Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the Fortieth anniversary of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965. This historic piece of legislation has helped significantly to restore and secure the voting rights of all Americans. The 40-year…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the Fortieth anniversary of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965. This historic piece of legislation has helped significantly to restore and secure the voting rights of all Americans.
The 40-year legacy of the Voting Rights Act, which will be celebrated in a major national march and demonstration in Atlanta in which I will participate, on August 6, 2005, stems from the hard-won victories of the non-violent Civil Rights Movement. During the modern Civil Rights Movement, Blacks fought against the systematic and social oppressions of segregation. Many blacks, especially in the South, were denied the very rights and privileges given and implied by the Constitution. The right to vote was no exception.
Full participation in government and society has been a basic right of the country symbolizing the full citizenship and equal protection of all. The right to vote played an important role in ending the oppressive environment of segregation. Because of this, many Black Americans protested and died for full access to a government and a promise of equal treatment that had been denied to them. This was especially exemplified on March 7, 1965, known as ``Bloody Sunday'', which ushered in this enactment.
As with the brutal murder of Emmett Till, ``Bloody Sunday'' reinforced the new consciousness about the plight of Black Americans in this country, especially in the South. Six hundred Civil Rights marchers marched from Selma, Alabama heading east in protest for their rights as citizens to vote. Six blocks later they were met by awaiting law enforcement and were severely beaten with billy clubs and bombed with tear gas. They were subsequently pushed back into Selma. Although this was seemingly a defeat for the progression of the Movement, the incident caught national attention, including that of President Lyndon Johnson.
On August 6, 1965, President Johnson introduced legislation, giving rise to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In an address to Congress, President Johnson supported this Act by saying ``At times, history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom . . . about this there can be and should be no argument. Every American citizen must have the right to vote.''
In subsequent years the VRA has been modified and evolved to include more and more disenfranchised groups. In 1970, Congress added provisions that extended the right to vote for 18 year olds. In 1975, provisions were added protecting the voting rights of citizens whose primary languages were of other languages. Lastly, the 1982 provisions created Congressional districts creating a more accessible minority voting pool. Through this, Congress has added amendments to the Act that support and secure the future of this most valuable tool for a true democracy.
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 was indeed a vital instrument of democracy, ensuring the integrity and reliability of a democratic process that we as a Country hold so dear.
As we shortly begin to rethink the questions of the previous provisions previously added to this Act in 2007, remember that our work does not end here. We must continue to uphold the basic principles and sentiments that created this most important and much needed body of legislation.
I submit this article from the current addition of the Carib News concerning the need and importance of securing further protections of the Voting Rights Act in 2007. It is evident, given the voting environment of the election of 2000, that there are still issues of denial that can compromise the voting rights of our constituents.
[From the Carib News]
The Voting Rights Act--Instrument Of Democracy
(By Marc H. Morial)
``While we have made progress and curtailed injustices
thanks to the Voting Rights Act, our work is not yet
complete. We cannot let discriminatory practices of the past
resurface to threaten future gains. The Voting Rights Act
must continue to exist in its current form.''
So said Rep. F. James Sensenbrenner, Republican, of
Wisconsin, the chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, in
a recent speech to the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People at its annual convention in
Milwaukee.
We at the National Urban League couldn't agree more. We
made the renewal and strengthening of the Voting Rights Act
of 1965, which must be accomplished by 2007, a focus of our
recent annual Legislative Policy Conference in Washington,
and a top recommendation of our annual scholarly volume, The
State of Black America 2005.
And we've got plenty of company among the broad coalition
of civil rights groups-including the NAACP, the NAACP Legal
Defense Fund, RainbowPUSH, and such members of Congress as
Rep. John Conyers, of Michigan, the ranking Democrat on the
House Judiciary Committee, and the Congressional Black
Caucus--who've also long vigorously publicized the continuing
need for voting rights protections.
So, we welcome Rep. Sensenbrenner's vigorous expression of
support--which he said he'll soon back up with legislation--
and his bringing word that Speaker of the House, Dennis
Hastert, Republican, of Illinois, has put the renewal ``high
on list of issues the House will address this congress.''
Such words are further evidence that it's impossible to
overstate the Voting Rights Act's importance. For, by
granting the Federal government specific powers to ensure
that Americans of African descent in the South could register
to vote and vote, the Voting Rights Act made the word
``democracy'' an accurate description of American Society.
Its enactment was a hard-won victory for the nonviolent
Civil Rights Movement, one that had produced casualties in
the South literally up to the moment (and beyond) President
Lyndon Johnson personally introduced the legislation to
Congress on March 15, 1965--against the backdrop of the
Bloody Sunday'' beating of civil rights demonstrators in
Selma, Alabama to previous week.
His words then were equal to the moment: ``At times history
and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a
turning point in man's unending search for freedom,'' he
said. ``About this there can be and should be no argument.
Every American citizen must have the right to vote.''
With token opposition the law quickly passed the House and
the Senate and President Johnson signed it on August 6, 1965.
The political impact was immediate, according to Dianne
Pinderhughes, of the University of Illinois, who wrote about
the Voting Rights Act in the State of Black America 2005.
Within a year, more than 250,000 African Americans had
registered in the thirteen states covered under the Act; and
Mississippi, which had harbored the fiercest resistance to
civil rights for blacks, recorded the nation's highest black
voter turnout--74 percent.
A similar response in the other states ultimately produced
enormous growth in the number of blacks holding elective
office throughout the country--from about 350 in 1965 to more
than 1,400 just five years later. Now, there are more than
9,000 black elected officeholders, including 42 members of
Congress, according to the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies, a Washington, D.C. think tank.
In the intervening four decades the Act has been extended
three times, and new previsions added extending the right to
vote to 18-year-olds (1970), protecting the voting rights of
Spanish and other language speakers (1975), and most
contentious of all, allowing the creation of Congressional
districts in which the majority of voters would be members of
a minority group (1982).
The consequences of these amendments underscore the
powerful democratizing dynamic the Civil Rights Movement as a
whole injected into American Society.
Now, as the date for renewal looms, it's clear the Act is
still necessary. The vote-related controversies of the past
two presidential elections, which led to some significant
number of voters in some districts not being able to vote or
not having their votes counted have made that clear--as have
continuing debates regarding voter registration, the purging
of voter rolls, access to the polls and reliability of
election equipment, and the impact of state laws which bar
ex-felons and those on probation from voting.
Thus, Professor Pinderhughes concluded in The State of
Black America 2005, this new landscape ``demands that the
civil rights lobby educate its mass constituency and the
broader American public about these issues which are now
wreathed in complexity.''
That's another reason the NAACP invitation to
Representative Sensenbrenner and his speech to them are
noteworthy: they move us further toward the renewal of that
instrument of democracy, the Voting Rights Act of 1965.