Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to respond to the Senate's apology for not passing anti-lynching legislation.

The Senate adopted a Resolution this week apologizing for its refusal to pass anti-lynching bills. It acted on June 13, 2005 to apologize for decades of failure to enact a law that would have stopped the systematic torture and murder of thousands; decades during which the U.S. Congress knowingly perpetuated the practice of lynching. Seven presidents asked Congress to outlaw lynching, almost 200 anti-lynching bills were introduced and the House passed anti-lynching legislation three times, but southern filibusters killed all three bills.

The Senate stood by as over 4,700 people, mostly African American, were reportedly lynched between 1882 and 1968. Victims of these horrific acts were subjected to public humiliation. Most were beaten and some were even burned alive amidst the cheering of racist mobs. Their bodies were often left hanging in their communities as a warning to other African Americans, emphasizing the purposeful use of violence and torture by the White majority in America as a tool of oppression of the Black minority.

Although the Senate is being praised for admitting one of the many injustices that have shaped this country, there is still more work to be done. Only 80 of the 100 senators cosponsored the resolution and the senators that did co-sponsor the resolution were able to avoid putting themselves on record because the resolution passed by voice vote. There still appears to be reluctance, even today, on the part of many senators to publicly apologize for the complicity of the Senate in allowing the perpetration of systematic acts of terrorism against African Americans.

Lynching has destroyed generations of African American families. Today, African American communities are still suffering at the hands of injustice. The increasing prison population, disparities in public schools and lack of access to healthcare services continue to disable African Americans. We must have the

apology become the beginning of a serious effort to examine the consequences of the oppression of African Americans symbolized by the practice of lynching, consequences which continue to afflict this community today.

Let us address these problems now instead of apologizing for them later.

The following New York Times article by Sheryl Gay Stolberg discusses the Senate action.

Senate Issues Apology Over Failure on Lynching Law

Anthony Crawford's granddaughter went to her grave without

speaking a word to her own children about his lynching, so

painful was the family history. On Monday, Mr. Crawford's

descendants came to the Capitol to tell it--and to accept a

formal apology from the Senate for its repeated failure,

despite the requests of seven presidents, to enact a federal

law to make lynching a crime.

The formal apology, adopted by voice vote, was issued

decades after senators blocked antilynching bills by

filibuster. The resolution is the first time that members of

Congress, who have apologized to Japanese-Americans for their

internment in World War II and to Hawaiians for the overthrow

of their kingdom, have apologized to African-Americans for

any reason, proponents of the measure said.

``The Senate failed you and your ancestors and our

nation,'' Senator Mary L. Landrieu of Louisiana, chief

Democratic sponsor of the resolution, said at a luncheon

attended by 200 family members and descendants of victims.

They included 100 relatives of Anthony Crawford, as well as a

91-year-old man believed to be the only known survivor of an

attempted lynching.

He is James Cameron, who in 1930, as a 16-year-old

shoeshine boy in Marion, Ind., was accused with two friends

of murdering a white man and raping a white woman. His

friends were killed. But as Mr. Cameron felt a noose being

slipped around his neck, a man in the crowd stepped forward

to proclaim Mr. Cameron's innocence. Mr. Cameron came here in

a gray suit and a wheelchair, his voice shaky but his

memories apparently fresh.

They took the rope off my neck, those hands that had been

so rough and ready to kill or had already killed, they took

the rope off of my neck and they allowed me to start walking

and stagger back to the jail, which was just a half-block

away,'' Mr. Cameron told a news conference. ``When I got back

to the jail, the sheriff said, `I'm going to get you out of

here for safekeeping.' ''

He learned only later, he said, that the sheriff was a

member of the Ku Klux Klan. ``I was saved,'' Mr. Cameron

said, ``by a miracle.''

There have been 4,742 recorded lynchings in American

history, Ms. Landrieu said.

Historians suspect that many more went undocumented.

Although the House passed antilynching legislation three

times in the first half of the 20th century, the

Senate, controlled by Southern conservatives, repeatedly

refused to do so. Senator George Allen of Virginia, chief

Republican sponsor of the new resolution, called it ``this

stain on the history of the United States Senate.''

Although the Senate garnered praise on Monday for acting to

erase that stain, some critics said lawmakers had a long way

to go. Of the 100 senators, 80 were co-sponsors of the

resolution, and because it passed by voice vote, senators

escaped putting themselves on record.

``It's a statement in itself that there aren't 100 co-

sponsors,'' Senator John Kerry, Democrat of Massachusetts,

said. ``It's a statement in itself that there's not an up-or-

down vote.''

Others described the resolution as an act of expediency for

Mr. Allen, who is a likely presidential candidate and who has

been criticized for displaying a Confederate flag at his home

and a noose in his law office. Mr. Allen said that they were

part of collections of flags and Western paraphernalia and

that he was motivated not by politics, but by a plea by Dick

Gregory, the civil rights advocate, who wrote him a letter

urging him not to ``choose to do nothing.''

The memories were especially painful for the relatives of

Anthony Crawford, whose family was torn apart by the

lynching. Mr. Crawford had been a wealthy black landowner in

Abbeville, S.C., a cotton farmer, registered voter and

community leader who founded a school for black children and

a union for black families. In 1916, after a dispute with a

white man over the price of cotton seed, he was hanged from a

pine tree and shot more than 200 times. His family lost his

land, and the relatives scattered.

``Someone is finally recognizing our pain,'' said Alberta

Merriwether, a retired schoolteacher who is his great-

granddaughter and whose mother never spoke of the lynching.

Mrs. Merriwether's aunt Magdalene Latimer, 84, was not so

certain about the senators. ``I have to let God be the

judge,'' Ms. Latimer said, ``because I don't know if they

meant it out of their heart or they're just saying it out of

their mouth.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the life of Judge Bruce McMarion Wright, who passed away this week. His commitment to humanity and justice were hallmarks of his tenure in the judiciary. Rather than being honored for his courage and uncompromising stance in defense of the Eighth Amendment, Judge Wright was unjustly mocked by the system, which did not want to recognize the protection of the rights of the accused.

Judge Wright had known the challenges of a just and equal system on his life and had

worked to eradicate those harms from our society. He was raised by his black father and white mother who taught him about the importance of looking beyond skin color and into the hearts and minds of those before him. He would carry these childhood lessons into the administration of justice and look beyond the race of the defendants and plaintiffs before him.

In spite of the discrimination and racism he felt upon entering Princeton University, Judge Wright would further be exposed to the challenges of individuals through his educational, legal, and personal development at Virginia Union, Lincoln University, and New York Law School. Judge Wright learned about the impact of class, gender, and educational background on the common understanding of the human condition. He would understand that economic stature was not an indicator of one's worth and value.

He became aware that one could not truly achieve justice unless there was an understanding of the circumstances which led to the interjection of the law in response to behavior deemed to be anti-social. Judge Wright determined to become an advocate for competent representation of the interests of the poor in the criminal justice system. In his courtroom, he would see the Eighth Amendment as a protection of the poor against the system, not as a mechanism of deterrence for the wealthy.

The military would provide Bruce Wright with additional exposure to the universal struggle of humanity for justice and the need for compassion and understanding in government. Judge Wright was committed to this compassion and understanding and rendered judicial decisions that advocated and aided the poor. He was a defender of all classes and all races and recognized the importance of humanity in his work. While law enforcement and others often missed the significance of his reasoning, it is important to understand that he was a believer in justice and crusader for fairness.

I submit for the Record the following CaribNews article on the life of Judge Bruce McMarion Wright. I extend my condolences again to his family for their irreplaceable loss.

Judge Bruce McM Wright Memorial

June 6, 2005.--A memorial celebration on the life of

fearless Supreme Court Justice Bruce McM Wright, who retired

in 1995, will be held on Saturday, June 4 at 11 a.m. at the

Aaron Davis Hall, 135th Street and Covent Avenue in Harlem,

announced his son, Assemblyman Keith L.T. Wright.

Judge Wright died in his sleep at age 86 on March 24 in his

home in Old Saybrook, Conn. He was born in Princeton, N.J. on

December 18, 1918 to a White mother and a Black father. A

civil rights activist who faced lifelong discrimination first

in the public schools in Princeton and, although outstanding

student, in the rejection by Princeton University, which

currently had no non-White students and which told him to

apply elsewhere.

A graduate of ``Historically Black'' Lincoln University and

New York Law School, he received an honorary degree from

Princeton in 2001. The author of several books, he gained

additional icon status when he wrote ``Black Robes, White

Justice,'' an expose of the entire criminal ``injustice''

system. Known in the White community as ``Turn-Ern-Loose

Bruce,'' he also addressed the abuse of police profiling and

brutality, the dehumanizing conditions in jails populated

primarily by non-Whites, and the discriminatory use of the

death penalty against African-Americans.

A hero of magnificent proportions, his fame as justice,

author, poet, and music lover will be celebrated by TV talk

show host Gil Noble, who will serve as emcee of the memorial

and the program will include Rep. Charles B. Rangel, Dean of

the New York Congressional Delegation; former elected

officials, namely Mayor David N. Dinkins, Manhattan Borough

President Percy E. Sutton; Secretary of State Basil A.

Paterson; and State Comptroller H. Carl McCall; and civil and

human rights attorneys Jeff L. Greenup and John Edmonds; and

family members.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join in this tribute to the families and members of the Armed Forces during National Military Families Week. I know the people of the 15th District of New York join me in thanking these individuals for their sacrifice and service to this country. I am sure that this august body appreciates the hard work and sacrifice of our men and women in defending the interests of this nation.

I want to specifically extend my appreciation to two groups of servicemen and servicewomen. First, I want to thank the Reservists and National Guardsmen whose lives have been disrupted by the call of service in Afghanistan, Iraq, and the War on Terrorism. Under the condition that they would serve when needed by this country, these individuals were trained and volunteered to take to arms when the country was in danger.

Today, they have become the backbone of our military engagement in hostile territories. The National Guard and Reserve forces are nearly half of the U.S. forces in Iraq at the moment. Thirty-one of the 80 U.S. military deaths in Iraq last month were Reservists.

Many Reservists and National Guardsmen had not made long-term plans for an engagement such as this. At home, their spouses, children, and families fret about their whereabouts, their safety, and when they will see these brave men and women again. Their jobs continue without them and, while their companies remain loyal to their service, the possibility grows that they will eventually be phased out or will fall behind in their careers. They unfortunately are placed in jeopardy in their civilian lives while at service to this nation.

They are faced with the financial and emotional obligations of remaining loving providers for their families. I and a grateful nation appreciate their sacrifice and welcome their return with open arms. Their bravery and their experience nonetheless often calls some of them back into service to fulfill obligations to colleagues still on tour. I thank the men and women of our National Guard and Reserves for their dedicated service to their nation. It is a true testament to their dedication and patriotism to this country.

Second, I must recognize the dedicated and patriotic work of the 369th Corps Support Battalion, the ``Harlem Hellfighters.'' Like the men and women in many of our districts, Harlem Hellfighters have displayed an impressive record of service in their engagement in Iraq. The unit has received 11 Bronze Stars, 2 Military Service medals, and numerous Army commendations.

Mobilized on December 5, 2003, the unit has been to Kuwait and to southern Iraq near An Nasariyah and performed at least three significant missions, including leading the operations of twenty other units from March 2004 to January 2005. Over this time they delivered over 8 million gallons of fuel to U.S. and coalition forces, fueled over 2,700 aircraft and over 145,000 service vehicles, issued almost 25,000 cases of meals-ready-to eat (MREs), and logged over 2.5 million miles.

In addition, the Harlem Hellfighters completed numerous local projects including the adoption of an orphanage in An Nasariyah, and the monitoring of a school reconstruction project. I am very proud of the work of the 369th. They put their hearts and mind into these tasks and are diligent and strong champions of this country. Without their tireless effort, the capacity of our armed forces would have been limited in Iraq.

While the arduous work of the brave men and women is quite impressive, I must also recognize the sacrifices of the family members of the 369th. While the Harlem Hellfighters have been deployed for over 2 years in the Middle East, their wives, parents, and children have been without them. These family members have had family reunions and backyard barbeques, have taken their first steps and attended their first day of school, and have worried and cried about the location and service of their Hellfighter. They have endured and suffered much while their patriotic family member was serving this great country. I owe these individuals my sincerest appreciation and thanks.

Today, Mr. Speaker, the House of Representatives takes a moment out of its day to recognize National Military Families Week and to honor the families and friends of our armed forces. I believe we should spend every moment working to acknowledge their contributions and to reward their noble contributions to the security and welfare of our nation.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring to the attention of the 109th Congress the hard work of Mr. Nick Lugo, Mr. David Acosta, Mr. Robert Acosta, and Mr. Peter Spinella in planning the 116th Street Festival in East Harlem, El Barrio community.

The 116th Street Festival is designed to highlight, embrace, and celebrate the cultural experiences of Hispanic families in the United States, the Caribbean, and beyond. This is the largest Latin Street Festival in North America and is nationally acclaimed as one of the three major Hispanic events in the United States. It draws our collective consciousness to the beauty, love, and familial bonds of Hispanic culture as well as the rich historical backgrounds of Hispanic people.

The 20th annual Festival will be held this Saturday, June 11, 2005. It will span 20 city blocks in the heart of El Barrio, have three entertainment stages and hundreds of venders and corporate attractions, and draw crowds of hundreds of thousands of people from around the world. It is one of New York City's largest and most popular celebrations and has provided over 40 scholarships to local high school students in East Harlem.

The celebration promises to be a remarkable experience and enlightening exposure to the culture of an often-unappreciated but important group of Americans. Major corporations such as Disney, Home Depot, and Fisher Price now join long-time sponsors Telemundo 47, Coca- Cola, and SBS Communications in supporting the success and goals of this Festival.

The success of the Festival is largely thanks to the work of Nick Lugo, David Acosta, Robert Acosta, and Peter Spinella of Abrazo Fraternal organization. They brought the event to the East Harlem community in the 1980s and have tirelessly worked to make it a premier event for hundreds of thousands of Hispanic families and top entertainers.

Nick Lugo is a prominent community and business leader within the New York City Hispanic community. His career spans over three decades and includes pioneering numerous events and activities that have enhanced the lives of Puerto Ricans and other Hispanics within the City. He was born in New York and is a graduate of Inter-American University of San German, Puerto Rico. With his wife and their daughter at his side, Nick has published La Voz Hispana, a weekly newspaper, and Canales Magazine, a monthly publication dedicated to the Latino arts and entertainment industry. He is also the president of National Hispanic Expositions, Inc, Nick Lugo Travel,

and Hispanic Impact Marketing, Inc. He has been a dedicated and inspiring role model for the Hispanic community in particular and this country in general.

Immediately after graduation, Robert Acosta enlisted in the United States Air Force and served there for the next four years. He was trained as a jet aircraft fighter mechanic and received an honorable discharge. He joined his brothers in a lifetime career as a prominent and successful businessman. While helping his wife raise their son and three daughters remained an important mission in his life, Robert was also committed to the improvement of his community. He chaired the Local Development Corporation del Barrio for ten years and helped to develop the economic and political capital of the community. Robert has been an active contributor to local organizations and events and an important voice on the future of the community.

Like his brother Robert, David Acosta was raised in East Harlem and has become a major community leader and one of its strongest advocates. Starting with El Barrio Hardware in 1970, Robert and David, along with their brother Frank, became promising entrepreneurs in the community. They were part of the influential reactivation of the Third Avenue Merchants Association and helped to revitalize the struggling business community in the area. When David became the president of the Association, it accomplished its goals and provided opportunities for local merchants to advance political agendas and decisions in the interest of the community. David would further apply his entrepreneurial skills to the creation of the Local Development Corporation del Barrio and secured grants to enhance the image and economic base of the Third Avenue. He has and continues to be an active and influential member of the community.

Peter Spinella served this country as a member of the military police corps of the United States Army. He holds a bachelor's degree of science in marketing from New York Institute of Technology and is an Executive Vice President of the Hispanic Marketing & Advertising Group, Inc. He has honorably served on the boards of several organizations including the National Puerto Rican Forum and the Korean American Grocers Association. A member of the board of the New Bronx Chamber of Commerce, Peter brings a cultural awareness and sensitivity to economic development projects. He is also the CEO of ``A Taste of East Harlem, Inc.'' which produces a magazine, a website, and a restaurant/tourism campaign. Peter brings a talented marketing portfolio to East Harlem and has worked to build an active and involved community.

I would like to thank Nick, David, Robert, and Peter for their hard work in putting together these important community-building events surrounding the 116th Street Festival. I join their families, friends, and community in being proud of their accomplishments and success.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to make note of the distressing developments unfolding in Haiti. The situation in that country is becoming increasingly unstable, with elections scheduled to take place a few months from now. The current state of Haiti does not bode well for a peaceful and legitimized election process.

A June 9th article in the Miami Herald entitled ``Senior U.S. official visits unsettled Haiti'' points out that the ongoing instability is causing widespread discontentment with the interim government led by Prime Minister Gerard Latortue. The lack of confidence is even being voiced by respected and influential members of Haitian society, such as Ariel Henry, a member of the U.N. sanctioned ``Council of Wisemen'' which nominated Latortue to head the interim government.

Mr. Henry has gone so far as to call the governmental performance of the country a failure, and has warned that the Council of Elders may call for Latortue's resignation if some semblance of stability is not achieved soon.

It has been over a year since the forced removal of President Jean- Bertrand Aristide, the nation's democratically elected leader. Without question, conditions in the country are worse since Aristide's removal due to the widespread violence and human-rights violations perpetrated by the lawless elements which overthrew the Aristide government.

Indeed, 700 people have died in less than a year in Haiti. The violence is escalating to such a level that the U.S. State Department's top official for the Americas, Roger Noriega, arranged a last-minute visit this week to assess the situation. Secretary of State Rice herself labeled the developments in Haiti ``troubling'' on Monday, and called for close examination of the strength of the country's U.N. force.

On the election front, all is not well. The nation's electoral council is stricken by internal strife and wrangling. A campaign to register up to 4.5 million eligible voters has signed up only 113,000 in a month and a half. The only party with wide support among Haiti's impoverished majority is the Lavalas Party of former President Jean- Bertrand Aristide. Still angered by his removal, the party has so far refused to participate in the upcoming election.

All this presents a very troubling picture for Haiti. In the short- term the U.N. force must be increased. In addition, all the stakeholders involved must take a long and hard look at whether the scheduled date for Haitian elections is practical considering the current reality.

[From the Miami Herald, June 9, 2005]

Senior U.S. Official Visits Unsettled Haiti

(By Jacqueline Charles and Joe Mozingo)

The U.S. State Department's top man for Latin America and

the Caribbean arrived in Haiti on Wednesday to assess a

surging wave of violence and increasing demands for the

resignation of U.S.-backed Prime Minister Gerard Latortue.

Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Roger Noriega met with

the political head of the U.N. peacekeeping mission and other

top officials in Haiti at the start of his two-day visit.

Haiti's violence has turned so worrisome that even the so-

called Council of Wisemen--a group of respected Haitians that

picked Latortue to head the interim government after the

hasty departure of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide

last year--has lost confidence in him.

``It's a failure,'' said Ariel Henry, a neurosurgeon and

vice chairman of the seven-member council. ``There is no

governance.'' He added that the council will soon issue an

ultimatum to Latortue: bring the country under control in 30

days or resign.

What leverage the council has is unclear. But Henry's

statement carries political weight.

During the weekend, a meeting of about 20 political parties

sponsored by the U.N. mission here came largely to the same

conclusion about Latortue, although three major parties say

they would not go so far as to call for his resignation.

The Bush administration has pinned its hopes for stability

on Latortue's ability to pave the way for elections this

fall. But many Haitians doubt the country is ready, given a

paroxysm of recent violence in the capital.

The 7,400-strong U.N. peacekeeping mission that began

arriving in Haiti after Aristide fled during an armed revolt

has not been able to tamp down the kidnappings, carjackings

and shootouts that have left hundreds dead in recent months

and have kept a ruined economy from recovering.

Wahington has stood by Latortue and focused more on the

need to strengthen the U.N. peacekeeping force, which has

been criticized as too passive. Secretary of State

Condoleezza Rice this week said the U.N. mission needed to

increase its forces or conduct more aggressive operations.

She appeared to reject a growing push among the Haitian

political class for the return of the U.S. Marines deployed

here in the three months after Aristide's departure. She said

it was crucial that the Brazilian-led force in Haiti succeed.

``It was a real breakthrough for this hemisphere to have

Brazil in the lead and then to have other Western Hemisphere

states actually engaged in peacekeeping,'' Rice said at a

news conference Tuesday. ``We are devoted to making that

mechanism work, and so we are talking with the U.N. about

what more needs to be done.''

Chantal Regnault contributed from Port-au-Prince.

Mr. Speaker, the current state of the African continent has been an ongoing issue of concern for policy makers in this country and elsewhere. As the rest of the world is reaping the rewards of development, Africa seems to be sinking deeper into a health and poverty crisis.

In pursuit of a solution, British Prime Minister Tony Blair met with President Bush at the White House yesterday to discuss next month's Group of Eight (G-8) summit. Specifically, the two men discussed Prime Minister Blair's ambitious plan to bring a historic combination of debt relief, trade concessions, and aid to the African continent.

A major component of the plan would entail a large increase of aid payments to Africa to around $25 billion annually, before increasing to $50 billion annually within three to five years. This would be in-line with the UN's goal to have industrialized nations allocate 0.7 percent of their GDP to development assistance. While Mr. Blair's exciting proposal should be applauded, agreement as to how it will be achieved is still awaited.

Mr. Blair and British Finance Minister Gordon Brown argue that the aid should be funded through a mechanism they call the ``International Finance Facility'' (IFF). The IFF would raise aid funds by issuing bonds on world capital markets. The IFF bonds would be backed by a promise from the G7 economic powers to repay them after 2015.

The Bush Administration has not been supportive of the IFF, which it views as incompatible with U.S. Congressional budgetary rules. However, while aspects of the IFF proposal may be problematic, the necessity for increased aid to Africa is not in question. At current assistance rates, Sub Saharan Africa will unquestionably fall short of the Millennium Development Goals to cut poverty on the continent in half by 2015. As such, Blair's call for further aid to the continent is merited.

To its credit, the Bush Administration has substantially increased aid to Sub-Saharan Africa, which amounted to around $3.2 billion in 2004. Though this ranks the U.S. among the world leaders in total African assistance, we still trail much of the industrialized world in the amount of aid we give as a percentage of GDP. In addition, large amounts of the Bush Administration's; aid pledges to Africa have been slow in coming. For example, the $4 billion committed to the region under the Millennium Challenge Account has yet to actually be delivered in earnest. Indeed, a June 8th Op-Ed in New York Times entitled ``Crumbs for Africa'' describes just how much more we can do.

On Tuesday, the Bush Administration announced that the U.S. will provide $674 million in additional famine assistance to Africa this year from funds already appropriated by Congress. While this is to be commended, Prime Minister Blair is pushing for a broad, long-term effort to help Africa's economy get on its feet, not just emergency food aid. He also wants G-8 countries to commit new money for Africa rather than reallocating funds already earmarked for foreign assistance. It is my hope that the Administration will work with its G- 8 partners in the coming weeks to arrive at a more substantial and comprehensive aid package for Africa.

While the issue of increased aid will be difficult, the related goal of debt relief is very attainable, as long as all parties involved dedicate themselves to that outcome. Both Prime Minister Blair and Finance Minister Brown have voiced optimism about the prospects for reaching G-8 agreement on the issue. The U.S. and other G-8 members already agree in principle on 100 percent debt relief for Africa's poorest nations, but the exact formula for how the debt will be cancelled is still being resolved.

The U.S. is calling for a simple write-off of the debt, while Britain and others have called for the debt to be paid off, so as to replenish the resources of the International Development Banks. Among other things, Blair advocates selling a portion of International Monetary Fund (IMF) gold reserves to help pay off the debt. Whatever the mechanism, Africa needs debt relief as soon as possible. Many African countries are crippled by debt burdens that in some cases consume nearly 40 percent of their annual budgets. It is thus imperative that negotiations on this issue continue.

President Bush now has a golden opportunity to join with Prime Minister Blair and other members of the G-8 in helping to establish a new era for Africa. Such an opportunity is unprecedented in Africa's post colonial history. To turn back now would be more than shameful.

The United States has already spent nearly $200 billion on the war in Iraq--a country of 26 million people. Prime Minister Blair is calling on us to now spend a few billion dollars more to help save an entire continent encompassing over 700 million people. That is what I call making our money count, and the legacy of such an effort will yield immeasurable benefits for Africa, and the world as a whole.

Again, I thank Mr. Blair for his bold and ambitious vision, and I pray that our country will be able to stand with him in making it a reality.

[From the New York Times, June 8, 2005]

Crumbs for Africa

President Bush kept a remarkably straight face yesterday

when he strode to the microphones with Britain's prime

minister, Tony Blair, and told the world that the United

States would now get around to spending $674 million in

emergency aid that Congress had already approved for needy

countries. That's it. Not a penny more to buy treated

mosquito nets to help save the thousands of children in

Sierra Leone who die every year of preventable malaria.

Nothing more to train and pay teachers so 11-year-old girls

in Kenya may go to school. And not a cent more to help Ghana

develop the programs it needs to get legions of young boys

off the streets.

Mr. Blair, who will be the host when the G-8, the club of

eight leading economic powers, holds its annual meeting next

month, is trying to line up pledges to double overall aid for

Africa over the next 10 years. That extra $25 billion a year

would do all those things, and much more, to raise the

continent from dire poverty. Before getting to Washington,

Mr. Blair had done very well, securing pledges of large

increases from European Union members.

According to a poll, most Americans believe that the United

States spends 24 percent of its budget on aid to poor

countries; it actually spends well under a quarter of 1

percent. As Jeffrey Sachs, the Columbia University economist

in charge of the United Nations' Millennium Project, put it

so well, the notion that there is a flood of American aid

going to Africa ``is one of our great national myths.''

The United States currently gives just 0.16 percent of its

national income to help poor countries, despite signing a

United Nations declaration three years ago in which rich

countries agreed to increase their aid to 0.7 percent by

2015. Since then, Britain, France and Germany have all

announced plans for how to get to 0.7 percent; America has

not. The piddling amount Mr. Bush announced yesterday is not

even 0.007 percent.

What is 0.7 percent of the American economy? About $80

billion. That is about the amount the Senate just approved

for additional military spending, mostly in Iraq. It's not

remotely close to the $140 billion corporate tax cut last

year.

This should not be the image Mr. Bush wants to project

around a world that is intently watching American actions on

this issue. At a time when rich countries are mounting a

noble and worthy effort to make poverty history, the Bush

administration is showing itself to be completely out of

touch by offering such a miserly drop in the bucket. It's no

surprise that Mr. Bush's offer was greeted with scorn in

television broadcasts and newspaper headlines around the

world. ``Bush Opposes U.K. Africa Debt Plan,'' blared the

headline on the AllAfrica news service, based in

Johannesburg. ``Blair's Gambit: Shame Bush Into Paying''

chimed in The Sydney Morning Herald in Australia.

The American people have a great heart. President Bush

needs to stop concealing it.

Mr. Speaker, on Friday, June 3rd I had the pleasure to attend an event sponsored by Bronx Borough President Adolfo Carrion Jr., NY CaribNews, and the Bronx Overall Economic Development Corporation. The event was entitled Caribbean NYC: The Future is Today, and it brought together hundreds of individuals to discuss issues of importance to New York's ever-growing Caribbean community.

Issues such as immigration policy, entrepreneurship, and Caribbean natural disaster relief, were discussed at the event and served to remind those in attendance of the ties that bind the Caribbean population of New York, and the opportunities that we have yet to exploit.

Without question, the New York City area holds the largest Caribbean population in the United States. The metro area boasts approximately 1.5 million Spanish Caribbean residents, including nearly 900,000 Puerto Ricans, and 600,000 Dominicans. According to the CUNY Albany, the Dominican population alone grew over 70 percent from 1990-2000. The New York area also encompasses more than 800,000 residents from the English-speaking Caribbean, a population which grew over 40

percent in the last decade. In New York City itself, three of the top five immigrant groups are from the Caribbean: Dominican Republic (Ist), Jamaica (3rd), Guyana (4th).

Though Caribbean New Yorkers may speak with different accents and languages, and have cultural practices unique to each, they all share a desire to succeed in this country. Their unbreakable work ethnic and entrepreneurial spirit has provided a cornerstone for our city's growth and success for more than half a century.

This entrepreneurial spirit can be found throughout our city. One example is the story of Lowell Hawthorne, and the ``Golden Krust`' food franchise. The company, which specializes in making Jamaican patties, started 15 years ago in a small bakery in the Bronx, and has since expanded into a chain of 80 franchises throughout the New York area. The company now has plans to expand across the East Coast, before going nationwide. If Golden Krust stays with their plan the Jamaican pattie may one day become as omnipresent in America as the hamburger, pizza, or taco. The entrepreneurial spirit of this community will only grow, as they become increasingly integrated into the socio-economic fabric of our city.

Another factor which binds the Caribbean community is their common concern for their home nations. The Caribbean continues to face many critical issues related to natural disasters, economic development, and HIV/AIDS. The U.S. Government has sought to assist in addressing this issue, but more is needed.

Several hurricanes and tropical storms hit nations across the Caribbean in the 2004 hurricane season causing billions of dollars in damage, and killing thousands.

I was joined by other members of the Congressional Black Caucus in urging the Bush Administration and Congress to maximize their Caribbean Hurricane relief effort. These disasters caused long-term damage to the agricultural and tourism sectors of the region, so it will continue to require our assistance moving forward. In addition, recent reports by U.S. government sources have predicted that the 2005 Hurricane season will likely be worse than 2004, so the U.S. must stand ready to adequately assist our neighbors in what promises to be a trying hurricane season.

We must also closely examine how our policies might hinder the region's recovery. One such hindrance is the Bush Administration's proposed Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative. The initiative, which will require all travelers to and from the Caribbean, and Bermuda to have a passport to enter or re-enter the United States, is being imposed on the Caribbean before other regions in the Hemisphere.

With a large percenage of U.S. visitors to the Caribbean not utilizing a passport when they travel, it can be expected that the new requirements will have a negative impact on Caribbean tourism, as many U.S. tourists may choose vacation options that entail less hassle.

In addition, the U.S. must continue to increase non-emergency assistance. Though U.S. assistance to the Caribbean has increased in recent years, it still lags behind the amounts given to the Caribbean during the 1980's. The Cold War is over, but the Caribbean still faces many threats to its development and security.

The growing impact of narco-trafficking is increasingly evident, and will continue unless the U.S. continues to help the Caribbean in its development objectives. Equally important is the ability of the Carribbean to keep its borders secure in the post 9-11 environment. With these countries burdened by slow economic development, and annual crises arising from natural disasters, they will be increasingly hard pressed to invest in the border security measures which hold implications for them and United States.

The United States must also continue to help the Caribbean wage the war against HIV/AIDS, as the epidemic in the region continues to grow. Infection rates are among the highest outside of sub-Saharan Africa, and an estimated 430,000 people in the region are living with HIV. Many experts have predicted that this will significantly retard the economic and political growth of the region if it continues on its present course. Overall U.S. HIV assistance to the Caribbean is estimated at $53 million for 2005, but this is largely due to the two Caribbean nations that are covered by the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR).

As such, more countries in the region, besides Haiti and Guyana, should be placed under the PEPFAR program. There has been activity in Congress to bring about this result, but legislation has yet be approved.

Again, I thank the organizers of the Caribbean NYC event; it not only illuminated the great strides that have been taken by the Caribbean Community in New York, but also the need for the U.S. to remain committed to assisting the Caribbean region--a region near to our shores and to our hearts.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the hard work and achievements of the Abyssinian Development Corporation and its Harlem Renaissance Day of Commitment in which I was pleased and honored to participate this morning. This organization has been a committed and active champion of the Harlem community, has worked diligently to promote the best of Harlem, and has created an environment that has facilitated the new Harlem Renaissance.

The Abyssinian Development Corporation is a major not-for-profit organization that works on housing development, family services, economic revitalization, educational development, and civil engagement in Harlem. Starting in the small basement office of the Abyssinian Baptist Church, the Abyssinian Development Corporation has grown in prominence and respect for its handling of complex issues of social, economic, and political challenges facing Harlem. Today, the organization boosts a dedicated staff of 95 employees and community investment projects of over $300 million.

Under the auspice of Reverend Calvin O. Butts Ill, the Abyssinian Development Corporation has been a faithful advocate for the Harlem community. Through the Central Harlem Local Development Corporation, it has promoted economic development and has attracted various businesses and corporations into Harlem. It has also been mindful of the need to provide essential services to the community and has addressed issues such as the improvement of education. The Thurgood Marshall Academy for Learning and Social Change has operated a successful Head Start program. These programs have been beneficial to the development and revitalization of Harlem and the Abyssinian Development Corporation continues to defend the interests of the community,

Today, the Abyssinian Development Corporation hosted a day focused on community leaders and Harlem culture. They paid tribute to the economic work and leadership of several dignitaries and dedicate time to draw attention to local and historical attractions within the community. A street festival, gospel celebration, and neighborhood tour will further highlight the various aspects of Harlem culture.

The Abyssinian Development Corporation has done a superb job of standing up for the people of Harlem and fighting for their interests. I hope that my colleagues here today will join me in applauding the efforts of this group over the last two decades. I submit for the Record the following CaribNews article on the work of the Abyssinian Development Corporation in the Harlem Renaissance Day of Commitment.

Harlem Renaissance Day of Commitment

June 7, 2005.--The Abyssinian Development Corporation

(ADC), an innovative not-for-profit organization dedicated to

renewing and reclaiming the spirit of community in one of New

York City's oldest and storied neighborhoods, announces its

eleventh annual Harlem Renaissance Day of Commitment on June

7, 2005. The daylong celebration highlights ADC's

accomplishments, diverse programs and services while

showcasing the revival of Harlem.

This year's Renaissance Honorees include: Robert Rubin,

Chairman of the Executive Committee, Citi-group, Inc; Michael

Lee-Chin, Chairman and Chief Executive Office, AIC, Limited;

Ralph Lauren, Chairman & CEO of Polo Ralph Lauren

Corporation; and Paula Madison, President and General Manager

of NBC4 in Los Angeles.

The Leadership Breakfast is ADC's opportunity to honor

those who have continually and faithfully donated their time,

resources and efforts to furthering the growth and

revitalization of Harlem.

The day begins with a Leadership Breakfast, hosted by Rev.

Calvin O. Butts III. The breakfast features more than 700 of

New York's business, civic and political leaders and is held

at the beautiful Great Hall of Shepard Hall, City College in

the historic Hamilton Heights section of Harlem. The

Leadership Breakfast (set to begin at 7:30 a.m.) will be

preceded by a 7 a.m. VIP and press reception. Co-Chairs Rev.

Dr. Calvin O. Butts III, Pastor, The Abyssinian Baptist

Church; Edward Lewis, Co-founder, Publisher and CEO, Essence

Communications; Saundra Parks, Chairman and Creative

Director, The Daily Blossom; and Marianne Spraggins,

President, Buy Hold America will preside over both the

Leadership Breakfast and the presentation of the 2005

Renaissance Awards, during a celebration that will include

Gospel Music and Southern-infused Cuisine.

Following the Leadership Breakfast is a tour of Harlem's

historic neighborhoods, including Astor Row, Mt. Morris Park,

Sugar Hill, and Striver's Row. Guests will see first-hand the

various projects and programs of ADC throughout Harlem. The

tour concludes at Odell Clark Place and 138th Street,

allowing participants to visit Abyssinian Baptist Church. In

the afternoon, ADC hosts a Street Fair on Odell Clark Place,

complete with free food, music, games, amusement rides,

entertainment and health information. The culminating event

of the Harlem Renaissance Day of Commitment is an evening

reception, A Taste of Harlem by Candlelight, at the Great

Hall. The evening will feature entertainment from famed

rhythm revue DJ Felix Hernandez, live music from

``Soulnites,'' and a sample from some of Harlem's and New

York City's leading restaurants and caterers.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to draw the attention of the 109th Congress to the life of Malcolm X. Four months ago was the 40th anniversary of the tragic assassination of Malcolm X. Last month, I called on this body to recognize and commemorate the 80th birthday of this brilliant man who rose from a life of crime and incarceration to become a famed civil rights leader. Today, I ask this chamber to reflect on the circumstances that led Malcolm X down the path he took and to imagine how his life and our lives might have been different had he lived into his 80s.

Despite much hardship and struggle in his life, he rose to be a powerful voice of a disenfranchised Black America. His father, a believer in Garveyism and a champion of Black Nationalism, was found dead on the railroad tracks near his home. His mother quickly sank into a deep depression and alcoholism. He was split from his brothers, sisters, and mother shortly thereafter. Despite an impressive academic record, he was discouraged from pursuing a career in law by a favorite white teacher. By his 20s, he had turned to a life of crime that appeared to offer more opportunities for a young black man in the 1940s.

To young Malcolm, racism was at the heart of his family breakdown, the barriers to his advancement, and the limitations of Black America. All around him were examples of a system that discriminated against, despised, and debilitated Black America. Crime, drugs, death, limited opportunities, inadequate finances, segregation, and racism were facets of his daily life. They framed his view of the world around him and of the individuals within the political and economic hierarchy.

As a result of a religious conversion he experienced in jail, Malcolm would join the Nation of Islam and become one of its most influential ministers. Motivated by his spirit, pride, and desire to defend his Black people, he would see the Nation of Islam as a voice for the disenfranchised, the poor, and the discriminated. He would connect his life story to the lives of those with whom he came in contact and explain their story through his own experience. Their dismay with the system was his dismay; their need for leadership was his strength. He instilled in those he met in his journey a sense of pride that many had lost. He restored their hope in themselves. He demanded more of himself and more of them.

He told America about the oppression and racism that held his people back and demanded that the injustices be undone. With that demand came a call for Black America to stand up for themselves, to insist upon their freedoms as men and women, and to settle for nothing less. He became the voice for a segment of Black America that would no longer accept the status quo. He became a champion for justice, equality, and self-determination.

While many feared the hatred and determinism that underlined Malcolm X, many also missed his transformation to EI-Hajj Malik EI-Shabazz. El- Shabazz had traveled to Mecca and seen with his own eyes the kindness of all people and the international extent of oppression. He saw that injustices were not just a White-Black dynamic in the United States, but a challenge that existed across the world, across races, and across systems of government. He returned from his travels with a new developing world philosophy.

Malcolm X was an influential leader of the Civil Rights Movement and is an admired champion of current generations. His struggle is seen as a universal struggle that groups the world over have fought. He influenced change in the role of African-Americans in this country. His thoughts still shape the ideas of the young and old today. This Congress, this Nation, must come to terms with the meaning and significance of this great man, as we advance into this new century.

I submit for the Record and for our reflection the following CaribNews article by Michael D. Roberts on Malcolm X. It provides further insight into the development of EI-Hajj Malik EI-Shabazz and it offers a view of Black Moses.

Black Moses: The International Appeal for This Black Nationalist Still

Lives

May 31, 2005.--As we celebrate the 80th ``earthday'' of

legendary Black Nationalist leader, Malcolm X, he still

commands the attention and interest of millions of people--

Black, White, and others. And even now there are still

attempts to settle once and for all the circumstances

surrounding his untimely demise.

Malcolm's contribution to the development of Black people

and the Black race the world over serves as a timeless

positive lesson in today's troubled climate of racism, petty

prejudice and discrimination. His life and times also make

the translucent point that greatness can start from very

humble circumstances and that ultimately the power of

goodness must triumph over those of evil.

Indeed, his example, in so short a lifetime, is a

remarkable study in the metamorphosis from ordinary Malcolm

Little, born on May 19, 1925, to a Garveyite father and

Grenadian mother, to convicted felon and con man, to Malcolm

X, the top minister of the Nation of Islam (NOI) and finally

to EI-Hajj Malik EI-Shabazz, internationalist, Black

nationalist, and statesman. Incredibly all this was done in

less than four decades. To all that I would take the

liberty of adding: ``Black Moses martyred for the cause of

Black Liberation.''

But the events which would transform a disillusioned Black

street hustler known as ``Detroit Red'' into an international

symbol of Black pride provide serious and objective lessons

in today's hostile social and political climate. So, too, the

study of the public and international ministries of Malcolm X

should never be solely focused on his early radical

pronouncements as many of his detractors are wont to do.

After all his early, formative perceptions of society were

formed after he saw his father viciously murdered by the

racist, white supremacist Ku Klux Klan organization, and his

mother fall victim to the debilitating

ravages of alcoholism while still barely a teenager.

A young Malcolm witnessed the steady dysfuctionality of a

home broken up by the demise of the main breadwinner and the

rapid decline into depression and alcoholism of a mother

unable to cope with the sheer burden of raising a family

alone. The end result was that Malcolm's mother was forced to

parcel off the children to family and mends because she was

unable to adequately provide for them.

Of course, to many Black people around the world this

sounds very familiar and is a situation that has been

duplicated over and over again in the Black family even in

2005 on the anniversary of his birth.

But when all is said and done the reason why Malcolm X was

able to elevate himself from nonentity, ``Detroit Red,'' a

two-bit street hustler, to one of the most gifted and

eloquent leaders of the 20th century, was due mainly to his

conversion, while in jail, to the religion of lslam.

The early Malcolm, still bitter from his experiences with

racism, still hurting from being separated from his family

and in particularly his mother that he loved deeply, was a

narrow-minded bigot who saw the white man as ``a blond blue-

eyed devil.'' And even as he embraced the Quran and was

riding the wave to the top of the Black Muslim religious

hierarchy, Malcolm still believed that the problems facing

the Black race, especially in a still segregated and

prejudiced America, were the deliberate creation of ``evil''

individual White men.

That is why he uttered his famous epitaph on the

assassination of President John F. Kennedy calling it a case

of ``chickens coming home to roost.'' But while the statement

appeared to be fundamentally callous and insensitive to the

brutal slaying of a United States president, on closer

examination and analysis it could be interpreted to mean that

the climate of hostility and racial hatred which was

poisoning American society on November 22, 1963 spawned such

activities which resulted.

And although felled by several assassins' bullets in New

York's Harlem Audobon Ballroom on February 21, 1965, Malcolm

X's cultural currency has only increased in the last four

decades. Part of his appeal has to do with the controversial

figure that he was and his oftentimes uncompromising in-your-

face, no-sell-out stance that he took when dealing with white

American society and questions of Black oppression. It is

this militant revolutionary charisma that still finds

acceptance especially by inner city youths who are today

still struggling to be free.

Just as he was controversial in life, so too he is in

death. In 2005 there are still many unanswered questions

about just who was behind his assassination. Following

Malcolm's break with the Nation of Islam (NOI) in 1964,

enmity grew between him and the Nation of Islam leader Elijah

Muhammad. Most members of the group hated Malcolm for

``defaming'' Muhammad's name.

An FBI memo, uncovered during a congressional probe of the

agency's notorious COINTLPRO (Counter Intelligence Program)

program, suggests that it was the agency, which hated

Malcolm's guts, that used agent provocateurs planted inside

the NOI to fuel and foster factional disputes and nurture

hatred for Malcolm ultimately culminating in his killing. It

was no secret that FBI director, J. Edgar Hoover, wanted

Malcolm dead.

But no matter the circumstances of his untimely death, or

who was to blame, Malcolm X has left a towering legacy of

selfless sacrifice to the greater good of mankind. In less

than four decades he made the extraordinary journey from an

ordinary man to a leader with international standing

ultimately transformed by the power of his pilgrimage to

Mecca. It was this change and his new and profound

understanding of the root causes of oppression, exploitation

and racism that thrust him on a new path to liberating his

people. He became in the process, EI-Hajj Malik EI-Shabazz,

the liberated Black Moses of his people as he saw the

emancipation of Blacks in America as inextricably entwined

and linked with the liberation processes in the Caribbean, in

Europe and Africa. Malcolm X will be remembered as one of the

clear Black voices of reason whose every thought and action

was based on sound moral political principles. As we remember

him on his 80th Birthday and 40 years after he was brutally

murdered it is correct to say that his legacy still lives on.

Today, history looks kindly on Malcolm X and a generation

of young Black leaders all over the world remember him for

his militant activism and strong uncompromising leadership.

He was truly a ``Black Moses'' who chose his own path to lead

his people. Cut down before his mission was accomplished we

can only wonder at what this extraordinary model of human

transformation and sound moral principles would have

accomplished had he lived. We can only speculate. But Malcolm

X achieved in life what many, many would take two and even

three lifetimes to achieve. That is his legacy and his

lasting gift to his people.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the success and contributions of Dr. David Jefferson, Sr. A graduate of Grambling State University, David has been a role model and example for a generation of Grambling students and others who have met him.

In the last thirty years, David has risen up the ranks in the business community and has developed an impressive reputation amongst his colleagues as a fair and wise business leader. He currently serves as the President and CEO of JNET Communications, LLC and is a member of the board of directors of SBLI USA Mutual Life Insurance Company, Inc. He has succeeded in bringing the talents of a young Louisianan and the lessons of a noteworthy academic institution into the decision-making of two major corporations.

Beginning in 2003, JNET has provided a suite of technology and technology-related services to telephone companies, cable television systems, and other businesses. The company has created a number of job opportunities in minority and low-income communities. Through its Up the Ladder training program, it has trained individuals in these communities to work as call center experts, customer acquisition and expansion experts, and maintenance and installation experts. David has been successful in managing an organization that creates jobs for the community and the people that surround him.

Dr. Jefferson is also a senior pastor of the Metropolitan Baptist Church of Newark. Founded in 1938, Metropolitan Baptist has one of the largest congregations in Newark. It has over 80 ministries ranging from choirs and church services to ecommerce and educational development. David has effectively used the church to address the economic and social needs of his congregation and has worked to improve the livelihood of his community.

David is also a willing community activist. He divides his time with a number of social and religious organizations dedicated to making an impact on the community. He is enthusiastically involved in the actions of civil rights organizations, legal associations, and a fraternal order. In addition, David is the director and co-chair of 1,000 Churches Connected Initiative. His commitment to the community and involvement in its development is a testament to the importance of daily activism and individual responsibility.

Dr. Jefferson is a wonderful role model for generations of Americans. He effectively combines the intuitiveness and aggressiveness of the business community with the compassion and care of the neighborhood. He is a dedicated leader to the economic and social fabric of this country and should be recognized for his role in shaping and developing the individual, the family, and the community.

Dr. Jefferson bestowed his sage advice on the graduating class of Grambling State University Sunday, May 22. He advised the graduates of his keys to success and reminded them of the importance of community service, determination, and commitment to their life. I would like to share with this body the thoughtful words of Dr. David Jefferson at the commencement of Grambling State University. I submit for the Record the prepared text of that commencement address.

``Achieving Your Dreams and Hopes''; Grambling State University

Commencement Address, May 22, 2005

To Dr. Judson, the president of this internationally

renowned, remarkable, historical institution; Chairman of the

Board of Trustees; faculty; administrators; staff; parents;

friends; loved ones; and last but certainly not least the

Graduating Class of 2005. When you travel and see the

condition of our young people . . . to see those who have

reached this level, they deserve a message from us that we

are proud of their accomplishments.

Today represents a major milestone and one of significant

meaning and enormous joy and fulfillment for all of us. For

the graduates and their families, because your hard work,

sacrifice and perseverance has finally yielded the first

installment of your dividends. It's significant for this

great institution because there is a spirit of revival and

rebirth in the air at GSU.

I am excited and encouraged about what is happening at my

Alma Mater. The campus is receiving a long overdue facelift,

buildings are being constructed, dorms are being renovated,

academic curriculums are being reevaluated, and there is a

vision and hope for tomorrow.

For me it's significant because I have been invited back to

my roots, the place where I started my journey and received

my foundation for higher academic training. This is the

institution that equipped me and prepared me for my MBA work

in finance at the University of Dayton. It is this

institution that also equipped me to pursue legal studies

at Capital Law School; a Master's of Theology at Drew

University; and another master's degree from one of the

top schools in the world--the Massachusetts Institute of

Technology. It is this institution that paved the way for

me to become the Pastor of the Metropolitan Baptist Church

in Newark, N.J. which has nearly 6,000 members, and now

the President and CEO of JNET Communications. After 34

years I have been invited back to give this commencement

address and that's a marvelous blessing. So do not let

anyone tell you Grambling is not a great school. Without

this school I wouldn't be where I am today.

I am very humbled and emotional, but very excited. And I

want to thank Dr. Judson for inviting me to address this

class. I've received a number of prestigious honors in my

life, many of which were absolutely outstanding. However, in

my estimation, this tops them all. To stand here today is

extremely significant to me. Everywhere I go young people

constantly inquire, ``Dr. Jefferson, how have you achieved

such significant accomplishments and what advice would you

give college students?'' And that's what I want to focus on

briefly: achieving your dreams and hopes.

The first thing I have to admit is it has not been easy--

you really do have to learn how

to lean and depend on God. But you also have to have a dream,

some hope, some aspiration that takes you beyond the present

to what you want for your future. It's called reaching beyond

the present. I had and still have a desire to achieve.

Even if you don't know exactly ``where'' you want to go,

you need to possess a desire to ``excel beyond your

present.'' Then you need to be inspired because aspiration is

not enough, you also need inspiration. I grew up in Doyline,

a small rural area just west of here--dirt roads, no running

water, outside bathrooms, and bathing in a #3 tub (something

many of you perhaps know nothing about). There are 15

children in our family. I'm #10 and nine of us graduated from

college. My father, a Baptist minister, was a strong man and

an outstanding role model. My mother, who is with me today,

is 89 years old and will be 90 in December. Neither of my

parents finished high school, but they understood the value

of a good education and inspired their children to be

somebody, to make something of themselves, to be their best.

Without aspiration and without inspiration there is no drive,

determination, or will to succeed. Success comes to those who

are willing to sweat. And then you need to work at it. It's

called preparation. And preparation involves perspiration.

Preparation and perspiration always precede realization.

Dreams and aspirations can never be achieved without

preparation and perspiration. And then you get to the moment

of celebration. That's where you are today. So graduates--it

is time to celebrate!

But today's accomplishments are to be celebrated with

commas, not periods. As a punctuation mark, the period says

``stop.'' It represents the end of a declarative statement.

But a comma says simply, ``pause,'' because there's more to

follow. I urge you to celebrate today with a comma, meaning

that there's more to follow! Seize the moment, but keep

going. Make the most of your life. Don't stop. Go for your

master's, go for your doctorate, take your life to the next

level. Do something that will make a difference, make your

mark in life, leave a legacy.

L. Frank Baum in his 1939 epic, ``The Wizard of Oz,''

starts the story when a nasty neighbor tries to have

Dorothy's dog put to sleep. Dorothy takes her dog, Toto, to

run away. A cyclone appears and carries her to the magical

land of Oz. Wishing to return, she begins to travel to the

city of Oz, where a great and powerful wizard lives. On her

way she meets a Scarecrow who needs a brain, a Tin Man who

wants a heart, and a cowardly Lion who desperately needs

courage. They all hope the Wizard of Oz will help them,

before the Wicked Witch of the West catches up to them. But

when they reach Oz and meet the magnificent Wizard they

encounter a remarkable discovery. And that is ``what they

were looking for on the outside was only to be found

within.'' What they wanted the Wizard to give them, they had

all along. You have within you brains, the courage and the

heart and the spirit to go the distance. Cultivate what you

have within! Sometimes up, sometimes down, it won't be easy

but go for it!

And perhaps that's what Langston Hughes had in mind when he

wrote the poem ``Mother to Son,'' where the mother says to

her son . . .

``Well, son, I'll tell you:

Life for me ain't been no crystal stair.

It's had tacks in it,

And splinters,

And boards torn up,

And places with no carpet on the floor--

Bare.

But all the time

I'se been a-climbin' on,

And reachin' landin's,

And turnin' corners,

And sometimes goin' in the dark

Where there ain't been no light.

So, boy, don't you turn back.

Don't you set down on the steps.

'Cause you finds it's kinder hard.

Don't you fall now--

For I'se still goin', honey

I'se still c1imbin',

And life for me ain't been no crystal stair.

So go for it graduates and one day you'll discover, like I

have, there is no place like home, no place like Doyline, no

place like Grambling State University! And although today is

a great accomplishment, your best is yet to come.

God bless you and God bless Grambling State University!

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to mark the anniversary of an entity which has proven very important to the long standing US/Jamaican relationship. The Jamaica Tourist Association recently celebrated its 50th anniversary. In such time it has gone about making Jamaica one of the top tourist destinations in the world. The JTA will be celebrating their anniversary throughout the year with a series of events and initiatives, and I am happy to acknowledge their accomplishments here today.

The mission of the Jamaican Tourist Board is to effectively market Jamaica's tourism sector, in an increasingly competitive global tourism industry. To date, they have succeeded not only in making Jamaica a global tourism powerhouse, but also strengthening ties between the United States and Jamaica.

The United States is the largest source of tourists to the island of Jamaica. Of the record 2.5 million international tourists to Jamaica in 2004, over one million came from the U.S. With tourism the primary foreign exchange earner for Jamaica, it is a cornerstone of the country's economic strength. That strength has translated into real benefits for the United States.

In 2004, Jamaica was the second largest destination for American exports in the Caribbean, totaling over $1.4 billion. This is no doubt related to the purchasing power that the tourism sector affords Jamaica. As such, the work of the Jamaican Tourist Board has broad implications for both our nations.

The JTB continues to face many obstacles in developing the tourism sector. Last year's Caribbean hurricanes caused Jamaica hundreds of millions of dollars in damage. The tourism sector was not spared from the hurricanes' wrath, and is only now beginning to recover.

With that said, we in the United States must do all we can to ensure that we do not hinder the recovery, not only for Jamaica, but for the entire Caribbean. One such hindrance is the Bush Administration's proposed Western Hemisphere Travel Initiative.

I am opposed to aspects of the Initiative, due to inequities in the Initiative's implementation. As currently proposed, the initiative will require all travelers to and from the Americas, the Caribbean, and Bermuda to have a passport to enter or re-enter the United States. It is argued that the stricter policy will strengthen border security.

However, the Initiative is to be implemented in region specific phases, with travel to the Caribbean, Bermuda, and Central and South America being affected by the end of 2005, while travel to Canada and Mexico will not be affected until the end of 2006. I believe the early implementation date for the Caribbean is unfair.

With more than 50% of U.S. visitors to Jamaica not utilizing a passport when they travel, and considering that passport processing times can range up to 2 months, it can be expected that the new requirements will have an extremely negative impact on Jamaican tourism, as many U.S. tourists may choose vacation options that entail less hassle. As such, implementing new travel requirements on the Caribbean before other regions clearly warrants reconsideration.

With that said, I wish the Jamaican Tourist Board continued success, as its work will continue to be extremely important to both our nations. If the ever-increasing bond between our countries is any indication; the future success of Jamaican tourism is extremely bright.

Mr. Speaker, there has been significant debate in recent years regarding the chances of the developing world reaching

the Millennium Challenge Goals (MCG). Reaching the goals will be a trying task, but some regions of the world seem to be making satisfactory progress. The Caribbean is one such region that has high hopes for success in this important endeavor.

On the occasion of a recent Inter-American Development Bank seminar on the issue of the Millennium Challenge Goals, Dame Billie Miller, Minister of Foreign Affairs for the island of Barbados, wrote an informative May 3rd Op-Ed which describes the prospects and challenges facing the Caribbean in regards to achieving the Millennium Challenge Goals.

Dame Miller's overall view is that the Caribbean's progress to date has been very promising. Indeed, the United Nations Development Program's Regional Report for the Caribbean gives a rather bright prognosis for the majority of the Caribbean's nations in their MGD progression. However, some countries continue to face significant obstacles.

For example, Haiti remains mired in political instability and economic impoverishment. Though it contains 50 percent of the Caribbean's population it is the region's poorest country. The nation of Guyana, though blessed with abundant natural resources, is saddled with an extremely high ratio of debt, making it the Caribbean's only Highly Indebted Poor Country.

Despite the Caribbean's overall progress, Dame Miller emphasizes that there remains threats to the region which must be accounted for. Most pressing is the region's ongoing vulnerability to natural disasters.

We are all aware of the calamity the Caribbean region faced in 2004 due to Hurricanes Charley, Frances, and Ivan, and Tropical Storm Jeanne, which caused billions of dollars in damage. Thousands lost their lives, and the region's tourism and agricultural sectors, on which so many islands depend, was battered. The production of major agricultural exports for many countries is still on hold several months later. The Caribbean in concert with its neighbors, like the United States, must continue to address the issue of disaster response and mitigation. With efficient and functioning systems in place, these disasters need not be so devastating to the region.

Dame Miller also emphasizes the region's need to broaden access to education, as well as information and communications technology, for all its residents. Doing so will help to spur the economic development of the region, and also allow for the greater participation of the Caribbean population in civic and political life.

She also stresses the importance of the region's continuing efforts at regional economic integration. In the face of increasing globalization and trade liberalization, Dame Miller argues that the Caribbean must solidify their economic and trade ties, in route to a Caribbean Single Market Economy, which would remove all barriers to trade, capital movement, and technology and manpower transfer. Dame Miller foresees such an integration being achieved by 2006.

I sincerely thank Dame Miller for her insightful opinions. She reminds us, that while the Caribbean will undoubtedly face challenges in its socio-economic evolution, its dedication to addressing these challenges, and its ability to harness its immense potential, will ultimately determine its future success.

[From the New York Carib News, May 3, 2005]

Caribbean May Defy ``Overwhelming Odds''--As Region Seeks To Improve

People's Living Standards in Challenging Times

In this first decade of the 21st century, in a post 9/11,

post Enron World the time seems hardly propitious for the

removal of obstacles to the achievement of the Millennium

Development Goals nor the realization of the 0.7 percent of

overseas Development Assistance Commitment.

Progress (towards the achievement of the Millennium Goals

set by the world's leaders summit in 2000) has been far from

uniform across the world--or for that matter across the

Goals. There are large disparities across and within

countries. In terms of priorities for attention, the

developing world is divided into well-organized categories:

the LDC's (less developed countries), of which Haiti is the

only member in the Caribbean, although with a population of 8

million, it accounts for over 50 percent of the 14 million

citizens of the Caribbean Community, or Caricom, as it is

known; the HIPC (highly indebted poor) countries, of which

Guyana, the seat of the Caricom secretariat, is the only one

among the Caricom states; and finally, the poorest of the

poor. Small, middle incomes, mostly island countries, are, as

we would say in the Caribbean, neither fish, fowl nor good

red herring. We are therefore acutely aware that self-

reliance and national and sub-regional actions will be the

defining imperative in our efforts to achieve the targets of

the Millennium Development Goals, MDGs.

In that respect, and defying the overwhelming odds, the

prognosis for the achievement of the MDGs in the Caribbean is

very promising. In fact, the United Nations Development

Program's Regional Report on the matter gives an optimistic

outlook for most of our countries in respect of at least six

of the eight goals. But the region faces a number of

challenges to the achievement of the Goals.

Foremost among them is the vulnerability to economic

shocks, and to every natural disaster known to humankind, be

it hurricanes, volcanic eruptions, mudslides, earthquakes or

flood.

The catastrophic hurricane season of 2004 had a grave

impact on the socio-economic development prospects of many of

the small islands of the Caribbean. Decades of painstaking

human and financial investment in social development,

representing several years' worth of gross domestic product

were lost in a matter of hours.

The devastating Indian Ocean tsunami in December serves as

a stark reminder of the vulnerability of many developing

nations to natural disasters.

Globalization, education, information and communication

technology all offer the potential for reducing social

exclusion by creating economic conditions for greater

prosperity through higher levels of growth and employment,

and by providing new avenues for community participation.

Conversely, there is the risk of an ever-widening gap

between those who have and control the resources, the capital

and knowledge of the global economy and those who are

excluded. The challenge for all of us is to fashion policies,

which reduce this risk and maximize this new potential.

Various studies in Latin American and the Caribbean have

shown that even in the presence of steady rates of economic

growth, a reduction of inequality is not guaranteed. Clearly,

the solution does not lie exclusively in wealth creation.

Globalization has brought tremendous benefits to

significant portions of the world, but at the same time,

large sections of the world have experienced far too few of

its benefits, while others still, particularly in the poorest

countries, remain totally marginalized. Many feel threatened

by the way these processes have affected their communities,

endangering their jobs and widening the gap between rich and

poor. For them globalization has not delivered on the

promises of vast development opportunities on a global scale,

nor has it lessened the prevalence of economic disparities

and social injustice.

For the Caribbean, the only sensible response to

globalization and trade liberalization, and to the inevitable

disappearance of trade preferences has been to expedite the

deepening of the Caricom integration process. At this time,

the members of the Caribbean Community are fully engaged in

the most ambitious of endeavors to consolidate our market

place and economic space through the implementation of the

Caribbean Single Market and Economy, CSME, which provides for

the removal of barriers to trade, goods, services, movement

of capital, technology and skilled persons and also to the

establishment of letterpresses. We expect that the CSME will

be fully operational by 2006, making us the only integrated

region, apart from the European Union to achieve such a

status, and readying us to better access the global market

process.

Mr. Speaker, I rise again today to draw the attention of this Chamber to the importance of this day in African-American history. Today marks what would have been the 80th birthday of Malcolm X, one of the more revolutionary and controversial leaders of the Civil Rights Movement.

Malcolm X was born on May 19, 1925. It was a time in American history where the opportunities of African-Americans were limited due to segregation and racial intolerance. He nonetheless was born to parents that were, not only proud of the black race, but instilled that pride in their politics, actions, and, most importantly, their children. He learned at an early age about the challenges that black men would face just because of the color of their skin and found ways to rise above those obstacles.

Too often, historians, social scientists, and the American public have attempted to pigeonhole Malcolm into a singular character. When they do so, they miss the true man, his life, and his experiences. Malcolm X's personal story is a tale of many challenges, many conflicting events, many goals, and many aspirations. He was not simply the young son of a slain Black Nationalist or the young black student discouraged by his white teachers in the 1930s. Neither would he only be the street thug and hustler of 1940s nor the incarcerated felon of the 1950s. Nor was he just the influential minister of the Nation of Islam or the worldly Muslim of the Organization of Afro-American Unity who loved his white brethren. He was all of these persons and more.

Malcolm Little, Detroit Red, Malcolm X, and El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz were the same individual, seeking a goal of racial justice for himself, his family, and his people. He walked his journey in life in the same way that many blacks of his time have and as many do today. The education, radicalism, determination, and sense of justice that Malcolm fought for in his life represented the thoughts of blacks throughout the world then and today. To box him into any one of those personas would be a failure to understand his life and experiences and those of his time.

We should all take time this day and in the days to come to reflect on the challenges and accomplishments of Malcolm X. To this goal, I would like to alert this august chamber to the perceptive exhibition at the Schomberg Center for Research in Black Culture at the New York Public Library in Harlem. This new exhibit, ``Malcolm X: A Search for Truth,'' opened in commemoration of the birthday of Malcolm X and provides insight into his personal story, development, and journey.

I would like to submit in the Record the following New York Times review on the value and insight of this exhibition to understanding Malcolm X. On the occasion of his 80th birthday, it is a fitting tribute that we honor this extraordinary individual and realize the significance of his life journey.

The Personal Evolution of a Civil Rights Giant

May 19, 2005--In the 1940's, Malcolm Little a k a Detroit

Red (and, later, a k a Malcolm X, a k a El-Hajj Malik El-

Shabazz) wanted to impress co-conspirators in petty crime

with his ruthlessness and daring. He loaded his pistol with a

single bullet, twirled the cylinder, put the muzzle to his

head and fired. The gesture demonstrated that he was unafraid

of death and therefore not afraid of much else. And when he

recounts the story in his 1965 autobiography (``as told to''

Alex Haley), the reader is also impressed--though evidence of

his brilliance, fury and self-destructiveness is, by then,

hardly necessary.

A new exhibition about Malcolm X opens at the Schomburg

Center for Research in Black Culture today (which would have

been his 80th birthday). And though it doesn't mention this

theatrical gesture in its survey of one of the most

significant black leaders in American history, Malcolm's

public displays of passion and position sometimes seem as

courageous, dangerous, and even, yes, foolish, as his game of

Russian roulette.

The exhibition, ``Malcolm X: A Search for Truth,'' seeks to

map out the major themes of his life in a ``developmental

journey'' reflecting his ``driving intellectual quest for

truth.'' It offers evidence that has been unavailable:

personal papers, journals, letters, lecture outlines--rescued

from being sold at auction in San Francisco and on eBay in

2002.

Those papers, which the Shabazz family had lost control of

when monthly fees for a commercial storage facility were left

unpaid, were returned to them, and then lent for 75 years to

the New York Public Library's Schomburg Center in Harlem. The

documents are lightly sampled in this first public showing,

but they will eventually offer greater insight into Malcolm

X's developmental journey: from child of a Black Nationalist

father murdered in his prime, to a star elementary school

pupil in a largely white school; to a hustler and criminal;

to a convert, while in prison, to Elijah Muhammad's eccentric

brand of Islam; to a radical minister who built Muhammad's

Nation of Islam into a major national movement, declaring the

white race to be the devil incarnate; and finally, to a

political leader who, cut off by Muhammad, turned to

traditional Islam and was rethinking his views, just as he

was assassinated in New York's Audubon Ballroom in 1965 at

the age of 39.

His brief life stands as a challenge no matter one's

perspective, an overweening presence in the roiling currents

of American racial debates. After all, Islam is a force in

the American black community partly because of Malcolm X

(who, after his 1964 hajj to Mecca, changed his name to El-

Hajj Malik El-Shabazz). Advocates of reparations for slavery

echo his arguments. Less radically, so do believers in the

encouragement of black-run businesses and schools. And by

seeking to internationalize race, particularly in the mid-

1960's, Malcolm X helped set the stage for the doctrines of

Third

Worldism, which asserts that Western enslavement of dark-

skinned peoples is played out on a world scale.

Even those who dissent from such views can recognize in

Malcolm X's fearsome intelligence and self-discipline a kind

of a developmental quest, ultimately left incomplete. The

exhibition, which also includes material from the Schomburg

and other collections, tells that story chronologically,

using textual summaries and photographs to create a context

for the personal papers.

Those papers include letters from Malcolm to his brother,

Philbert Little, describing his first embrace of the Nation

of Islam, as well as a disturbing sequence of letters about

his final embrace, suggesting how Muhammad tried to rein him

in. And above the display cases, the walls are lined with

photographs chronicling the life: an elementary-school

photograph of Malcolm, glimpses of the bodies of Nation of

Islam followers killed by Los Angeles police in 1962, views

of halls packed with devoted listeners, and finally, glimpses

of the fallen chairs and stark disorder of the Audubon

Ballroom after Malcolm X was murdered. An epilogue to the

exhibition displays court drawings of the trial of the

accused assassins, along with objects found on his body,

including a North Vietnamese stamp showing an American

helicopter getting shot down.

But, despite the new personal documents, there is something

familiar about the exhibition, which does not offer new

interpretations and misses an opportunity to delve more

deeply into the difficulties in Malcolm's quest. In his

autobiography, Malcolm X spoke of the importance of speaking

the ``raw, naked truth'' about the nature of race relations.

He also recognized one of the tragic consequences of

enslavement: the erasure of the past. The name ``X'' was

provided to initiates as a stand in for a lost original name.

Names could also be readily changed because they were little

more than expressions of newly formed identities.

In fact, invention became crucial. For Malcolm X, it was a

matter of control: mastering one's past, determining one's

character and, finally, controlling one's future. Documents

describe how members of the Nation of Islam were expelled for any backsliding, including adultery. In one letter, Malcolm almost provides a motto for his kind of charismatic discipline:

``For one to control one's thoughts and feelings means one

can actually control one's atmosphere and all who walks into

its sphere of influence.''

But this also means that the truth can seem less crucial

than the kind of identity being constructed, the kind of past

being invented. After reading the autobiography, we learn

from Alex Haley's epilogue that Malcolm actually confessed

that his story of Russian roulette was not what it seemed: He

had palmed the bullet. Everybody had been hustled, the

readers included. The adoption of Nation of Islam ideology,

with its invented history and its evil scientist named Yacub

breeding the white race, is another kind of hustle.

Curiously, the exhibition itself doesn't make enough of

such distinctions. In a wall display, labeled ``Messengers of

Hope and Liberation,'' major figures like W. E. B. Du Bois

have no more stature than such figures as Wallace D. Fard.

Fard was the greater influence on Malcolm X, since he created

the Nation of Islam mythology, but he may not have had any

African heritage at all and, as Karl Evanzz argues in his

recent book, ``The Messenger: The Rise and Fall of Elijah

Muhammad,'' he had even encouraged the practice of human

sacrifice.

As if reluctant to be too judgmental, there is also not

enough explanation of the quarrel with Elijah Muhammad,

though the photographer Gordon Parks quoted Malcolm X saying,

just before his death: ``I did many things as a Muslim that

I'm sorry for now. I was a zombie then--like all Muslims--I

was hypnotized, pointed in a certain direction and told to

march. Well, I guess a man's entitled to make a fool of

himself if he's ready to pay the cost. It cost me 12 years.''

That kind of statement is too blunt for this exhibition,

which makes suggestions but seems reluctant to draw too many

distinctions. But even the differing interpretations of

Malcolm's final transformation might have been outlined with

more clarity. It is intriguing to read, in one 1964 letter

from Malcolm's office to Martin Luther King Jr., an

expression of apology for ``unkind things'' said in the past.

And the trial of the accused assassins from the Nation of

Islam merits more explanation, particularly because a

conspiracy theory of F.B.I. involvement has long simmered,

even as Muhammad was known to have encouraged threats against

Malcolm X and had already sent one disciple to kill him. The

quest for truth, surely, goes on, but part of it means facing

squarely the extent of certain kinds of hustle.

``Malcolm X: A Search for Truth'' is at the Schomburg

Center for Research in Black Culture, 515 Lenox Avenue, at

135th Street, Harlem, (212) 491-2200, through Dec. 31.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the historical decision and individuals involved in the Brown vs. Board of Education decision. This Supreme Court decision was one of the most significant decisions in the history of the United States and was an important impetus in the Civil Rights Movement. Those involved moved the country forward and opened the doors for generations of Americans that would no longer believe that ``separate but equal'' was a justifiable policy.

In 1896, the Supreme Court held in Plessy vs. Ferguson that the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment permitted separate facilities of equal quality for blacks and whites. It established the policy of ``separate but equal'' as a constitutionally acceptable system in this country. For the next seventy years, many parts of this great Nation promoted segregation in education, housing, transportation, and other facilities. Blacks and whites had separate water fountains, rode in separate railroad cars, and were educated in separate schools.

For the first half of the 20th century, there were two distinct Americas--one black, one white. White schools had far greater educational resources. They receive larger portions of state budgets for education. Their books were current and up-to-date. Their teachers were paid competitive salaries. Black schools were far from equal. Black students were barely prepared for the educational and living challenges ahead of them. Black students were closed to many of the opportunities for advancement. Segregation proved that separate would be inherently unequal.

Lawyers for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, including Thurgood Marshall, would lead a series of court cases challenging the constitutionality of segregated educational facilities. Their argument would rest on the disparities in the educational funding and spending, the quality of the educational systems, and the psychological impacts of segregated schools.

Researchers and scholars across the Nation provided evidence of the harmful effects of segregation of young minds. Dr. Kenneth Clark demonstrated that segregated schools nurtured feelings of inferiority in black children. Others showed how the preparation, opportunities, and access of black children were severely hampered by separate educational facilities.

The Supreme Court heard these arguments and agreed with the NAACP and its panel of experts. Separate facilities were inherently unequal. States must treat all its citizens equally, regardless of race. The value of education demanded that the opportunities available to one group be available to all groups.

The ruling nonetheless would have larger import outside of education. It provided hope to African-Americans that they would no longer be treated like second class citizens. It encouraged African-American leaders, such as Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X, to pursue full equality through the Civil Rights Movement.

Despite considerable resistance, this Nation has moved forward in equalizing the educational and social opportunities of its citizens, but more can still be done. Public facilities are no longer separated based on race. The gap in educational opportunities is slowly narrowing. The opportunities available to minorities are increasing. We could do more to close the gap in education and to ensure equal opportunities for all.

For today, Mr. Speaker, it is important that we reflect on the importance of that Brown vs. Board of Education decision. The Supreme Court made a wise and important decision that changed the course of this Nation for the next 50 years. It guaranteed to all of our citizens equal treatment before the law regardless of race. This was a clearly important event in American history. The men and women who challenged the policy of segregation should be commended for their deeds. They should have the full appreciation of this Nation.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate what would have been the 80th birthday of Malcolm X, formally El Hajj Malik El-Shabazz. This is an opportune moment for this country and the world to reflect on the life and times of this extraordinary individual. In his short life, Malcolm X overcame many difficulties and challenges to become a leading figure in the movement for black liberation.

Malcolm X was born Malcolm Little on May 19, 1925 in Omaha, Nebraska. He was one of eight children born to Earl and Louise Little. Earl Little was an outspoken Baptist minister and supporter of Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association. He taught his family of the importance of working together for their collective advancement and of the need to restore pride and commitment in their community and race. His fierce advocacy for racial justice prompted a number of death threats against him, required his family to relocate twice before Malcolm's fourth birthday, and eventually to lose their home to arson.

In 1931, the body of Earl Little was found lying across the town's train tracks. The police ruled the death an accident, but Malcolm learned the true cost of passionate activism. His mother suffered an emotional breakdown and was institutionalized, following the death. His siblings were split up amongst various foster homes and orphanages. Malcolm was separated from the family he had known and loved.

Malcolm nonetheless was an outstanding student. He was at the top of his class in junior high school and had aspirations of becoming a lawyer. With the early lessons of his father about the importance of education and self-pride, Malcolm was prepared to shine in the academic and legal worlds. However, he lost interest in these aspirations when a favorite teacher crushed his dreams and told him that law was not a realistic goal for a Black man in the 1940s.

Disillusioned, Malcolm dropped out of school after the 8th grade and moved to Harlem, where he unfortunately turned to a life of crime. By 1942, Malcolm was coordinating various crime rings in New York City. In 1946, he was arrested, convicted on burglary charges, and sentenced to 10 years in prison. Finding himself headed in the wrong direction and exposed for the first time to the teachings of the Nation of Islam, Malcolm re-dedicated himself to academic pursuits and understanding economic and social disempowerment.

Undoubtedly guided by his father's activism, his own life experiences, and his time in NYC, Malcolm X became a loyal adherent and follower of Minister Elijah Muhammad and the Nation of Islam. He argued that the discrimination and racism present in American society kept African-Americans from achieving true political, economic, and social power and that the system would continue to perpetuate discrimination and racism unless African-Americans stood up for themselves and against the system.

In keeping with the teachings of the Nation of Islam, Malcolm adopted the ``X'' as a surname to demonstrate that his African identity and cultural roots had been unknown to him. Following his parole in 1952, he became an outspoken defender and spokesman for the Nation of Islam. He was placed in charged of new mosques in Harlem, Detroit, and Michigan. He became an effective voice of Nation of Islam through newspaper, radio and television communications and was credited with helping to increase membership from 500 in 1952 to 30,000 in 1963.

While he spoke in bitterness and hatred towards whites, he spoke about his experiences and interactions with people. From the death of his father to his favorite teacher to numerous others he had encountered, Malcolm talked about what he knew and that, like for many African-Americans at the time, was not a beloved experience. He spoke for those whose dreams were crushed by the educational system, whose families suffered at the hands of economic injustice, whose leaders fought for social equality, and whose futures did not look bright.

Malcolm however would become disheartened by the Nation of Islam, after learning of indiscretions committed by Minister Muhammad and attempts by the organization to conceal them. Unwilling to participate in what he believed was deception, he was marginalized within the organization. In 1964, he separated from the Nation of Islam and formed his own organizations, the Organization of Afro-American Unity and the Muslim Mosque, Inc.

In 1964, Malcolm X traveled outside the United States to Africa, Mecca, and Saudi Arabia. The trip would become a transcendent period in his life. For the first time in his life, he came in contact with different cultures and races that treated him with respect for who he was. He broke bread with Muslims of various races and saw that brotherhood was not limited by race. He saw humanity and compassion in its true form and was moved by the recognition that it really was universal.

When he returned, Malcolm adopted the name El-Hajj Malik El Shabazz. He returned to the United States with a new sense of purpose and a different set of experiences. He spoke about how he had met ``blonde- haired, blue-eyed men I could call my brothers.'' He was prepared to work with men of all races to achieve true racial justice. He was prepared to lead a movement for the liberation of the disadvantaged in America.

Unfortunately, Malcolm X was assassinated at the Audubon Ballroom in Harlem on February 14, 1965--more than 40 years ago this year. At Malcolm's funeral, the actor Ossie Davis eulogized him and asked the crowd of onlookers, ``Did you ever talk to Brother Malcolm? Did you ever really listen to him? For if you did you would know him. And if you knew him you would know why we must honor him.'' Unfortunately, we will never know what Malcolm X could have done with another 40 years.

Mr. Speaker, I submit into the Record a statement by Trans-Africa Forum President Bill Fletcher, Jr. demonstrating how Malcolm was an inspiration in the global struggle for freedom and human rights, with many world leaders embracing him and his philosophy.

Malcolm X: Remembering Him as More Than a Postage Stamp

A statement by Trans-Africa Forum President Bill Fletcher, Jr. on the

occasion of the 40th anniversary of the assassination of Malcolm X

February 21, 2005--February 21, 2005 marks the 40th

anniversary of the assassination of African American freedom

fighter Malcolm X, aka El Hajj Malik El-Shabazz. Realizing

that had he lived, Malcolm would have been turning 80 this

year stands in contrast to the memories many of us have--or

have gained since his death through photos, recordings of

speeches and documentaries--of an audacious young Black man

who unquestionably spoke truth to power. Malcolm, gunned down

at the age of 39, represented a defiance and commitment that

most of us can only aspire to achieve. He spoke our anger

against oppression, and our pain suffered from this same

oppression, while constantly demonstrating a love and respect

for us as a people.

Similar to the experience in the years that have passed

since the death of Martin Luther King, there have been

constant attempts to rewrite the life and thought of Malcolm

X. Despite all of this, generation after generation have

rediscovered the real Malcolm, even if only in pieces that

have to be assembled in the giant game of history.

In an era where much confusion reigns within Black America

due to the emergence of figures such as General Colin Powell

and Dr. Condoleezza Rice, it is useful to reflect upon two

central themes in the life and work of Malcolm X: one, that

our struggle in the United States as African Americans was

and is fundamentally a struggle for human rights rather than

civil rights. Two, that our struggle is bound up with

struggles taking place around the world against imperialism

and other forms of injustice.

The issue of civil rights vs. human rights is critically

important and for more than semantic reasons. Malcolm was

challenging much of the leadership of the then Civil Rights

Movement to understand that the issue before Black America

was not simply or only one of constitutional rights within

the U.S. framework. Malcolm suggested, following upon leaders

such as Du Bois, Robeson and Patterson, that the issues at

stake for African Americans were more than discrimination, as

important as that was and is. Instead, Malcolm observed that

the oppression faced by Black America has been central to the

reality of the USA since before it was the USA, i.e., since

the beginning of colonial North America. Our situation, in

other words, was not an aberration from an otherwise humane

record. Rather, the oppression that we have faced has shaped

the basic existence and substance of the United States, and,

along with the genocide faced by Native Americans, helps one

to understand the inability of this country to establish a

truly democratic republic.

For Malcolm, then, Black America was demanding not only an

end to discrimination, but recognition of our human rights as

a people, up to and including the right to national self-

determination. Malcolm concluded that as a people who had

been subjected to hundreds of years of naked and vicious

oppression, only an international body,

such as the United Nations, had the location and moral

authority to address the true resolution of our condition.

For this, Malcolm became one of the most dangerous people

in the USA, at least for those who oppress us.

Malcolm did not stop there. Linked to his understanding of

human rights, Malcolm also situated our struggle for human

rights alongside the struggles that were underway in Asia,

Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America for national

independence and liberation. Again, following in the

footsteps of freedom fighters going back to the early 19th

century, Malcolm insisted that to only view our struggle

through the prism of North American eyes would be to condemn

our struggle to failure. As such, Malcolm paid attention to

educating Black America to the relevance of struggles

underway overseas, such as the movement in the Democratic

Republic of the Congo for complete freedom from both the

Belgians and the USA. He was also an early and incisive

critic of the expanding U.S. aggression in Indochina.

To build ties, Malcolm spent time developing bonds of

friendship and comradeship with some of the most important

international leaders of the struggles for national

liberation of the 1960s. These were not symbolic, but

represented an attempt to build allies who could be called

upon to support our struggle for freedom.

For this, Malcolm became one of the most dangerous people

in the USA . . . at least for those who oppress us. For us,

the oppressed, he was our champion. Far from being a savior,

Malcolm saw himself as a spokesperson for a movement; yet

never more important than the movement. He understood that it

is people in motion rather than individual leaders who shift

the tracks of history.

And so, it is time to again remember Malcolm and to cherish

him through continuing in his footsteps, footsteps that were

molded by an insistence on struggle, audacity, and, yes, love

for his people.