Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to the legacy and memory of Dr. Walter Rodney, an eloquent teacher, writer, scholar and political activist who left this world much to soon at the young age of 38 years and to enter into the Record an essay written in the New York CaribNews by Michael D. Roberts entitled ``Celebrating the 64th Birthday of Dr. Walter Rodney--Remembering A True Caribbean Intellectual--From Humble Beginnings to International Stature.''

Dr. Walter Rodney was born in Guyana on March 23, 1942, and at an early age, excelled academically. After graduating from the University of the West Indies, he enrolled at the London University and at the age of 24, was awarded a Ph.D.

Walter Rodney an avid political activist was involved in the Guyanese labor movement and headed up the Working People's Alliance. His political views were strongly influenced by the Black Power and Black Consciousness Movements in the U.S. and Caribbean, respectively. Of particular scholarly interest to Rodney was the economic history of Guyana, and the legacy of slavery and colonialism in Africa. He inaugurated extensive research into the history of economic exploitation in Africa. He traveled and studied with teaching assignments in Tanzania and Guinea, Africans in Guyana trace their roots to Guinea.

The results of his travels and research were three remarkable books: A History of the Upper Guinea Coast, 1545-1800, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, and Groundings with My Brothers. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa offered a Marxist analysis of the impact of colonialism and capitalism in under developing Africa and, consequently, the African world.

Though he traveled extensively throughout the world, Dr. Rodney's base of operations from 1974 until is death was in Guyana. He continued to lecture and organize the people of his homeland. He joined the Working People's Alliance, WPC, of Guyana which later became an independent Marxist political party in 1979.

There is so much more to say about the life and legacy of Walter Rodney. He was a profound intellectual and worldly scholar who had so much left to share with the world when he was silenced by death. Sadly, Walter Rodney was killed by a car bomb in Guyana on June 13, 1980. His murder remains unsolved.

Walter Rodney was a true Caribbean Intellectual whose reach was boundless. I shudder to think of the difference he would have made in the world had he lived. On this anniversary of his birthday I honor his memory.

Celebrating the 64th Birthday of Dr. Walter Rodney: Remembering A True

Caribbean Intellectual

(An Essay By Michael D. Roberts)

My first encounter with Dr. Walter Rodney was in 1979 when

he came to Grenada during the very early days of the Grenada

Revolution since he was literally barred from entering Guyana

his country of birth. A slim, unassuming man Walter Rodney

was unpretentious and looked almost nerdish with heavy

horned-rimmed glasses. He sported a large ``Afro'' hairstyle

and was the first person I met who wore African clothes.

During that year and up to April 1980 whenever he was in

Grenada I would spend time with him since his remarkable

brain and sheer brilliance was fascinating to me. Walter had

the gift of simplifying many complex things and he would ask

a question and then based on my response would open up an

entire period of conversation based on analysis, discussion,

point and counter-point. He was an excellent teacher, an

adept debater and skilled analyst.

Had he not been murdered he would have been 64 years old

today and one could only wonder what this true Caribbean

intellectual would have accomplished. Walter Rodney was born

on March 23, 1942, and was murdered in Georgetown, Guyana, on

June 12, 1980, ironically not far from Bent Street where his

parents lived and where he grew up as a child.

He attended Guyana primary school and from the start was an

extremely gifted student. To many who knew him it was clear

that he was unique. He first won a scholarship to Queens

College in Guyana and then another one to further his studies

at the University of the West Indies in Jamaica. He graduated

with first-class honors in History and again won an open

scholarship to the School of Oriental and African Studies in

London. Walter graduated from that institution with a

doctorate at the tender age of 24 years.

Never losing his working class roots Walter Rodney soon

embraced the principles of Marxism. It is this Marxist

methodology that would be used to write his thesis that was

published as a piercing analytical work ``A History of the

Upper Guinea Coast 1545-1800'' and ``How Europe Under-

Developed Africa'' considered today one of the most important

books on British colonialism and its effects on the African

continent and Third World development and underdevelopment as

a whole.

After graduation Walter left for Tanzania to take up a

teaching position and then came back to Jamaica in 1968 to

teach at the University of the West Indies. It was while

there that he started to study the Rastafarian socio-

historical phenomenon and wrote a book that is today

considered one of the definitive works on the movement

called ``Groundings with My Brothers.'' This book is a

collection of talks that he gave in Jamaica and

highlighted Walter's admiration for the working class and

his ability to connect with those that society deemed

unimportant and non-conformist.

I remember one incident in Grenada that would help to

further explain his life-long fascination and respect for the

grassroots people among whom he was most comfortable and at

home. In the end it would be this ability to connect with

people and to make a lasting impression on them that would be

feared and hated by his political enemies and which would

lead to his assassination. The Governments in Guyana and the

Caribbean did not only fear Walter Rodney's amazing intellect

but his easy, sincerity that made people gravitate to him.

One day we were driving on the Eastern coast of Grenada

heading for the country's second largest town, Grenville. We

stopped at a village named Birchgrove for a while and I left

to see a friend at the Police station. Walter had two

bodyguards with him and a few minutes later they came to me

worried sick that he was nowhere to be found and maybe he'd

given them the slip.

I then led a search for Walter in the shops and parlors in

the village since Walter was fond of going to where ordinary

people congregated to speak to them and ask questions so he

could learn more about them. By then I was used to his ways.

But search as we may we could not find him. Then I heard loud

laughter coming from the Birchgrove River and decided to

check it out.

There sitting comfortably on a river stone and surrounded

by about 20 women, some bare-chested, some in the river

washing, was Walter Rodney. When we arrived on the scene he

flashed his usual sly grin and continued speaking with the

washers--all wives of farmers and children of working people.

We spent more than an hour listening to Walter exchange

conversation with whom Granada's deceased Prime Minister

Maurice Bishop used to call ``the salt of the earth.''

That was Walter he'd take a complex topic as economics and

tailor it to suit the washers and presented it in words that

they understood. He interjected humor and practical day-to-

day experiences that they related to in an effective

methodology for educating ``his people'' as he called them.

In Guyana there has been the problem that historically the

working class has always been divided mainly because of the

manipulation of the planter class. The Indians were

introduced into the society specifically to counter and break

the development of the Black working class movement that

arose in opposition to conditions after the end of slavery.

So it is not simply as though Africans and Indians co-

existed without any relation one to the other. Economic

competition between Africans and Indians was deliberately

created within the construct of the old capitalist order.

In 1974 Walter Rodney decided to return to Guyana and take

up an appointment at the University of Guyana. Of course, the

Forbes Burnham government promptly scuttled his appointment

as Professor of History. That same year he joined the Working

people's Alliance that became a political party in July of

1979--five months after the Grenada Revolution of March 13,

1979. That same month he was arrested, along with seven other

people, for allegedly burning down Government offices. It

would be this incident that would propel him to the top of

Guyanese politics and ultimately seal his fate. From that

time on Walter's life was on the line as threats, harassment

and intimidation continued from the Burnham regime that

became more and more obsessed with a man that Guyanese

across the board saw as the replacement to Linden Forbes

Burnham.

Under these oppressive conditions the Burnham Government

reacted more and more with violence to a restless population

now growing fed up with the paramount leader's shenanigans

and political grandstanding. Walter was unapologetic about

his political work and saw it as rendering a service to the

people of Guyana. He was well aware that the Burnham regime

was out to get him since President Burnham had allegedly told

him to make his will.

Certainly among progressive circles in the Caribbean Walter

was told that he should not go to Guyana since his life would

be in real danger and that the Government would stop at

nothing to destroy him.

But Walter accepted this as part of the price that he was

willing to pay for the liberation of the people of Guyana.

On the evening of June 13, 1980 Walter Rodney was

assassinated by a bomb placed in a walkie-talkie and

detonated remotely. He left behind his wife, Patricia and

three children. The Caribbean and Africa lost a gifted

intellectual and a skilled political leader.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to enter into the Record the very profound speech giving by Bono, the world-renowned musician and noted humanitarian, during the February 2006 National Prayer Breakfast.

As the lead singer and lyricist for the Irish rock band U2, Paul Hewson, better known as Bono, rose to fame as a socially-conscious songwriter who through song has taken many people on spiritual journeys while opening their eyes to the plight of the underprivileged and in some instances inspired people to change.

Beyond U2, Bono has extended himself to other projects and causes, and has emerged over the years to be a social activist, having rallied numerous actors, artists, socialites and activists on behalf of the world's poor, particularly those afflicted with the HIV virus in Africa and elsewhere throughout the world. While his international celebrity status has placed him in a position to relax and enjoy fame and wealth, he selflessly dedicates his time to improving our world as a tireless advocate for the less fortunate.

Bono has committed himself to continuing to address issues critical to future generations. He faces global crises with conviction and the hope that others will see the pain and suffering in the world and come together in unity to make the World a better place for all mankind.

Mr. Speaker: I humbly submit the remarks made by Bono as he addressed an audience that included the President of the United States, the First Lady, King Abdullah of Jordan, members of Congress and other guests during National Prayer Breakfast held in Washington, D.C. in February 2006.

Bono's Remarks to the National Prayer Breakfast, February 2, 2006

Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to my dear friend and an exemplary American, George Brown, who passed away Friday, March 31, 2006. George made history in his lifetime, as a civil rights trailblazer and a political leader who made a career of serving his community and his country.

Born in Lawrence, Kansas on July 1, 1926, George excelled educationally, and in World War II served his country as a member of the famous Tuskegee Airmen. Following the war, he went off to college at a time when only the GI Bill made it possible for African Americans to do so in the face of racial discrimination and economic hardships. He graduated from the University of Kansas in 1950. In the 1960's, as a reporter for the Denver Post, he was part of that cadre of journalists who chronicled the heroic struggles of African Americans and their supporters in the civil rights movement. The tumult of that era helped forge his deep social consciousness.

George's entire career was devoted to public service. In the 1950's, he was named to head the Denver Housing Authority. In 1955, he was appointed to the Colorado House of Representatives, and later became the first African American elected to the Colorado State Senate. In 1974 he gained national attention when he was elected Lieutenant Governor of Colorado--the first African American so honored in U.S. history. As a major public figure, he became an influential spokesman for justice and equity in Colorado and beyond.

Following retirement from government George worked as a consultant in the private sector in Washington while remaining involved with public causes, including the Boys Choir of Harlem. Just two weeks before his passing, George co-chaired the National Black Peoples Unity Convention in Gary, Indiana, addressing economic strategies to empower African Americans.

With all of his professional success, George was first and foremost a family man. I remember his joy with the addition of each new grandchild to his family. He is survived by his wife, Modeen; two sisters, Harriet Baskerville and Laura Gilyard; nine children, Gail Chandler, Cindy Brown, Kim Brown, Laura Mitchell, Angela Ashley, Carolyn Smith, Sharolyn Williams, Nyra Crenshaw, and Ronald Crenshaw, as well as seven grandchildren and five great-grandchildren.

George was not only a great man, but a loyal friend who would always be there to lend a helping hand or to just listen. He was a source of inspiration to me and to everyone who knew him. May God bless him and his family.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to the legacy and memory of Ronald H. Brown, the former Secretary of Commerce on this tenth anniversary of his untimely passing and to enter into the Record an article written to Ron Brown's legacy entitled ``The Constituency for Africa Remembers Ron Brown''.

On April 3, 1996, Ron Brown and a 34-person United States delegation had concluded a trade mission to the Balkans and were returning to the United States when their airplane crashed into the side of a mountain in Croatia.

Ronald Harmon Brown, the first African American to hold the office of U.S. Secretary of Commerce, was born in Washington, D.C. in 1941. He grew up in New York, and with the help of a scholarship attended Middlebury College in Vermont. He received his law degree from St. John's University, attending at night while working by day as a welfare caseworker for the City of New York. He also served for four years in the Army in both Germany and Korea.

Brown, a strong, independent leader, was a lawyer, a skilled negotiator, a pragmatic bridge builder and a highly successful past chairmen of the Democratic National Committee. He brought this wide range of experiences to the position of Secretary of Commerce and vowed to reach out to our neighbors abroad to promote long-term economic growth that included

rebuilding their industrial bases and working with small business owners and minority entrepreneurs to create and expand employment opportunities.

Mr. Speaker, Ronald Brown was an exceptional individual with accomplishments too numerous to list. He left an indelible impression not only in the United States but in many countries abroad. As evidenced by the article that I submit to the Record, I join the Constituency for Africa (CFA), a U.S.-based coalition with interest in Africa, in acknowledging the many contributions made in Africa by the late Secretary of Commerce.

(March 31, 2006, Washington, DC)

The Constituency for Africa Remembers Ron Brown

Apri1 3 marks the tenth anniversary of the plane crash in

Croatia which ended the life of late Commerce Secretary

Ronald H. Brown and 34 others traveling with him on a trade

mission to the Balkans. The Constituency for Africa (CFA), a

Washington, D.C. based coalition of organizations, groups and

individuals with interest in Africa, acknowledges the

contributions made by the late Secretary in forging U.S. ties

with Africa.

``Ron Brown opened the doors to recognition of the

importance of the U.S.-Africa relationship, highlighting the

trade and investment opportunities, traveling to Africa and

supporting organizations seeking to educate, advocate and

build ties with Africa,'' said Melvin P. Foote, the Chief

Executive Officer of the Constituency for Africa. In

celebration of Ron Brown's legacy, CFA established a highly

regarded Ronald H. Brown African Affairs series during

Congressional Black Caucus Week which features speakers and

seminars on critical issues confronting Africa, including

issues of health, agriculture, energy and trade.

``The term, `Africa matters' was used by the National

Summit on Africa and many other events over recent years, but

was first used in a major speech by Ron Brown. He truly put

the spotlight on Africa's potential for the Clinton

Administration. He got American companies who would never

have considered trading and investing, to take a closer look.

He also elevated the African diplomatic corps and Africa

focused organizations by engaging them in dialogue and

showing them the respect he believed they deserved,''

reflected Leonard Robinson, President of the Africa Society

of the National Summit on Africa.

Ron Brown was the first African-American chairman of the

Democratic National Committee and the first to travel to sub-

Saharan Africa. During that trip in 1990 he talked about

political development, but also the importance of trade and

investment. Later, when he became Secretary of Commerce, he

made good on his belief in the importance of economic

development and commercial ties by leading numerous trade

missions to Africa including one to South Africa a few days

after sanctions were lifted by the U.S.; he opened a U.S.

commercial center in South Africa, now named after him;

opened and expanded commercial offices in regional hubs

throughout Africa; supported passage of the Africa Growth and

Opportunity Act; rallied other U.S. Government Agencies

around Africa issues and invited senior officials from those

agencies to travel with him to Africa and to develop

solutions to problems in a cooperative manner. He helped to

create the Corporate Council on Africa and remained a loyal

supporter during his tenure as Commerce Secretary.

Michael Brown, Board Member of CFA, lobbyist and candidate

for Mayor of Washington, DC, reflected on his father's

travels to Africa. ``My father is still remembered in many

places in Africa. Fellows from the Ron Brown Institute based

in Pretoria have been interns in companies in southern

Africa. Small and medium sized companies go to the Ron Brown

Commercial Center in Johannesburg for help with their

commercial transactions. He introduced us to the benefits of

commercial diplomacy.''

The Constituency for Africa is a non-profit and non-

governmental organization based in Washington, DC, that

focuses on advocacy and educational initiatives directed at

U.S. Africa policy. CFA's mission is to advocate, educate,

inspire, act upon and inform its constituency about issues,

concerns and challenges impacting the quality of life for the

nations of Africa.

Mr. Speaker, today Representative Jefferson, Representative McDermott and I are introducing the Trade Preference Extension and Expansion Act. There are three key aspects to this legislation.

First, the act would extend for 1 year the trade benefits provided to developing countries under the U.S. Generalized System of Preferences (``GSP'') and the Andean Trade Preference Act (``ATPA''). Both of these programs currently are scheduled to expire at the end of 2006. Our trade preference programs are critical, not just to workers and businesses in developing countries, but to U.S. workers and businesses. It is important that we extend these programs immediately in order to provide our trading partners, as well as U.S. manufacturers and retailers, the predictability necessary to make business and investment decisions for the future.

I have heard some of my colleagues suggest that we should let these programs lapse in order to pressure our trading partners to agree to the demands of U.S. negotiators in ongoing bilateral and multilateral trade negotiations. I agree with my colleagues that we should be seeking the best deals possible with each of our trading partners. However, I disagree with the notion that the United States should threaten all of our developing country trading partners, many of which are struggling to pull themselves out of poverty, with the elimination of current trade benefits in an ill-considered attempt to strengthen our hand at the negotiating table.

I do not mean to suggest, however, that our current trade preference programs should never be changed to reflect new realities in trade and the rules of the WTO. For that reason, the Trade Preference Extension and Expansion Act calls for only a 1 year extension of GSP and ATPA. It is important to evaluate how well these programs are working for workers and businesses both in the United States and developing countries--and to consider whether changes should be made to improve the programs. In fact, Representative McDermott, Representative Jefferson and I sent a letter to Chairman Thomas today requesting that the Ways and Means Committee hold hearings as soon as possible to consider the future of GSP and ATPA, as well as the African Growth and Opportunity Act (``AGOA''). I believe it is important that the Congress and all interested stakeholders begin to investigate and consider this issue immediately, as it is likely that Congress will make changes to these programs next year in order to implement agreements negotiated as part of the Doha Development Agenda round of World Trade Organization negotiations.

The second key aspect of the Trade Preference Extension and Expansion Act is the extension and expansion of benefits provided to sub-Saharan Africa under AGOA. In the year since the expiration of global textile and apparel quotas, sub-Saharan Africa's exports to the United States of apparel fell by 16 percent, and the sector has lost as many as 100,000 jobs. Further, the textile and apparel industries in sub- Saharan Africa face many challenges beyond the elimination of global quotas, including competition from well-established and sometimes subsidized producers, such as China, and inadequate infrastructure and other supply-side constraints.

In recognition of these challenges, the Trade Preference Extension and Expansion Act would extend until December 2007, the current duty- free benefits provided under AGOA for apparel made in least developed African countries from third country fabric. If this benefit is not extended, it will be reduced in half on October 1 of this year, putting at risk the fledgling apparel industries that have provided vitally needed jobs and economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa.

The Act also would establish a simpler, value-added rule of origin for apparel and extend additional benefits to the textile and agricultural sectors under AGOA. These provisions are intended to enable the textile and apparel industries in sub-Saharan Africa to compete, given the current market reality in the region, which is that African textile mills cannot generally produce fabric in sufficient quantity and variety to meet the needs of African apparel producers or market demand. In addition, these provisions are intended to promote sustainable development in sub-Saharan Africa by promoting the diversification of the economies of countries in the region, particularly in the agricultural sector.

Representative McDermott, Representative Jefferson and I have put forward these ideas regarding the expansion of benefits for textile, apparel and agricultural products under AGOA as a way to start a discussion among other Members and stakeholders about the best way to promote sustainable economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa. We recognize that sub-Saharan Africa faces a wide variety of challenges and that there are potentially several different approaches that could be taken to promote the long-term health of the region. We look forward to working with our colleagues, interested parties in the private sector and civil society, and AGOA country governments to gather additional information about the best ways to address the challenges facing sub- Saharan Africa today, and we stand ready to work in Congress to ensure that the United States continues to play a leadership role in promoting economic development in the region.

The third key aspect of the Trade Preferences Extension and Expansion Act is a Sense of the Congress resolution calling on the President to make a determination as soon as possible regarding the extension of AGOA benefits to Liberia. The October 2005 elections in Liberia represented a key step in building peace in Liberia, following nearly two decades of civil war. Further, the election of Ms. Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as President of Liberia marks an important milestone for Africa, as President Johnson Sirleaf is the first elected female President in African history. President Johnson Sirleaf has laid out a multifaceted government agenda emphasizing security, public and private-sector led revitalization, good governance and anti-corruption efforts, regional and international cooperation, and political reconciliation and inclusiveness. President Sirleaf Johnson also has made the improvement of workers rights a high priority. In light of recent progress in Liberia and need to promote economic growth in the country, I believe it is important that the President extend AGOA benefits to Liberia as soon as possible.

I urge my colleagues to join Representatives McDermott, Jefferson and me in supporting the Trade Preference Extension and Expansion Act.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend Ellen Johnson- Sirleaf, the first elected female president of Liberia, for her straight-forward opinion that addresses jurisdictional control for prosecutorial legal action against Charles Taylor, the accused butcher and mutilator of thousands of Africans during one of the deadliest and bloodiest regimes of modern day Liberia and four other African states.

I enter into the Record an article from the New York Daily News entitled ``Africa's Leading Lady'' which reveals that African women are coming to the fore, trying to right all of the wrongs put and held in place by a succession of brutal and corrupt African men. Emphasis is placed on the atrocities carried out by Taylor and his followers and mentions how Taylor's greed has ``casually'' reduced Liberia to a pauper state.

I personally believe that Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, also known as the ``Iron Lady'' for her determination and tenacity, is the very best person to lead Liberia from its dark, tormented past into a bright and productive future.

[From the New York Daily News, Mar. 30, 2006]

Africa's Leading Lady: President's Gutsy Move vs. Warlord Teaches

Valuable Lesson

(By Stanley Crouch)

When Charles Taylor, the ex-Liberian thug president, was

arrested in Nigeria trying to escape the clutches of

international law, he was in a car with 110-pound bags of

embezzled money. Well, he was not traveling light.

Taylor had risen to power after seven years of civil war,

had won an election with 75% of the vote and had casually

reduced his country to a pauper state. He is accused of

starting conflicts in four other African states and

encouraging the chopping off of hands, feet, lips and

noses in Sierra Leone so that the terrified population

would not hinder the sale of stolen diamonds.

Taylor is one of those African butchers who could have

modeled himself on King Leopold II, the 19th-century Belgian

king. Leopold's colonial policies in the Congo resulted in

countless slaughters and many mutilations in the interest of

producing a profitable rubber crop.

Leopold became a pariah among European courts, but

naturally black-faced variations in Africa have wielded iron-

fisted power without compunction, worrying only about being

overthrown by some ambitious fellow monster in the military.

If given the time, these monsters have fled to another

African country, or to the Arab states, or even to the French

Riviera, where they have been able to cool out and impress

everyone with their pilfered riches.

As the Taylor case has proven, that trend in African

politics may be coming to a screeching halt. Ellen Johnson-

Sirleaf, the first elected female president in all of Africa,

had requested that Nigeria hand over Taylor to the

authorities in Sierra Leone, where he would have to face

charges of individual butchery, mutilation and crimes against

humanity.

African women are coming to the fore, trying to right all

of the wrongs put and held in place by a succession of brutal

and corrupt African men. African justice has been as porous

as Swiss cheese for more than 40 years and the African people

have suffered enormously while black Americans in or out of

elected office, in or out of the civil rights establishment,

have either ignored the horrors wrought upon the people or

have figured out ways to blame it all on others.

The women of Africa are more interested in dealing with the

facts than maintaining a cosmetic front of innocence. In a

number of places across Africa, we see women rooting out

corruption and conceiving laws that will bring them closer to

a standard of human equality.

Interestingly, Oprah Winfrey, who keeps turning up, has

been a model. Winfrey has inspired African women to rebel

against rape and kidnap, to defy misogynistic laws and to

face up to the ravages of AIDS.

It is both sobering and exciting to realize that American

women, having been taught much by the civil rights movement,

can inspire African women by example, and that elected or

appointed African officials can lead the way through the

ingrained ignorance, poverty and disease that block human

fulfillment. Such human force explains the mystery of African

optimism.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to introduce into the record an opinion piece by Eugene Robinson in the March 21, 2006, edition of The Washington Post entitled ``The Planet of Unreality.'' Mr. Robinson opens his article by the statement: ``This is not good.'' He is referring to the absolute detachment from reality evidenced by Vice President Cheney most recently on the Sunday March 19, 2006, program ``Face the Nation.''

On ``Face the Nation'' Vice President Cheney made the jaw-dropping statement that his earlier predictions about the war in Iraq including his infamous pre-invasion prediction that U.S. troops would be ``greeted as liberators'' and his more recent ``the insurgency is in its last throes'' were ``basically accurate and reflect reality.''

Let me second Mr. Robinson's statement: ``This is not good.'' I can find nothing good about the lies, the deliberate effort made by the Vice President to connect the 9/11 attack to the war in Iraq, and the continued rosy pictures of the Iraq War the Vice President continues to make; statements that are unconnected to facts in any way. ``This is not good.''

The Vice President is either deliberately restating his opinions long-ago proved to be lies, or perhaps more frightening, he is now entirely in the grip of pathological self-delusion.

I believe the Vice President is continuing his lies and deceit with no care as to whether what he says is true, harmful to our country or deepens even more the profound distrust of the Bush Administration the American people have expressed. The Vice President hurts Americans in a variety of ways. This country, this shining democracy is being hurt, possibly, permanently, by just being the second in command and unaccountable to anyone in an unprecedented way. The fact that President George Bush does not fire him, hold him accountable, or contradict his false statements, creates the assumption on the part of the rest of the world that the U.S. is a rogue state with a Cheney-Bush regime bent on imposing its un-American policies of pre-emptive war, torture of prisoners, disregard of its Constitution and the will of its people. The statements and conduct of Vice President Dick Cheney which can only be characterized as secretive, un-American and unconstitutional create the impression that the American people no longer care about their democracy. His conduct creates the impression that America is a dictatorship, or worse becoming a fascist state. The Vice President's intentional disregard of the Constitution, the Congress and the people of this great country sets the worst standard of conduct for the fledgling democracies the President states we must bring to every country in the world.

Mr. Cheney's statements so contrary to the facts are far worse than merely confusing and dizzifying; they are damaging and unmindful of the best interests of this country. Mr. Cheney's reckless disregard for the truth is undermining the already low credibility and esteem in which our government is now held. When the Vice President undermines the credibility of our government he is also violating the Constitution of the United States which he is sworn to uphold.

It is no small thing for the Vice President of the United States to have the inglorious reputation of being the power behind the President's war conduct and treatment of prisoners, but to also be recognized as the American official who has most steadfastly insisted, contrary to the truth, that we went to war in Iraq because the attack of September 11, 2001 was carried out by terrorists trained, encouraged or given haven by Saddam Hussein.

I find the Vice President a source of deep embarrassment because of his persistent efforts on behalf of his agenda, his devotion to ``the ends justify the means'' mentality and his lack of acknowledgement of the deaths of 2,300 Americans, the wounding and maiming of 17,000 more and the tens of thousands of deaths and maiming of innocent Iraqi civilians.

It is clear to me that the Vice President should be removed from office if he does not have sufficient patriotism and good grace to resign for the good of the country. He is engaged in ``business as usual'' with no concern for how this ``business'' affects his country or the world.

[From the Washington Post, Mar. 21, 2006]

The Planet of Unreality

(By Eugene Robinson)

This is not good. The people running this country sound

convinced that reality is whatever they say it is. And if

they've actually strayed into the realm of genuine self-

delusion--if they actually believe the fantasies they're

spinning about the bloody mess they've made in Iraq over the

past three years--then things are even worse than I thought.

Here is reality: The Bush administration's handpicked

interim Iraqi prime minister, Ayad Allawi, told the BBC on

Sunday, ``We are losing each day an average of 50 to 60

people throughout the country, if not more. If this is not

civil war, then God knows what civil war is. Iraq is in the

middle of a crisis. Maybe we have not reached the point of no

return yet, but we are moving towards this point. . . . We

are in a terrible civil conflict now.''

Here is self-delusion: Dick Cheney went on ``Face the

Nation'' a few hours later and said he disagreed with

Allawi--who, by the way, is a tad closer to the action than

the quail-hunting veep. There's no civil war, Cheney

insisted. Move along, nothing to see here, pay no attention

to those suicide bombings and death-squad murders. As an

aside, Cheney insisted that his earlier forays into the

Twilight Zone--U.S. troops would be greeted as liberators,

the insurgency is in its ``last throes''--were ``basically

accurate and reflect reality.''

Maybe on his home planet.

Donald Rumsfeld, meanwhile, was busy on The Post's op-ed

page, abusing history. Leaving Iraq now, he wrote, ``would be

the modem equivalent of handing postwar Germany back to the

Nazis.'' The bizarre analogy was immediately disputed by

foreign policy sages Henry Kissinger (who noted that there

was ``no significant resistance movement'' in Germany after

World War II) and Zbigniew Brzezinski (who just called the

comparison ``absolutely crazy'').

George W. Bush, who speaks as if he has ascended to an even

higher plane of unreality, marked the third anniversary of

the invasion Sunday by touting a ``strategy that will lead to

victory in Iraq.'' I know that ``victory'' is a word that

focus groups love, but did anyone else hear an echo of

Richard Nixon's ``secret plan'' to end the war in Vietnam?

Does anyone else remember that there was no ``secret plan''?

It's reprehensible when our highest elected officials act

cynically, as I believe this administration has done--Bush,

Cheney, Rumsfeld and the rest knew the evidence for weapons

of mass destruction in Iraq was less than conclusive, but

they hyped it anyway to build support for an invasion they

were determined to launch. It's dangerous when our leaders

act cluelessly, and the Bush White House has done plenty of

that as well--experts who called for a much bigger invasion

force were silenced and shoved aside, assurances that Iraqi

oil revenue would defray U.S. costs turned out to be a sick

joke, and there was no effective plan to get the electricity

turned on, much less deal with thousands of insurgents.

But cynicism and cluelessness are one thing. Actually being

divorced from reality is another. Do Bush et al. really see

only the democratic process they have installed in Iraq and

not the bitter sectarian conflict that process has been

unable to quell? Do they realize that whatever happens,

there's not going to be a neat package, tied up with a bow,

labeled ``victory''--certainly in the 34 months (but who's

counting?) that the Bush administration has left in office?

Rumsfeld, I think, gets it. ``History is a bigger picture,

and it takes some time and perspective to measure

accurately,'' he wrote in his op-ed piece, the whole tone of

which reminded me of Fidel Castro's famous declaration as he

was being jailed after his first, failed attempt at

revolution: ``History will absolve me.'' Condoleezza Rice

seems to get it, too, telling Australians the other day that

``beyond my lifetime'' people would appreciate what the

administration had done for the Middle East.

But what about the two men at the top?

Cheney lamented this weekend that ``what's newsworthy is

the car bomb in Baghdad,'' and ``not all the work that went

on that day in 15 other provinces in terms of making progress

towards rebuilding Iraq.'' Yesterday Bush recounted a

successful anti-insurgent operation in one town, calling it a

good-news story that people wouldn't see in their newspapers

or on their television screens.

Fine, blaming the media is a time-honored tactic. I just

hope they're being cynical about it. I hope they don't really

believe the nonsense they're trying to sell.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate Jamaicans on the commencement of a new era. This week, Ms. Portia Simpson-Miller will be sworn in as the new Prime Minister of the great nation of Jamaica as she leads the People's National Party.

Simpson-Miller has been a passionate, longtime voice for the oppressed. Her career in politics has spanned three and a half decades most recently as vice president of the PNP since 1978 and president of the PNP Women's Movement since 1983. Her previous assignments also include several Cabinet portfolios--serving as a Minister of Labour, Welfare and Sport and a Minister of Local Government, Community Development and Sport. By serving her people diligently, she has earned the right to succeed Mr. P.J. Patterson, the island's longest serving Prime Minister.

Simpson-Miller is part of a new generation of leaders representing the vanguard of women succeeding in politics throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. Not only is her dedication to her people reflected in her experience and length of tenure serving in Jamaican politics, but also in the throngs of supporters who will rejoice in her inauguration. During her election, she was the people's candidate. Now she will become the people's Prime Minister--with Jamaicans both on the island and abroad, even in the great 15th Congressional District of New York hailing her victory.

Simpson-Miller is a Jamaican success story; an iconic figure who has become a metaphor for the hopes and aspirations of poor, underprivileged black people, particularly black women. She is a woman of faith, conviction and of the people--traits that will surely be needed to effectively address the problems of entrenched poverty and crime and enhance employment opportunities for youth.

Mr. Speaker, please join me in congratulating Prime Minister Designate Simpson-Miller in assuming her new position this week and in holding steadfast to her proven commitment to Jamaicans.

[From the CaribNews, Mar. 14, 2006]

Carib Woman--Jamaica's New Prime Minister-Designate

Born on December 12, 1945 at Wood Hall, St. Catherine Age,

Hon. Portia Simpson Miller was educated at St. Martin's High

School; Union Institute and University of Miami, Florida (BA

Public Administration); Jamaica Institute of Management/

University of California, Berkeley (certificate in Advanced

Management); and completed Harvard (Executive Program for

Leaders in Development at the John F. Kennedy School of

Government).

Simpson Miller was awarded an shonorary doctorate by Union

Institute and University for her `enduring efforts to improve

the quality of life for all Jamaican citizens regardless of

race, class, color or creed'. She is married to businessman,

Errald Miller, a former telecoms executive with Cable &

Wireless Jamaica; she enjoys reading, music, boxing and

horseback riding.

Her career in politics has spanned three and a half

decades; debuting as KSAC councilor in the early 1970s; then

Member of Parliament for South West St. Andrew since 1976;

vice president of the PNP since 1978; and president, PNP

Women's Movement since 1983.

Simpson Miller has consistently topped opinion polls as

Jamaica's most beloved political personality for many years

but has had to beat back detractors inside and outside her

party who claim she lacks the requisite intellectual and

social credits to lead the country.

Her career in government has included several Cabinet

portfolios. As Minister of Labor, Welfare and Sport, she

developed a new Overseas Recruitment Center, created the

National Insurance Fund, established a chair in Labor Studies

at the University of the West Indies, presided over long

periods of harmonious relations between employers, workers

and trade unions and established the National Council on the

Aged. As Minister of Tourism and Sport and Minister of Local

Government, Community Development and Sport, she has taken

steps to establish a sports medicine and treatment facility

for injured athletes. She also has had responsibility for the

Women's portfolio.

Hon. Portia Simpson Miller has undertaken international

assignments on local government for the Organization of

American States (OAS) and is chair of the Caribbean Forum of

Ministers Responsible for Decentralization, Local Government,

Community Development and Citizen Participation as well as

board member of the Commonwealth Local Government Forum.

Her campaign focused on themes of empowerment for the

marginalized, especially the poor, and uniting all classes to

tackle deep-rooted problems of crime and economic

underdevelopment.

Mr. Speaker, I rise again to strongly support the words spoken by the Prime Minister of Jamaica, the Honorable P.J. Patterson, in an effort to bring to light challenges facing the region and his proposals for what actions need to take place to secure a brighter future for the Caribbean nations. I would also like to enter into the Record the second portion of his speech delivered March 9 to the Protocolary Session of the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States on the theme of ``Caribbean Integration In Emerging Hemispheric Relations''.

Democracy, Security and Development

I am convinced that unless we focus in a meaningful way on

the intrinsic link between democracy, good governance and

international security on the one hand, and development on

the other, our goals for peace, stability and political and

economic security will always remain elusive. We must

therefore address the development agenda with the same energy

and commitment as we have sought to strengthen the democratic

agenda, giving each equal dedication, in order that the

benefits of democracy can be widely felt to improve the

quality of life for our peoples.

When Heads of Government of the Hemisphere met during the

4th Summit of the Americas in Mar del Plata, Argentina last

November, we jointly committed ourselves to the task of

Creating Jobs to Fight Poverty and Strengthen Democratic

Governance in the Hemisphere. Our Declaration, issued at the

end of the meeting, was a clarion call for sustained, long

term and equitable economic growth that creates jobs, reduces

poverty, eliminates hunger and raises the standard of living

for the most vulnerable sectors and social groups in our

diverse societies. We also stressed the need to expand trade,

as a means of boosting growth and our capacity to generate

more, higher quality, and better-paying jobs.

As small open economies, CARICOM countries are highly

dependent on trade as the primary driver of economic and

social growth, and by extension the stability and democracy

of the region.

In 1994, when we launched the Summit of the Americas

process, Jamaica and the rest of CARICOM readily put our

efforts and scarce human, financial and technical resources

into ensuring that our collective vision of prosperity in the

Americas would become a reality. Four years later, we

formally launched the FTAA negotiations, fully cognizant of

the contribution that economic integration and trade

liberalization in the Americas could make to create jobs,

fight poverty and strengthen democratic governance in our

Hemisphere.

It is with disappointment that on the eve of my departure

from office as Prime Minister of Jamaica and Chairman of the

Prime Ministerial Sub-Committee on External Negotiations of

CARICOM, the FTAA is faltering on the rock of political will.

CARICOM is fully committed to the goal and objectives of

the Summit of the Americas generally. If the FTAA has no

future, we must be realistic and begin to explore new

alternatives. Given the slow progress to date in the Doha

Development Round of multilateral negotiations, we need to

find a hemispheric impetus for advancing discussions on key

issues in the WTO.

For example, the Work Programme for Small Economies in the

DDA as well as the recent Aid For Trade initiative could

build on the initiatives and acceptance by Hemispheric Heads

at our Fourth Summit, that smaller economies should be

recognised as a special category of countries. Special and

differential treatment in favour of smaller economies have to

be an accepted fundamental principle of whatever negotiations

we pursue.

Our collective vision of growth, economic prosperity and

stability for the Hemisphere must not be confined to the

narrow territorial boundaries of the hemisphere. Let us

broaden the boundaries of our collaboration beyond the OAS

and the United Nations. It is high time for the Caribbean and

Latin American countries to pool our collective bargaining

resources in the WTO, where we also have common goals and

concerns.

Every effort must be made to bring Haiti into full

participating in the various trade negotiations in the

hemisphere and the WTO. In this case, there can be no

question about the need for special and differential

treatment and technical assistance.

Let me place on record the appreciation of CARICOM for the

contribution of OAS and CIDA to technical assistance and

capacity building. As we contemplate the multiple trade

agendas facing our region, there will be need for sustained

assistance to ensure our adjustment and implementation of

these new obligations.

How can we then ensure that actions taken at the

hemispheric level dovetail automatically into the regional

development agenda, the two processes working simultaneously

towards a united objective? I will return to my own thoughts

on this later in my presentation.

Integration--A Response to Globalisation

The emergence of various economic blocs across the globe is

not mere coincidence, but a natural progression towards

strengthening the ability of individual countries to use

their collectivity to face the new era of international

economic relations.

Smaller units operating on their own can no longer be

viable counterweights in this rapidly changing world. Based

on this recognition, we in this hemisphere have not shied

away from the inevitable and we see the integration movement

as our best response to the challenges we face. The

establishment of CARICOM, MERCOSUR, THE Andean Group et al,

are therefore regional ``lifelines'' cast upon the turbulent

waters of globalisation.

Let me share briefly with you, some of the challenges we

face in the Caribbean. We have been seriously affected by the

EU's stipulation as it relates to bananas and sugar.

In the case of the former, we have expressed the importance

of the higher tariff of Euro 275/t to ensure adequate

protection is in place for our farmers.

For sugar, the proposed cut of some 39% is a grave concern

for us, as is the proposed timetable for implementation over

a four-year period.

In 2004 damage from Hurricane Dennis totalled some

US$40million. The impact was much greater in 2005, with more

hurricanes affecting the agricultural and tourism sectors,

and even more horrible damage to our infrastructure.

Through these illustrations, which in some cases may be

magnified based on the country in the region you choose, I

proffer today, that our solutions for the various sub-regions

we represent and by extension, the hemisphere, cannot be

simple, unilateral or implemented overnight.

CARICOM formally launched the Single Market just over a

month ago and we hope to move towards the Single Economy by

2008, as we had envisaged in the Grand Anse Declaration of

1989 in Grenada.

We have, through the methodical, comprehensive and measured

approach, taken the necessary steps to ensure that our modus

operandi, carries with it the philosophy, that no country

will be left behind. For this reason, we in CARICOM have been

careful to elaborate plans for a Regional Development Fund to

assist in the adjustment period. We also fervently believe

that at the hemispheric level, no country should be left

behind.

Over the years and even now, we have put in place a number

of other institutional arrangements that seek to ensure a

structured operation through which we hope any future

transition can be seamless and effective. CARICOM Heads

entertain no misconceptions of the challenges we face. If we

are to effectively deliver on the objectives in our revised

Treaty of Chaguaramas, we must take some bold steps and

remain unswerving in the commitment to achieve the targets.

The moment has arrived for us to now seek solid bipartisan

commitment to national and regional goals, which will then

translate into full integration into other institutional

arrangements. The strength of governance will only be

enhanced when we are able to replace the retracing of steps

by different administrations, with a brisk walk forward

towards our common goals.

Education must be an engine driving growth and pushing

development. The technology-driven world we live in today

demands knowledge, skills, research and solutions, and a

thirst for answers by our youth. We must facilitate that

process at all levels to ensure that progression from one

level to the other, from one discipline to the next, takes

place consistently. If we are to achieve these objectives as

outlined in the Millennium Development Goals, the Charters of

the Organization and the Strategic Plan, we must act now on

this other pillar of development.

Justice and the rule of law in all its forms, at all

levels, must exist without compromise or prejudice. We have

to exercise the will to maintain law and order, not merely

through the imposition of penalties but through the

encouragement of a sense of just, law-abiding and ordered

behaviour by all our citizens. Too much of our resources are

being spent on managing conflict and security and therefore

preventing us from providing more, as opposed to securing

less, as we do now.

Sometimes when we seek to solve larger problems, such as

the challenges to globalisation, we over-think and over-

analyse them and by-pass the adherence to the fundamentals.

We must always be mindful of the basic elements, the smallest

cogs in the wheels, the importance of measurements.

Let me now address an issue which is very close to my

heart. The conduct of international and institutional

relations can only be improved when we allow principle,

integrity, honour and justice to prevail. The people we lead

and the interests we serve are looking to us to provide

enlightened and inspired leadership. That expectation becomes

magnified with every decision we are called upon to take,

because we are more interdependent than we have ever been

before.

Security, health and environment issues remind us daily of

our own vulnerability as individuals and countries and behove

us to be mindful of these concerns at all levels. The recent

outrage in the Muslim world recalls for us the far-reaching

effect of our actions and by extension our own

intolerances. We must guard against these inclinations.

Inclusion and inclusiveness must be one of the principles

which we use to dovetail our own actions and create what I

would call concentric circles of goodwill. The old adage

holds true today that ``we will reap what we sow''. Let us be

mindful of the seeds we put down today, to avoid reaping

bitter fruits in the future.

Sixty years after its creation, the OAS is summoned to face

bold new challenges which confront our entire Hemisphere. In

order to adequately respond, the modality by which it

operates must change. It must avoid sterile debate and become

an instrument of positive change.

This requires that it become an effective Institution for

decision-making at the highest political and economic levels.

This must be your quest for the decade ahead.

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

It has indeed been a pleasure for me to address you today;

to share my thoughts and to issue a charge and a challenge to

you all. As life and experience have taught me, the process

of learning never ends. As we learn we must impart, for in

the words of Khalil Gibran--``to withhold is to die''. We

have a tremendous responsibility to make the world safer and

better, for those who have placed their confidence in us. We

have many opportunities to do so everyday by our own conduct

and leadership. Let us not deny ourselves a Hemisphere of

social justice where peace, prosperity and harmony will

prevail.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the significance of the Harriet Tubman Spirit Awards, created to honor women of New York State who have perpetuated Tubman's legacy and her humanitarian accomplishments and to praise the 15 women chosen to be recipients of such a prestigious honor. Harriet Ross Tubman was a great liberator who was a monument to courage and determination in the fight for freedom and human rights for slaves in bondage.

Harriet Tubman was called the ``Moses'' of her people. She was born on a plantation in Maryland, in or around 1820, and escaped from slavery in 1849. Upon gaining her freedom, Harriet Tubman settled in Philadelphia where she met William Still, the Philadelphia ``Stationmaster'' of the ``Underground Railroad.'' In 1850, Harriet Tubman became a ``conductor'' on the Underground Railroad and eventually became the most influential of all the ``conductors'' by returning to the South 19 times through the Underground Railroad, freeing 300 slaves.

In the mid-1850's, Harriet Tubman made the acquaintance of United States Senator, Secretary of State and former New York State Governor William H. Seward and his wife, Frances, in Auburn, New York. In 1857, the Sewards provided a home for Harriet Tubman in Auburn, which she later purchased and used as new headquarters for the Underground Railroad. Since 1995, New York State has assisted with efforts to recognize Harriet Tubman's legacy. In 1999, the State Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation (OPRHP) helped to document and list Tubman's historic brick home, her church and her gravesite in the Fort Hill Cemetery to the State and National Registers of Historic Places.

In February 2001, Governor Pataki announced the creation of a $1.4 million Underground Railroad Heritage Trail Grant Program to enhance heritage tourism and support site improvements at historic sites and interpretive centers commemorating the Underground Railroad across New York State. In addition, the Governor committed more than $280,000 in Bond Act funds to restore Harriet Tubman's home in Auburn. An additional $100,000 was provided in 2002 to help restore the Harriet Tubman Memorial African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church, also in Auburn, New York.

In 2003, Governor George E. Pataki proclaimed March 10th as ``Harriet Tubman Day''. He then officially signed into law a bill designating the day as a day of commemoration in New York State for the life and heroic contributions of Harriet Ross Tubman. Governor Pataki chose March 10th because it is the day Harriet Tubman died in 1913 at the age of 93. As part of the State's tribute, the second annual New York State Governor's Harriet Tubman Spirit Awards were presented to 15 women, whose accomplishments strongly embraced the spirit of Harriet Tubman,

The 15 honorees have shown through their tireless efforts significant contributions to the culture and well being of New York and have paved the way for future leaders in the ongoing fight for human rights. All of these women, like Harriet Tubman, possess a pioneering spirit of excellence.

The 2006 Harriet Tubman Spirit Award recipients were: Zenaida Chape', NYC Humanitarian and Community Advocate; Sarah Curry-Cobb, Pioneer and Civil Rights Advocate from Albany: Dr. Joan O. Dawson, NYC Educator and Youth Advocate; Patricia A. Devine, Youth Advocate from Albany; Maria Ginter, Diversity and Community Advocate from Albany; Mona Golub, Pioneer and Cultural Arts Advocate from Schenectady; Alvania Hill, Educator from Albany; Sharon Jordan Holley, Educator and Historian from Buffalo; Reverend Carolyn Peterson-Vaccaro, Women and Family Advocate from Albany; Frances Ethel Powell Pratt, Civil Rights Advocate from Nyack; Ruth Russell, Health and Community Advocate from Rensselaer; Dr. Cecilia Sanz, Children and Family Advocate from Albany; Rose Stuart, Pioneer and Family Advocate from Albany; Meilin Tan, NYC Humanitarian and Entrepreneur and Benita Zahn, Health and Media Advocate from Albany.

Mr. Speaker, please join me in recognizing this stellar award and the very deserving recipients during the 2nd anniversary month of the New York State Governor's Harriet Tubman Spirit Awards.

Madam Speaker, I offer a motion to instruct.

Madam Speaker, it is of great importance that we undertake changes to the tax law with a real understanding of the current budget crisis facing our Nation.

It is simply irresponsible to contemplate tax cuts that are skewed to the very richest in our country when Americans are facing the largest deficit we have ever seen.

The Congressional Budget Office projects a Federal deficit of approximately $337 billion for this fiscal year alone. That number does not reflect the approximately $181 billion that has been borrowed from the Social Security trust funds to pay for government programs.

Unmasked, the true deficit, counting what is being pulled out of the trust funds, is well over half a trillion dollars for this year alone. The administration has cited the large deficit as an excuse for massive reductions in education and health programs, and that is for the Nation's least well-off.

Pursuing additional tax breaks for the super-wealthy would further jeopardize the remaining safety net for children, the disabled, and other vulnerable individuals in the future.

Just 2 weeks ago, Republicans in Congress voted to increase the Nation's public debt limit again. Where did the money go? One need only connect the dots to see where the Republicans' priorities lie.

Madam Speaker, this administration and congressional leaders have hit bottom. It is irresponsible and it is immoral to direct current deficit spending to tax cuts that disproportionately benefit the wealthiest 1 percent of the country; yet this is the trajectory that has been pursued by many of the Republican conferees.

Further, these Republican conferees would be willing to mortgage the cost of this gift to the wealthiest taxpayers on the back of every man, woman and child in this country, and it is evident that most of the Republicans have these misplaced priorities.

Beyond the sheer irresponsibility of enacting these skewed tax cuts, the Republican leadership has underscored its stubborn and steadfast commitment to cutting taxes on investment income and handing the bill to middle-class families that are more and more falling prey to the growing reach of the alternative minimum tax.

Madam Speaker, I think it is very important that we take stock in what is going on here and what the ramifications are of any law coming out of this conference. I urge my colleagues on the other side of the aisle to return to our values and return to a commitment to fiscal responsibility.

Madam Speaker, my motion today would instruct the conferees on the tax cut reconciliation bill to focus the relief offered in the conference agreement on helping almost 17 million Americans to avoid painful and cumbersome tax increases by extending relief from the sprawling reach of the AMT. Without this relief, American families could see an increase in taxes as large as $3,640. This relief is certainly a priority that this Congress can and should not ignore.

My motion would also instruct the conferees to exclude from the conference report provisions to extend the tax cuts on the capital gain and dividend incomes in 2009 and 2010. These reduced rates do not expire for another 2 years. There is plenty of time to extend those benefits in the future if it is determined to be appropriate and affordable.

It seems misguided at the very least to allow the extension of this very skewed tax cut to take priority over tax relief that is vital to 17 million Americans.

And finally, my motion instructs conferees to not increase the burdens on our children and grandchildren in the future by insisting on a conference report that does not increase budget deficit, and does not decrease the public debt limit.

The increase passed 2 weeks ago was the fourth such increase in the public debt limit during the Bush administration. The President's own budget envisions the debt rising to $11.5 trillion by 2011.

For too long misguided Republican policies have funded a series of lopsided tax cuts for the wealthiest of Americans by jacking up the debt, a burden that our children and grandchildren must bear. It is simply unfair to mortgage these policies on the backs of future taxpayers.

Even in normal times the Republican fiscal policies would be shocking, but these are not normal times. We are facing a war in Iraq. We have enormous deficits. We have done nothing to ensure the solvency of Social Security and Medicare programs.

Madam Speaker, I urge Members to support my motion to instruct the conferees that perhaps we can work together to get the wheels back on this fiscal wagon.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to transfer the balance of my time to the gentleman from California (Mr. Becerra), a member of the Ways and Means Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce in to the Record my sincerest congratulations and best wishes for Portia Simpson Miller, Jamaica's newly-installed President of the People's National Party and newly-elected Prime Minister, on her imminent Inauguration on March 30, 2006.

Celebrants of Women's History Month in Jamaica and elsewhere had much to rejoice about as Simpson Miller made history on February 25th, when she was elected the first woman president of the 68-year old People's National Party (PNP). With this, the stage was set for more history: she will become the first woman Prime Minister of the great nation of Jamaica.

Simpson Miller knows full well the numerous challenges in store as she embarks on this political journey as Prime Minister. She is no stranger to the political arena--where partisan and national expectations are high--and realizes that there is much to be done to address the many problems of the Jamaican society. The much anticipated question about the direction in which Simpson Miller intends to take the country will begin to unfold in a couple of days when she is sworn in as Prime Minister and appoints her Cabinet to implement her priorities.

Yesterday, in Ocho Rios, St. Ann Jamaica, Simpson Miller shed a single tear as she accepted the People's National Party's symbolic baton of leadership from P.J. Patterson, the outgoing Prime Minister. Simpson Miller stressed the need for unity, and urged the party to have its election machinery oiled and ready by June this year. Simpson Miller praised Patterson, who has led the party for 14 years, for helping her political career, and she paid tribute to their friendship even when they competed against each other for the presidency fourteen years ago.

In her acceptance speech yesterday before ruling party's National Executive Council (NEC) she calmly stated ``I come to you today with no malice, no malice whatsoever, because I come today as your party leader. I am determined to lead a united party. I am determined to build bridges that will lead to unity of purpose and accomplishment of our mission. I am determined to devote my energy and time to the healing process because it is only in unity that we can have strength, and it is only in strength that we can be assured of the success of our programs and victory for the fifth term''.

Mr. Speaker, with change come challenges. There are always skeptics and detractors lurking on the horizon waiting to pounce at the first signs of failure. I am confident that Portia Simpson Miller will rise to lead the great Jamaican nation into the future with optimism and hope.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to call upon the United States Government to assist the islands of the Caribbean with preparation for the impending 2006 hurricane season and to enter in the Record an editorial from the New York CaribNews entitled ``Prepare Now Don't Wait for a Hurricane Strike'' which addresses the need to take timely action now before a natural disaster occurs.

The impact and wreckage still linger in Grenada from 2004 and 2005. In the aftermath of Hurricanes Ivan and Emily we realized that decades of progress was wiped away and insurmountable damage was done to 90 per cent of the country's housing stock and watersheds. Similar devastation exists throughout the islands of the Caribbean who received direct force of the 2004 and 2005 hurricanes. It is crucial that steps be taken to prepare for these tragedies long before they occur. We must have programs in place to respond immediately and not wait until the disaster strikes.

With 2006 Hurricane Season Around The Corner, A Loud Caribbean Appeal:

Prepare Now Don't Wait for a Hurricane Strike

March 21, 2006.--Among Caribbean leaders, Dr. Keith

Mitchell, Grenada's Prime Minister, is undoubtedly the best

person, not only to talk about the importance of preparing a

country's response system before a natural disaster occurs.

He is also well qualified to be the region's spokesman on

rebuilding a nation after devastation caused by a hurricane.

That's because of the wreckage Hurricanes Ivan and Emily

left behind in 2004 and last year in Grenada. In a matter of

hours Ivan wiped out decades of progress in the Eastern

Caribbean state, destroyed the productive base of the

economy, took at least a dozen lives and damaged 90 per cent

of the country's housing stock, forested areas, watershed and

mangroves. In less than a year Emily came along and

unfortunately piled on damage on top of damage and put a halt

to much of the rebuilding effort after Ivan.

That put Dr. Mitchell and his people in the unenviable

position of starting from scratch to rebuild a beautiful

country.

Small wonder, then, that when the United Nations was about

to launch its international Central Emergency Response Fund

last week in New York, the Grenada leader was invited to join

UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, at the head table to

speak to delegates from around the world about the value

of being well prepared in case of a natural disaster and

the need for an effective response by the international

community to appeals for help.

A key task was to appeal for financial and technical

assistance for victims of natural disasters.

Speaking on behalf of Caricom and addressing the high level

meeting as a ``survivor of an unprecedented catastrophe'' the

Prime Minister presented a sensible case for small states.

``The Caribbean is among the regions in the world most

vulnerable to natural disasters,'' he said. ``The survival of

our economies is dependent on the frequency and magnitude of

these events.''

Afterwards, he told us at Carib News that he was worried

and nervous about the upcoming hurricane season, which begins

in June. His concern for the Caribbean region as a whole, not

simply Grenada, wasn't misplaced.

After all, Ivan left a trail of devastation in Jamaica,

Haiti, St. Vincent and other islands. The loss of life in

Haiti was mind-boggling and tragic. Other hurricanes also

affected the Bahamas and the U.S. Last year, Katrina took its

lethal high winds and heavy rains to the Gulf Coast of the

United States, especially New Orleans and the pitiful sight

of tens of thousands of homeless persons, at least 1,000

killed and the Big Easy brought to its knees wouldn't be

erased from the memory banks of Americans for decades to

come. Add the inept response of the Federal Emergency

Management Agency, FEMA, and the Bush White House to the

nightmare and it would become clear why rich and poor

countries alike should be petrified about the 2006 hurricane

season.

But hurricanes aren't the only cause for despair. Monstrous

floods hit Guyana in late 2004 from which it hasn't fully

recovered. Some estimates by the Economic Commission for

Latin America and the Caribbean, ECLAC, put the damage in

Guyana to approximately 60 percent of its gross domestic

product. The floods affected almost two-thirds of the 800,000

plus persons who live there.

Clearly, nations and territories in the region should have

learned some important lessons from these tragedies. The

first was that they should be prepared for the tragedy long

before it occurs. Next, they must have programs in place to

respond immediately after the all clear has been given. That

was why it was so distressing to hear both Dr. Mitchell and

Jeremy Collymore, Coordinator of the Caribbean Emergency

Response Agency, CEDERA, express regret that some countries

seem to be waiting until the next calamity strikes in order

to wake up. That would add to the suffering.

In his speech to the diplomats and other representatives in

New York, Dr. Mitchell expressed the Caribbean's

disappointment at the ``poor response'' to the region's

appeals for assistance in the wake of the natural disasters.

``In both cases only a small percentage of the pledges were

fulfilled,'' he said. That's an international scandal, a

crying shame. Here were countries and institutions making

pledges, lifting people's hopes but failing to live up to

their word in times of need and suffering.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to enter into the Record the first part of an eloquent speech made by the Prime Minister of Jamaica, the Honorable P.J. Patterson, March 9 to the Protocolary Session of the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States on the theme of ``Caribbean Integration In Emerging Hemispheric Relations''.

The Caribbean region is a breathtaking area. The rich people, culture and natural resources make it a jewel of the global community. But as Mr. Patterson outlines in his remarks, more must be done to promote the countries' political and social prosperity. He warns, ``Unless we focus in a meaningful way on the intrinsic link between democracy, good governance and international security on the one hand, and development on the other, our goals for peace, stability and political and economic security will always remain elusive.'' Patterson continues, ``We must therefore address the development agenda with the same energy and commitment as we have sought to strengthen the democratic agenda, giving each equal dedication, in order that the benefits of democracy can be widely felt to improve the quality of life for our peoples.''

One key to further development, according to Patterson, is integration. ``Smaller units operating on their own can no longer be viable counterweights in this rapidly changing world,'' maintains Patterson. The plight of the people of the Caribbean can only be enhanced through greater national and international commitment in addition to empowerment among national leaders. Not only must Caribbean leaders, ``broaden the boundaries of our collaboration beyond the OAS and the United Nations,'' and look towards the World Trade Organization, as Patterson recommends, but a greater commitment must be made to principles such as education, justice and the rule of law, inclusion, and integrity in order to make the region stronger.

Mr. Speaker, I rise again to strongly support the words spoken by Mr. Patterson in an effort to bring to light challenges facing the region and his proposals for what actions need to take place to secure a brighter future for the Caribbean nations.

Caribbean Integration in Emerging Hemispheric Relations

Introduction

It was indeed with great pleasure that I accepted the

invitation extended by the distinguished Secretary General to

address this august body. I consider it a distinct honour to

be doing so in this prestigious Hall of the Americas. Most

importantly, the opportunity afforded me at this time, takes

on added significance as it comes at the juncture when I am

about to take formal leave from the ``field'' of active

politics. In a few weeks, my involvement in regional and

hemispheric developments henceforth will be from the vantage

point of the spectator's stands.

As one who has participated in these two processes from

very early in my political career, I have been asked to share

a few thoughts on my vision for the Caribbean and the

Americas, bearing in mind the current global realities and

our shared commitment towards advancing the political,

economic and social development of this hemisphere.

As such, I propose to focus on the nexus between

developments in the regional integration process,

particularly within CARICOM, and developments taking place at

the hemispheric level. How do I see these two processes

coalescing to bring about a partnership that will meet the

needs of every member state, regardless of their size or

wealth and one that will improve the quality of life for our

peoples, our most important assets?

The International Scenario

In order to fully appreciate where our countries are going,

we must first understand the milieu in which they are

operating. This will affect the vision we all have for a

hemisphere in which we can enjoy peace, stability and

prosperity on a sustained basis.

Some sixty years ago when the OAS was created, no one would

have thought that we would have experienced such rapid and

radical shifts in the international environment, propelled by

marked transformations in the global economy. These, together

with the emergence of new threats to international peace and

security, now challenge the very survival of many of our

countries.

As the twin forces of globalisation and liberalization have

become more pronounced, new demands were thrust upon the

countries of the hemisphere forcing, in varying degrees,

modifications to our national objectives and priorities.

Increased vulnerabilities to the vagaries of these two

phenomena have led to the abandonment of traditional economic

policies and the adoption of new models of economic

development as we seek to secure a greater space in the world

economy and a more participatory role in international

economic relations.

There is no doubt that both globalisation and

liberalization, especially in the last decade, have been the

driving force behind the integration of the global economy.

Despite the potential benefits of this process, we have to

acknowledge that the long-term survival of many of our

countries continues to require adjustment to the new

realities of an international environment which has become

increasingly hostile and unpredictable.

Notwithstanding improvements in global economic prospects

and the potential benefits to be derived there from, we have

to admit that inequities still remain, putting a number of

countries at economic risk, including those in Latin America

and the Caribbean.

The quest for sustainable growth, particularly for small

economies, has become even more elusive as traditional

support mechanisms are gradually eroded. There continues to

be increased pressure to move more rapidly to reciprocal

trade rules as we bear the brunt of rising energy prices and

the weakness in non-oil commodity prices.

All of these are occurring simultaneously, as investors

become increasingly risk averse

and restrict capital flows, and as the fiscal positions of

our economies weaken and debt increases.

While we welcome international commitments to the Global

Partnership for Development as outlined in the Millennium

Declaration, Monterrey Consensus, and Johannesburg Plan of

Implementation, we are discouraged by the limited progress to

date. This means that priority projects which form the core

of our development agenda such as poverty eradication and

improvements in health and education will continue to lag in

implementation. We remain hopeful but by no means certain,

that the UN General Assembly's Outcome Document of last

September will spur renewed action with a greater degree of

political will.

If this scenario were not daunting enough, emerging

security concerns have brought added uncertainties resulting

in new changes in objectives and priorities, causing even

further delays in implementing national agendas, as we seek

to be ``reliable partners'' in implementing international

security objectives.

Against this backdrop, the current international situation

poses a number of challenges to regional integration,

notwithstanding the fact that the popularity of regionalism

evolved from this very same process in the early 1970s as an

effective response to the onset of globalisation.

The Hemisphere's Challenge

In this present scenario, how do we reduce our

vulnerability to external shocks, achieve sustainable

development, strengthen governability, promote democracy and

at the same time, comply with our international, regional and

hemispheric obligations?

Jamaica and indeed CARICOM, has always maintained that

there is an urgent need to make this process of global

economic governance and integration more inclusive and more

beneficial to the interests of developing countries.

By so doing, there would be greater prospects for tangible

signs of development and strengthening democracy in our

countries and societies around the world.

We are reminded everyday of the sense of unease and

restlessness which emerges when the people we lead are not

given meaningful opportunities for self-expression and self-

actualisation. We regard these as fundamental elements of

democracy and civil society. In order to meet the challenges

which militate against peace and stability, we must provide a

truly enabling environment.

The Hemispheric Agenda

It is not surprising, therefore, that we in this hemisphere

share a wide range of similar problems and concerns. Our

regional and hemispheric agendas are inextricably linked and

have therefore become inseparable. This is reflected in both

our interdependence and the elements of globalisation that

today characterizes international relations and which

ultimately leads to a myriad of interlocking issues. Within

this context, both the OAS and our respective regional

integration movements have a salient role to play.

From its creation in 1948, the OAS was envisaged as the

primary political forum in the hemisphere to maintain peace

and security, to promote and consolidate democracy and

advance cooperation for integral development. The OAS has

undoubtedly played a pivotal role in the settlement of

disputes and in bringing solutions to various political

crises within the hemisphere as we have seen through the

important role it has played in dealing with the political

situation in Haiti. We welcome and applaud the return of

President Rene Preval as the duly elected Leader of Haiti.

Today, we are confronted by new threats and challenges

which our Governments are simultaneously obliged to address

and surmount. The hemispheric agenda has expanded

significantly over the years to address issues such as

corruption, the fight against drug abuse and drug

trafficking, transnational organized crime, terrorism, money

laundering, children's issues, women's affairs and the

protection of human rights.

The pursuit of these programmes at the level of the OAS,

complements the important initiatives on which we have all

embarked at the national and multilateral leve1, as we seek

not only to come to grips with, but also to overcome these

problems. The multidimensional nature of many of these issues

requires a comprehensive, cooperative approach.

Today, the OAS has also assumed additional responsibilities

for the implementation of the mandates of the Summit of the

Americas, aimed at creating prosperity through economic

integration and trade, eradicating poverty and discrimination

and protecting the natural environment. Moreover, within this

process, we have adopted a shared vision to consolidate

democracy and security in the hemisphere, and to create

conditions to advance prosperity, a multitude of items for an

ever-increasing agenda.

The adoption of other mechanisms and instruments, including

the Inter-American Democratic Charter, have served to

concretize our adherence to the tenets and principles of the

democratic agenda. These commitments have brought tremendous

impetus to what we are doing at the regional level. Our

citizens at all levels have become involved in every aspect

of governance; more women are running for political office

and being appointed to high positions and I can certainly

attest to that! An increasing number of civic organizations

are actively monitoring transparency and accountability; the

exercise of the undeniable freedom of expression and of the

press is widely enjoyed; and access to information

legislation has been passed in many countries, including my

own.

While the foregoing is laudable, however, are we satisfied

that in this dynamic process of globalization, the OAS is

fulfilling the economic development aspect of its mandate?

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the contributions of my friend and colleague, Congressman Sherwood (Sherry) Boehlert. After 24 years in Congress, Congressman Boehlert who has served this House with dignity and a great deal of integrity has decided that ``it's time.''

First elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1982, Congressman Boehlert represents the 24th District of New York, and he does so with steadfast leadership, commitment, and simply put, a love for the job.

As he rose in seniority and became chairman of the House Science Committee in 2001, Boehlert worked to further economic development for his district and the State of New York, as well as to push for an environmental agenda that would benefit not only his constituents, but the nation as a whole.

While we are losing one of the most dynamic and passionate Members of this great body, the good people of central New York, are losing a man who fought and worked tirelessly on their behalf. From his efforts to secure money for transportation projects to supporting the agenda of the National Science Foundation, Sherry Boehlert was going to do what it took and what was best for those who elected him into office.

It has been a privilege to serve with my friend in the House and to work side by side with him on matters concerning the New York State Congressional Delegation.

Mr. Speaker, I submit to the Congressional Record, an article by E.J. Dionne, Jr. which speaks to the retirement of our much-respected and admired Member, Sherry Boehlert.

[From the Washington Post, Mar. 21, 2006]

The GOP's Shrinking Middle

(By E. J. Dionne Jr.)

Members of Congress retire all the time, but some

retirements are leading indicators of the direction of our

politics. Rep. Sherwood Boehlert's announcement last week to

call it quits matters, and in a depressing way.

The affable 69-year-old New York Republican is one of the

last of a breed: a liberal Republican, though he calls

himself a ``moderate'' and has the record to prove it.

Boehlert's departure does not leave the House bereft of

liberal Republicans--Rep. Jim Leach of Iowa is more liberal

than Boehlert. But Leach, alas, is an outlier. The spotted

owl is in good shape compared with liberal Republicans.

Boehlert chose to retire in the year when National Journal,

the political world's answer to Sports Illustrated, featured

him as the ultimate ``Down the Middle'' guy. In its Feb. 25

issue, the magazine published its annual ratings, which

showed that Boehlert's votes were more liberal than those of

52.2 percent of House members and more conservative than 47.8

percent. Boehlert's district includes the Baseball Hall of

Fame in Cooperstown, and it's hard to move the ball more to

the middle of the plate than he does.

It's been downhill for his brand of Republicanism from the

moment he set foot in Washington as a congressional staffer

in 1964. That's the year Barry Goldwater won the Republican

presidential nomination and the great flight of the

Republican liberals began.

After Goldwater's landslide defeat, two Republican

progressives who later became conservatives, George Gilder

and Bruce Chapman, wrote a brilliant book called ``The Party

That Lost Its Head,'' detailing how and why the party's

liberal wing responded so anemically to the conservative

challenge. But it was too late. The party of Abraham Lincoln

and Theodore Roosevelt was destined to become an annex of the

conservative movement.

Boehlert has always been unabashed in embracing his liberal

roots. Over breakfast on a sunny summer morning in

Cooperstown five years ago, Boehlert embraced two of the most

progressive politicians of his lifetime. ``People say to me:

`Why are you the kind of Republican you are?' Because in my

formative political years, when I was coming up in New York,

my governor was Nelson A. Rockefeller and my senator was

Jacob K. Javits.''

Why does the decline and fall of liberal Republicanism

matter? After all, rationalizing the political system into a

more conservative GOP and a more-or-less liberal Democratic

Party makes the alternatives clearer to voters, who are

offered, in Goldwater's famous phrase, ``a choice, not an

echo.''

But it turns out that a Republican Party dominated by

conservatives is no more coherent than the party that left

room for progressives. The huge budget deficit is

conservatism's Waterloo, testimony to its political failure.

The conservatives love to cut taxes but can't square their

lust for tax reduction with plausible spending cuts. Oh, yes,

a group of House conservatives has a paper plan involving

deep program cuts, but other conservatives know that these

cuts will not pass, and shouldn't.

Paradoxically, because the liberal Republicans didn't

pretend to hate government, they were better at fiscal

responsibility. They were willing to match their desired

spending levels with the taxes to pay for them. It didn't

make for exciting, to-the-barricades politics. It merely

produced good government.

Boehlert, being an optimist by nature, was always ready to

declare that the ``moderates' moment'' had finally arrived.

Last November, after I had written a column taking some

moderate Republicans to task for backing the outrageous

budget bill that passed under the cover of darkness at 1:30

a.m., there was Boehlert on the phone insisting that he and

fellow moderate Mike Castle (R-Del.) had wrung some important

concessions out of the House leadership. Maybe so, I replied,

but I had a higher opinion of moderate Republicans and

expected more of them than that lousy budget bill.

The problem may be that Boehlert and Castle did get as much

as they could, given the numerical weakness of their variety

of Republicanism, but that's not good enough. I suspect

Boehlert knows this. Absent a robust progressive wing,

congressional Republicans will continue to produce fiscally

incoherent government. Democrats now have the task of

representing their own brand of politics, and that of

progressive Republicans, too.

I'll miss Boehlert and his optimistic moderation. Our

politics worked better when a sufficiently large band of

Republican moderates and liberals could take the edge off

polarization and orient government toward problem-solving.

But the liberal Republicans are gone. We have to deal with

the GOP we have, not the GOP we wish still existed.