Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize Grenada's 32 years of independence and to enter into the Record an article published by Caribnews chronicling historic challenges faced by the country. I congratulate Grenadians in their native…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize Grenada's 32 years of independence and to enter into the Record an article published by Caribnews chronicling historic challenges faced by the country. I congratulate Grenadians in their native country, the United States and abroad on their perseverance to celebrate how far their great nation has come. Thirty-two years ago, on a momentous February 7, the beautiful country of Grenada achieved its independence from Great Britain.
Since its independence, Grenada--comprised of the islands of Grenada, Carriacou and Petit Martihas--has continued to flourish as a nation. As the first of the Windward and Leeward islands to declare its independence, Grenada obtained its autonomy under the Grenada United Labour Party government of late Prime Minister Sir Eric Matthew Gairy. Since the early days of independence, Grenada has struggled to find its voice. Despite violent power struggles and a U.S.-led invasion, the people of Grenada have overcome strife in order to forge ahead with their parliamentary democracy.
Today, Grenada stands as a spectacular island with lush mountains, crystal waterfalls, golden beaches and fragrant spice trees that give the island its epithet ``Isle of Spice''. It is also a vital trade partner, with significant global exports such as nutmeg, mace, cocoa, bananas, vegetables, and fish. But most importantly what is treasured most by Americans is not Grenada's landscape or exports but the Grenadians, who we regard with much esteem as our friends.
Thirty-two years ago this month, Grenada did not only put into motion independence, but national development and progress as well. Mr. Speaker, please join me in wishing Grenada continued political and social advancement on this very special day marking their 32nd anniversary of self-rule.
[From the Caribnews, Feb. 7, 2006]
Grenada Will Rise Again
(By Michael D. Roberts)
For the Caribbean island nation of Grenada, Carriacou and
Petite Martinique the devastation wrought by two powerful
hurricanes has turned back what progress was being made under
the Keith Mitchell Administration. And the undulating nature
of activities of national development has also been a major
challenge even before Hurricanes Ivan and Emily.
It has been like constantly taking three steps forward and
one backwards in an eerie dance led by the caprices of the
international global market and the negative effects of run-
away capitalism. Indeed, the much touted benefits of market
globalization have served up its own peculiar and erratic
brand of progress now and stagnation then. Grenada, Carriacou
and Petite Martinique now finds itself in serious economic
straights brought on by brutal and devastating ``acts of
God.''
Indeed, these past 32 years have been challenging ones for
the 120 square mile tri-island Caribbean nation. And as the
nation of some 90,000 people plunge into the uncertainties of
a brand new and rapidly redefined world stage, new challenges
lie ahead in less than ideal socio-economic circumstances.
For one thing the jury is still out on the gains and
achievements of the Grenadian economy, since 1984, as it
relates to the improvement of the quality of life of all the
people. If the mainspring of Grenadian progress, since its
independence from Britain on February 7, 1974, is the
country's command over the forces of production, then its
history to date is one of sporadic and uneven development
mixed with episodes of retrogression.
From the dominance of British-imposed slavery and
colonialism Grenada painfully moved towards full political
independence during the militant epoch of the 1960s and
1970s. Granted independence under less than favorable
conditions the country took charge of its own destiny
replacing the colonial master with local elected officials
whose experience in governance was learned from and at
institutions set up by their former masters. In this context
therefore Grenadian structural forms of today--government,
parliament and judiciary--were and are a caricature of
British Westminster democracy that has failed to adequately
provide for institutions and instruments of equality within
the society.
It was these spawned social, political and economic
disparities that let to the rise and eventual fall of the
regime of Sir Eric Matthew Gairy [from 1950 to 1979] and the
subsequent triumph--and demise--of the Grenada Revolution
(1979-1983). During the 29-year Gairy Regime, Grenada
exhibited limited growth and development, with perhaps the
sole measure of its progress being the new-found political
consciousness of a hitherto cowed and oppressed people.
It was Gairy who bucked the ruling status quo of an
alliance in the towns of a mulatto upper class, a growing
merchant stratum, and a landed British gentry, oftentimes
absent from the island. But what started as a populist
movement and progressive anti-colonial struggle degenerated
into home-gown depostism by the early 1970s as Sir Eric
cemented a strangle hold on all parts of Grenadian society.
With each year since indepedence--granted during serious
internal unrest and political turmoil--the Gairy Regime
became more and more oppressive, and it was out of these
socio-economic and political conditions that the Grenada
Revolution of March 13, 1979 materialized. This break in the
evolutionary chain of political and economic development
ushered in a brief period of unprecedented economic growth
and development. The basis for this was the ruling New Jewel
Movement's suspension of the stultifying and archaic British-
model constitution, an economic program of planned
development based on three pillars--the public, private and
cooperative sectors--a grass-roots type of participatory
democracy, and an overall policy of national development
based along non-capitalist lines.
But successful though the Revolution was, in economic and
political terms, it quickly imploded, self-destructed due to
a combination of immaturity, intolerance to dissenting view,
and a failure to understand that the political and
ideological direction of the Revolution did not sit well with
a people long accustomed, or conditioned to accepting the
flawed Westminster model of democratic development as the
only way. The one-man one vote position was therefore central
to the core of the Grenadian view of democratic rule.
Still, even the most strident detractors of the Grenada
Revolution would agree that the period 1979-1983 saw
unparalleled economic growth and development that has not
been equaled or duplicated up to this day. In fact
it is safe to conclude that the reversal of the gains of the
Grenada Revolution, that began with the interim Government of
1983, and continued with the election of the old Herbert
Blaize New National Party (NNP) in 1984, ushered in the
modern period of Grenadian retrogression.
Kathy McAfee in her celebrated book ``Storm Signals--
Structural Adjustment and Development Alternatives in the
Caribbean'' (Oxfam America 1991), in a chapter entitled
``Grenada: Development by Conquest,'' argues that ``by the
fall of 1988, after five years of US stewardship, almost none
of the developmental goals set by the US had been met.
Grenada was deeper in debt than at any time in the nation's
past. AID-sponsored efforts to balance the government's
budget had failed. The country's tax system, after being
thoroughly re-designed by US consultants, had largely
collapsed. AID was withholding promised grants to Grenada's
government in an effort to force it to comply with structural
adjustment conditionalities.'' McAfee says that unemployment
was at an all-time high, some 30 percent, and agricultural
productivity continued its long-term decline, while Grenada's
manufacturing sector remained small and stagnant.
In 2006 nobody disagrees that agriculture, Grenada's
economic backbone, is in serious trouble and that production
for export has taken a big hit. Moreover, the World Trade
Organization (WTO) ruling removing the protected status for
Caribbean bananas in the European market has caused more
headaches for the country. Added to this by the year 2000 the
task of completely destroying all the hard-won gains of the
people during the Grenada Revolution was now completed.
Here are a few examples of some of the structures and other
economic and social programs that are now extinct that have
set Grenada back for many years. The National Transportation
Service (NTS) is no more, the Marketing and National
Importing Board (MNIB) is a shell of its former self. Post-
Revolutionary governments allowed about six (6) fully
equipped modern fishing trawlers to rot and sink to the
bottom of the St. George's sea rather than utilize them.
Grenada no longer exports eggplants and other crops to
European markets; the country's agro-processing plant that
canned fruit juices for export under the Revolution is no
more, as is the fish processing plant that began to produce
dry salted fish for export. The coffee processing plant in
Grenville is now extinct. Only the Grenada International
Airport remains because this structure, woefully under-
utllized, cannot be easily physically dismantled.
But what solution did these post 1983 govenments propose
for Grenada's socio-economic developmnent? The answer for
many of them was privatization. This process continues today.
According to a leading expert on privatization in the
Caribbean, Jamaica's Richard L. Bernal, with the overthrow of
the Maurice Bishop Government in 1983, the new Government in
Grenada committed itself to privatization. ``By 1992, in
response to a weak fiscal situation, Grenada had begun a
``self-imposed'' three-year structural adjustment program in
which privatization of State Owned Enterprises was an
integral component. In that year, 90 percent of the shares of
the National Commercial Bank were sold, with the majority
shares going to the Republic Bank of Trinidad and Tobago, and
10 percent to Grenadians and others from the Eastern
Caribbean,'' [``Privatization in the English-speaking
Caribbean: An Assessment''] (the Center for Strategic and
International Studies) October 22, 1999].
In the same publication, Bernal noted that ``. . . rapid
and extensive divestment without a proper framework can lead
to disastrous results . . . It is also important to ensure
that there is a proper context in which privatization can
take place. A competent executing agency with a qualified
staff is needed, together with the appropriate regulatory
framework and the necessary safety nets to protect displaced
workers.''
So me of these ``disastrous results'' have visited Grenada
since the start of the program, in particular the perception
by the public that governments have been just selling off,
national assets to raise money. Indeed, there is little to
show for privatization. There are also sound arguments that
while privatization brings a bag of mixed blessings, in the
Grenada context there was and is no competent and experienced
monitoring authority to oversee the divestment of state
assets. The upshot is that as a panacea for Grenada's
economic ills the jury is still out on the privatization
program.
And yet the ruling New National Party (NNP) government led
by Dr. Keith Mitchell cannot be slighted for not
demonstrating some measure of boldness when it comes to
policy decisions and hard political issues. Buffeted and
hindered by a hostile world economic climate the Government
has tried to push the Grenadian economy forward with an
admixture of privatization, international aid (hitherto to
2004 mostly from Taiwan), re-focussing on tourism, and
physical infrastructural development. This program will be
one of the key challenges to the government in the coming
years as Hurricanes Ivan and Emily was almost responsible for
putting the Grenada government into receivership.
Overall, if one was to characterize the progress and
development of Grenada, Carriacou and Petite Martinique these
past 32 years, one would have to conclude that it has been a
period of turbulence mixed with brief periods of respite,
tranquility and development. These past 32 years have seen
every form of political upheaval and some of the ugliest
forms of repression and brutality. It is a history that has
divided Grenadians and continues to drive a fundamental wedge
in any movement towards national unity and reconciliation.
For example: the events of October 19, 1983 that saw the
execution of popular Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and some
members of his Cabinet, that led to the subsequent invasion
on Grenada on October 25, 1983, is still the salt in the
wound for most Grenadians. There is no closure as yet and
this will be yet another challenge going forward.
But if unity has been illusive thus far, and economic
problems further aggravate and create political alliances and
divisions, then any commentary on the merits, achievements,
and future of Grenada's independence would lead one to the
conclusion that independence is a pipe dream. Right? Wrong.
While economic independence is not yet a reality, political
independence is a fact of life in Grenada. Indeed, without
wanting to sound cynical, the mistakes made during the 32
years of Grenadian independence were made by the, Grenadian
people and their leaders. And nobody ever said that national
development, progress and independence would be a cakewalk.
In fact, national development is painful, especially so for
a small, agriculturally dependent nation that will never
reach critical mass. But these pains are necessary if the
country must move forward because the school of hard knocks
is where experience is gained, and is perhaps the best
teacher on the issue of progress and retrogression--the twin
sisters of development. And Grenada's small size is both a
blessing and a curse. Its size makes for presumably an easier
and more efficient governmental structure and management.
With fiscal prudence popular shared services can reach the
vast majority of the people and greatly improve the quality
of life.