Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded. Mr. President, I support hard infrastructure. It is in my DNA. As a kid, I grew up shoveling asphalt. My father and my grandfather were in the road…
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I support hard infrastructure. It is in my DNA. As a kid, I grew up shoveling asphalt. My father and my grandfather were in the road construction business.
I served as the economic development commissioner in my home State of Tennessee. I understand firsthand the importance of quality infrastructure. It was essential to attracting good jobs to my State. So I am in complete agreement that shoring up our hard infrastructure is a worthy cause.
This bill does some of that, and that is good. But there are both good ways and bad ways to achieve noble ends. And the question is, What is the best way to achieve this goal? And my frustration is with the methods and with the vehicle that is being used here.
The first problem is that the bill sponsors repeatedly said it would be paid for. In fact, it is not. And it is more than a little bit off. It is over a quarter of a trillion dollars short. That is almost seven times the budget of my home State of Tennessee.
We waited weeks for the text of this legislation. And before the text even existed, the Democrat leader forced the Senate to vote on proceeding to it. There is absolutely no reason for rushing this process and attempting to limit scrutiny of this bill other than the Democrats' completely artificial, self-imposed, and politically driven timeline. There will be more on that later.
The text, all 2,700-plus pages of it, was finally made available to us 6 days ago. The Senate has been able to consider that this week, but the Senate continued to wait all week for the Congressional Budget Office's analysis of what it would cost.
The CBO is the entity that Congress has agreed is responsible for scorekeeping on what legislation will cost the American people.
Let's keep in mind that meeting the definition of ``paid for'' in the CBO's eyes doesn't always make sense to the average American. For instance, CBO allows spending now to be offset by projected savings that won't happen for 10 years. CBO can allow savings that are already occurring naturally to count, effectively, as new savings for purposes of scoring a bill.
The point is, this kind of scoring is designed to make it easier for a bill to be scored as paid for, at least on paper.
As an example, the University of Pennsylvania's Penn Wharton Budget Model estimates that this legislation would actually add $351 billion in deficit spending, an even higher total than the CBO estimate.
The point is, even using these scorekeeping advantages, the CBO has made it clear this bill isn't paid for.
I understand why the Democratic leadership kept the CBO score under wraps until Thursday. It showed that the bill fell far short of ambitions. The CBO said that it misses the mark of being paid for by a cool quarter of a trillion dollars.
As an aside, I found it incredible that despite--or perhaps because of--getting this news on Thursday afternoon, Democrats tried to accelerate the passage of this bill later that same day. Instead of going through the normal multiday process for debating and enacting a bill, they tried to rush it through in the middle of the night. I objected to accelerating this process on Thursday because the Senate must carefully consider what it is doing.
Now, the proponents of this bill claim that the CBO's analysis is wrong. No matter how much explaining they do, the Senate agreed on the umpire before the game started.
To this end, if this bill is paid for, why will we have to waive Budget Act requirements later on in this process?
The Senate is going to have to pass this bill by waiving the Budget Act or the pay-go requirements. That is not ``paid for.''
Most of us probably won't be around when the bill comes due for this never-ending deficit spending here in Washington, but, sadly, our children and our grandchildren will be. The politicians in Washington spend now to buy votes but, conveniently, won't be around to deal with the consequences.
We can do hard infrastructure--again, that is a worthy goal--but we can do it without shoveling more debt onto the backs of our children and our grandchildren. Indeed, if we just limited this bill to hard infrastructure, it would be paid for. As I said, there are good and bad ways to achieve noble ends.
The second reason that I am opposed to this legislation is because of its Big Government, top-down approach. It includes many half-baked components that deserve far more scrutiny.
Rather than compete against China using our unparalleled innovation, our ingenuity, our technology, we are substituting massive government control to dictate, to fund, and to decide winners and losers. That is not the American way.
We are using the cryptocurrency market as a pay-for.
Have we fully vetted how this new regulation and taxation will affect this rapidly developing industry?
Will we wind up ceding this industry to others because of this regulation?
What is the point of even having committees in the Senate with expertise in certain matters if the most significant legislation that passes this body doesn't even go through?
The whole point of committees is to use them--use these committees to carefully scrutinize and refine important legislation, use committees to prevent unintended consequences that result from rushed legislation. Yet this is a 2,700-page bill that is going through no committees. Once again, we have to pass it to find out what is in it and then learn what kind of unintended consequences we can expect.
The third reason I am frustrated with this legislation is because it is tied to what I believe is the Democrats' real ambition, which is their multitrillion-dollar march to socialism that they will unveil right after this infrastructure legislation is passed. Democrats have admitted this. This is their plan.
The far-left wing of the Democratic Party, which is effectively calling the shots these days, is demanding that Democrats here in Congress spend trillions of dollars to reshape American society, to make American citizens more dependent on their government. Their aim seems to be to turn the United States into a sclerotic, government- controlled state, just like Western Europe.
The upcoming legislation that we are talking about now is the third leg of the stool of the Democrats' overall plan. The first leg is to pack the Supreme Court so the Constitution no longer gets in the way of their plan. The second is to Federalize and take over voting laws and procedures, ensuring Democrats will never lose another election, propelling themselves into perpetual power over both the legislative branch and the executive branch.
And, third, they want to remake the U.S. economy and America's relationship with government into one where Americans begin to look to government for everything, from Green New Deal programs to daycare. In this world, American citizens will be less free, less prosperous but more captive and hooked on government programs. That means they will be more dependent on Democrats and the institutions that they control.
So far, Democrats have been unable to build legs one and two of the stool, but they are actively trying. President Biden has a court- packing commission ongoing, and the Democratic leader is, today, working on scheduling more votes on the election takeover. They are desperate to appease leftwing extremists that have all of the energy in their party because they need these extremists' support to win elections.
Yet they have stalled out on their first two goals, so they have come up with a scheme to build the third leg of their stool. They previewed phase 1 of the scheme in March, when they spent $1.9 trillion in the name of COVID relief. Of course, 90 percent of it had nothing to do with COVID. It was really just a payoff to their most loyal political supporters.
Sadly, it is now causing the highest inflation that we have seen in decades. This inflation is a daily tax on every American who has to buy goods and services here in America.
But phase 2 of the scheme is even more devious. Step 1: Change the conversation to trillions with a ``t.'' Make billions sound small. Condition the Congress, condition the media, condition the American public to these big numbers.
Remember, a trillion dollars is an astronomical number, and our children are going to have to pay for it.
Step 2: Tell the United States that America needs infrastructure; but then, Step 3, redefine the term ``infrastructure'' to include government-dependency programs. Really muddy it up.
Step 4: When more reasonable Democrats in the Senate balk at some of these more expensive or egregious items, promise them a two-track process--one for hard infrastructure and one for social programs.
Step 5: Negotiate as much of your socialist wish list into the infrastructure track as you can. They got some of it into this bill, but not all of it. They will just put the rest of it into the wish list and put that wish list into the government-dependency bill that is yet to come.
Step 6: Pass the infrastructure bill through the Senate as quickly as possible. Drop a nearly 3,000-page bill and demand that it be passed immediately before we can even understand or scrutinize what is in it. The Trojan horse, my friends, is through the gate.
Step 7: Hold that infrastructure bill hostage in the House of Representatives until everything you couldn't get into the infrastructure bill--particularly meaning the trillions of dollars in government-dependency programs--are passed through the Senate. Therefore, Nancy Pelosi has promised that this bill will never become law until it is joined at the hip with the multitrillion-dollar socialist bill.
More on that in a minute.
Step 8: Say that the President won't sign the infrastructure bill into law if it is not accompanied by trillions of dollars in government-dependency programs. President Biden already did this before he clumsily walked it back, but we saw and we heard what he was thinking.
Step 9: To get the government-dependency programs part passed, circumvent the filibuster in the Senate by abusing an arcane loophole called reconciliation. Reconciliation was intended to save taxpayer dollars and to assure passage of an annual budget for the Federal Government. But now they are using this process--they are abusing this procedure to pass trillions of dollars of government-dependency programs with only 50 Democrat votes.
Step 10: Give reasonable Democrats political cover to support the parliamentary trick and the government-dependency spending by saying it unlocks the ability for their hard-fought infrastructure bill that passed the Senate--and, by the way, is now being held hostage in the House--to finally get through the House and to the President's desk.
Wait a minute. What just happened? Abracadabra. The American people are so confused by the Democrats' sleight of hand that they don't even notice that their wallet has been stolen and that their country has been fundamentally changed.
My question is simple: If these policies and this spending is so good, why does getting it done take a parliamentary house of mirrors?
There can't be a bipartisan deal on infrastructure if its enactment into law requires later tacking on all of the socialist wish list items that got excluded from the deal.
Democrats have telegraphed these plans. You just have to pay attention. The President of the United States, right after announcing the infrastructure deal, said it would be held hostage on his desk without the trillions of dollars of government-dependency spending alongside it.
President Biden specifically said this:
I expect that in the coming months this summer, before the
fiscal year is over, that we will have voted on this bill--
the infrastructure bill--as well as voted on the budget
resolution. But if only one comes to me . . . this is the
only thing that comes to me, I'm not signing it. It's in
tandem.
Later, in response to a question, President Biden revealed: ``Look, the bipartisan bill, from the very beginning, was understood there was going to have to be the second part of it,'' he said. ``I'm not just signing the bipartisan bill and forgetting about the rest.''
Now, he has later tried to muddy up the waters on this because he said too much. But if you read his cleanup statement carefully, he never took back his vow. He never said he would sign the bipartisan bill without having alongside it the partisan multitrillion-dollar bill.
The Speaker of the House has said the same thing repeatedly. On June 24, she said: There ain't going to be a bipartisan bill without a reconciliation bill.
She added again:
Let me be really clear on this: We will not take up a bill
in the House until the Senate passes the bipartisan bill and
a reconciliation bill.
A month later, on July 22, Speaker Pelosi again said:
We will not take up the infrastructure bill until the
Senate passes the reconciliation measure.
It only takes one Democrat to end this insanity, to stand up and say he or she won't participate in this scheme. That would change the entire tenor of this debate and this process.
So while I believe in hard infrastructure, I cannot participate in doing it this way: first, by including in this bill a bunch of things that aren't hard infrastructure, and the result of that is throwing a quarter of a trillion dollars more debt at our children and our grandchildren; and, secondly, and most importantly for the future of this country, enabling this quadruple bank-shot attempt by Democrats to thread their government dependency fantasy through a House and a Senate that are divided by the narrowest of margins by holding this bill, once it passes, hostage in the House.
The stakes here are too high. America is an exceptional nation. We are distinct from all others throughout history. We are exceptional because we provided more freedom and opportunity than any other. President Lincoln called it the ``last best hope of Earth.'' Ever since, it has fulfilled that promise for countless generations.
We must fight to preserve our American system and the American dream, not in a tornado of hurried legislative activity that will seal its decline.
I am asking my colleagues to fight for this country's future. Our children and grandchildren deserve to have the same sort of wonderful opportunity that our parents and grandparents gave us. We need to make certain that they have a future for them that is better than today, and we are duty-bound to make certain that it happens. That is why I ran for office.
Let's work together on infrastructure, out from under the rapidly approaching cloud of socialism. Let's make this happen a different way.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.