face a rising tide of radicalization and rage in the Muslim world--a trend in which our own actions have contributed.'' Last week, Senator Warner asked General Petreaus whether continuing the strategy the general laid before Congress would make our country safer. General Petreaus responded, ``Sir, I don't know actually.''
He didn't know because he has been ``focused on . . . how to accomplish the mission of the Multi-national Force in Iraq.'' That is what he should be focused on. That is his job. But the people focused on our Nation's safety and our overall strategy in the Middle East agree with Kean and Hamilton.
Admiral Fallon, chief of the U.S. Central Command, which oversees Middle East operations, has argued for accepting more risks in Iraq in order to have the necessary forces available to confront other potential threats. The Joint Chiefs have been sympathetic to Admiral Fallon's view.
In order to bolster our military and refocus attention on the global terrorist threat, this Congress has attempted to change the mission of our operation in Iraq. But President Bush and a minority in Congress have rebuffed the effort.
We cannot wait any longer to change the mission in Iraq. The cost of further delay in lives, materiel, treasure, and our standing in the world is too great. President Bush's strategy has put this Nation at greater risk--a risk that metastasizes each day that we sit by and wait.
A new policy starts by removing our troops from the middle of a civil war and giving them a more realistic mission: counterterrorism, training, and force and border protection.
The Independent Commission on the Security Forces of Iraq, chaired by retired GEN James L. Jones, and composed of prominent senior retired military officers and chiefs of police, suggests that:
Coalition forces begin to be adjusted, realigned, and re-
tasked . . . to better ensure territorial defense . . .
concentrating on the eastern and western borders and the
active defense of the critical infrastructures essential to
Iraq.
The Commission also emphasized the importance of transferring responsibility to Iraqis, noting the ``fine line between assistance and dependence.'' Iraqi citizens turn to our military for protection and the basic services the government has failed to provide. We want Iraqis to become loyal to their government, not to the local U.S. military commander.
We must begin to extricate ourselves and hand responsibility to the Iraqis themselves.
As the bipartisan Iraq Study Group noted, ``There is no action the American military can take that, by itself, can bring about success in Iraq.'' But any effort must include stepped-up diplomacy--a ``diplomatic surge,'' if you will. Iraq's neighbors have a stake in Iraq's stability. The war in Iraq means the spread of fundamentalist insurrection and sectarian violence, and an increase in basic crime and lawlessness, and not just in Iraq.
We must begin to have a broader diplomatic and economic vision in the Middle East. Currently, all of Iraq's neighbors are involved in the conflict, but they operate under the table. Iran supports the Shiite militias. Saudi Arabia supports the Sunni militias. Turkey plays a role in the North, Syria exerts control over Iraq's western border.
The United States engaged all of Afghanistan's neighbors at the highest levels and secured their cooperation at the beginning of that conflict. We must engage in that same high level effort with Iraq's neighbors no matter how much we wish circumstances or the current balance of power in the region were different.
We need our Nation's most senior officials engaged in bringing other nations and international entities such as the United Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe to the table.
The various agencies of the United Nations are well-suited to tackle matters of economic and community development and providing electricity, water, and sanitation service. OSCE could assist Iraq with collective border security, police training, and immigration and religious tolerance efforts.
A change of mission, an increased diplomatic effort, and a movement to engage international entities presents the best chance of helping the Iraqis build a government that has their confidence and would strengthen our own national security and military readiness.
The world has an interest in a safe and secure Iraq. We can no longer ignore the overwhelming evidence or recoil from the cold reality the facts on the ground reveal. It is time to change the mission, step up our diplomatic efforts with a realistic and workable game plan, recognize the limits of deployment of our troops and internationalize the effort to bring stability to the country and to the Middle East.