Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I rise today, as we approach his retirement, to recognize the exemplary career of Arthur Barnes, who culminates a career marked by glowing accomplishment and triumph. He, this year, ends an illustrious 15-year stint as the Health Insurance Plan of New York's senior vice president for external affairs and corporate contributions--there, successfully pursuing with great energy and imagination the promoting of the health and well-being of the diverse New York community. Under his direction, the HIP generously doled out aid--in the form of grants, scholarships, contributions, sponsorships, and in-kind services--to those nonprofit organizations actively working to improve the quality of life for New York City residents. Through his efforts, Arthur Barnes empowered community organizations to make a substantive contribution to the education of people who were previously unaware of how they could positively affect their well-being through preventative behavior. This working partnership stands as Arthur's perhaps greatest legacy. It is that legacy of selfless service to the greater good that Arthur leaves behind for all to emulate.

He ably served in an array of influential posts before arriving at HIP: presiding over the New York Urban Coalition as its leader and CEO for 20 years, becoming a vice president at the Institute for Mediation and Conflict Resolution, and rising from file clerk to vice president of administration over a 21-year period at Consolidated Mutual Insurance Companies. His commitment to philanthropy remains a pillar of his public work, serving on the volunteer boards of Black Agency Executives, Associated Black Charities, and New York City Partnership, which he helped found.

A native son of Harlem, he has remained loyal and true to his home. But the benefits of his efforts are far-reaching and innumerable.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to acknowledge the U.S.-Cuba Cultural Exchange's letter to President Bush and to enter into the Record a copy of their letter.

On November 27, 2007, the U.S.-Cuba Cultural Exchange sent a letter to President Bush that expressed their desire to establish relations with Cuban artists and urged him to take steps to normalize interaction with Cuba. The letter was signed by several artists including Harry Belafonte, Danny Glover, Carlos Santana, and Sean Penn. As of December 11, 2007, the letter has been signed by one thousand four hundred and twelve people.

I applaud the U.S.-Cuba Cultural Exchange for urging President Bush to change the U.S. policy towards Cuba and for raising awareness about how the policy impacts the artist community. Further, I support their movement, which would allow people from both countries to exchange and experience performing and literary arts.

Art in any form including, but not limited to dance, music, and poetry provides a mechanism where by people are able to express themselves, which ultimately represents their culture, identity, and voice. In addition to representing a culture, the selling of artistic goods provides a source of income for artists and substantially contributes to an economy, especially in the U.S.

The artists issue is part of the broader implications with the travel ban and trade embargo, which hurts the U.S. economically, politically, and socially. It is estimated that the U.S. economy loses millions of dollars annually due to the trade embargo. The lack of diplomatic relations prevents any effort to democratize Cuba. There is no way to quantify the cost paid by Cuban Americans who can't visit their loved ones freely.

The United States-Cuba policy is a failure, period. Change is needed now. I urge my colleagues to support my bills, H.R. 624 and H. R. 654, which would lift the embargo and travel ban.

U.S.-Cuba Cultural Exchange,

Albuquerque, NM, November 27, 2007.

President George W. Bush,

The White House,

Washington, DC.

Dear President Bush: We wish to bring to your attention the

accompanying letter, dated October 26, 2007, received from

Alicia Alonso, Prima Ballerina and Director of the Cuban

National Ballet, and also Goodwill Ambassador for the United

Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

(UNESCO). Ms. Alonso has toured extensively in the United

States and her work has long been admired by the American

performing arts community, cultural critics and the public.

We are writing you as representatives of the cultural

sphere in the United States. We write you as American

citizens. We write to express our dismay at your

administration's continuing hostility towards Cuba. We write

to express our opposition to policies that keep us divided

from our Cuban counterparts, preventing cultural interchange

between our two countries. We believe the time has come to

move towards cooperation and constructive relations with

Cuba.

The present policies deny such possibilities of friendship

and cultural sharing. We further note that cultural

interchanges and relationships are also modes of

communication and expression. In denying us the possibility

of engaging in such exchanges and relationships, we are being

denied our fundamental rights as guaranteed by the 1st, 5th

and 14th Amendments of the U.S. Constitution.

This reality seems to run counter to other positions

expressed by your Administration. In September 2006, for

example, Laura Bush inaugurated your Administration's

``Global Cultural Initiative,'' stating that ``One of the

best ways we can deepen our friendships with the people of

all countries is for us to better understand each other's

culture by enjoying each other's literature, music, films and

visual arts.''

As citizens, artists, scholars, educators and cultural

workers from all artistic practices, academic disciplines,

advocacy and service organizations in the arts, we hope you

will read and consider the words of Alicia Alonso as we call

upon your Administration to:

1. open a respectful dialogue with the government and

people of Cuba in accord with established protocols supported

by the community of nations;

2. end the travel ban that prevents U.S. citizens from

visiting Cuba and allow for Cuban artists and scholars to

visit the United States, thus eliminating the censorship of

art and ideas, and

3. initiate, by working with appropriate members of

Congress, a process that can result in the development of

normal bilateral relations between our countries.

Supporters of Cultural Exchanges with Cuba:

Louis Head--Cuba Research and Analysis Group--Co-founder

US-Cuba Cultural Exchange.

Bill Martinez--Martinez & Associates--Co-founder US-Cuba

Cultural Exchange.

Cynthia Semon--Media consultant/music promoter--US-Cuba

Cultural Exchange.

James Early--Cultural Policy Specialist--U.S.-Cuba Cultural

Exchange.

Harry Belafonte--actor/singer.

Danny Glover--actor.

Sean Penn--actor.

Carlos Santana--musician.

(Plus more than 1,400 other signatories).

Madam Speaker, I rise today to draw attention to an event honoring my pioneering predecessor, former Congressman Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., of New York, and acknowledged in the New York CARIB News December 10 story, ``Honoring The Legacy of Adam Clayton Powell Jr.'' Local 32BJ--the largest private sector union in New York and the largest property service union in the country--has evoked the memory and legacy of Mr. Powell in its campaign to organize private security guards. The more than 60,000 New York security officers deserve a living wage that meets their needs and those of their families. This battle is the most recent offshoot of Mr. Powell's influence on social and economic justice. It is in his spirit that these hard-working Americans fight for the benefits due them, and I wholeheartedly join them in this campaign.

Honoring the Legacy of Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.

New York, NY.--In a major step forward for Local 32BJ's

city-wide campaign to organize security officers, Reverend

Dr. Calvin O. Butts welcomes Local 32BJ President Mike

Fishman and Reverend Johnny Ray Youngblood to the Abyssinian

Baptist Church for its annual commemoration of the life and

work of Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.

This is the first time the union's security officer

campaign is being brought to the attention of Abyssinian's

members.

``Honoring the legacy of Adam Clayton Powell means

continuing his fight for social and economic justice,'' said

Mike Fishman, Local 32BJ President.

``It is unfair that these men and women risk their lives

protecting million dollar buildings, but don't make enough to

support their families.''

More than 60,000 men and women in New York, most of whom

are African-American, work as private security officers.

Although they keep our city safe, many of them earn less than

$10/hr, receive no affordable health care and little, if any,

state-of-the-art security training.

``As leaders in this city in the fight for social and

economic justice the support of Reverent Butts and Reverend

Youngblood is vital to the success of our campaign,'' Fishman

added.

``Local 32BJ's campaign to raise wage and living standards

is about more than 60,000 security officers--it is about New

York itself,'' said Reverend Calvin Butts.

``The union's campaign is our community's campaign because

it represents a unified call-to-action to pay men and women

not only what they deserve, but what they need, to support

their families--regardless of color.

``Labor and African-American leaders have a long history of

working together--including organizing campaigns led by Dr.

Martin Luther King on behalf of sanitation workers and by

Adam Clayton Powell on behalf of pharmacists in Harlem.

``Nothing is more important in the union's security officer

campaign than fighting for respect,'' said Rev. Youngblood.

``Armed with respect for ourselves and from the community,

and empowered with hard-earned respect from employers, we

will win this fight for economic and social justice.''

The recent event took on added significance because the

union's campaign has been gaining momentum, and now

represents more than 6,000 security officers in New York--

double the number from just a few years ago.

With new campaigns visible at Jet Blue and Fordham

University, which both use Summit, a low-wage security

contractor, the campaign has picked up steam in recent

months.

With more than 85,000 members, including 60,000 in New

York, Local 32BJ is the largest private sector union in New

York and the largest property service union in the country.

Madam Speaker, today I rise to ask my colleagues to take a moment to honor one of our most successful and important educational campaigns, the Partnership for a Drug-Free America, for 20 years of outstanding service.

Best known for its national drug-education campaigns, the Partnership for a Drug-Free America continues its mission to reduce illicit drug use in America by uniting communications professionals, renowned scientists, and parents.

What began in 1986 as a 3-year endeavor to ``unsell'' drugs to the American public, has turned into the largest public service campaign in our Nation's history. The pro bono work of some of the country's best advertising agencies across all forms of media has allowed the Partnership's anti-drug message to reach the public on local and national levels for the past two decades.

The organization first entered the wider public consciousness in 1987, with its ``This is Your Brain on Drugs'' broadcast and print public service announcements, which used the analogy that if a person's brain were an egg, using drugs would be like frying that egg. Another PSA featured a television, a trip to Paris, and a new car all disappearing right under the nose of a cocaine user. Still another that year focused on how a drug-induced high is like diving into an empty swimming pool. All these commercials and print campaigns were praised in a speech given to those involved executively with PDFA by then- President George H.W. Bush in late 1989.

Since then, the Partnership has grown from simple advertising into a drug prevention and treatment resource. Parents and caregivers can request materials and teaching aids that they can use to effectively address drug and alcohol abuse with their children. A major new initiative now unfolding integrates the latest science and research with the most effective traditional media and digital communication techniques to give parents the tools, resources and support they need to help their children lead healthy lives. This effort--the first ever for the Partnership--will include a Web-based interactive information resource center, parent-to-parent support network, a national toll-free call center and user-friendly online/offline tools.

Time and time again, the Partnership proves that the media industry can play a very positive role in influencing our young people to turn away from drugs. Fueled by their educational programs and grassroots community outreach efforts, the use of illicit drugs across the country has fallen by almost a third. Adolescent drug use alone is down by 19 percent in just the past 4 years and 32 percent since its inception.

To celebrate the accomplishments and longevity of the organization, the Partnership will kick off its 20th anniversary at its annual gala being held on November 27, 2007 at the Waldorf Astoria in New York City. The Partnership will honor William C. Weldon, chairman and CEO of the Johnson and Johnson Corporation.

In light of this momentous occasion, I congratulate the staff and volunteers of the Partnership for a Drug-Free America on 20 years of influential service to our Nation. I ask my colleagues to join me in commending them for continuing on with their vision to raise awareness on how we can prevent substance abuse in our communities and make America a safer and sober place to live.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the life of Ossie Davis, an American actor, World War II veteran, writer, and civil rights activist.

Raiford Chatman Davis, better known as Ossie Davis was born on December 18, 1917 in Cogdell, Georgia as the fifth child of Laura Cooper and Kince Davis. The name Ossie derived from a pronunciation of his first and middle initials, RC.

He began studying in 1939 at Howard University, but decided to withdraw to pursue his dream of being an actor. He relocated to New York City and began acting with the Rose McClendon Players in Harlem. He served as a surgical technician for the Army during World War II from 1942 to 1945. After returning from the war, he continued to pursue his dream of acting and debuted in the 1950 film No Way Out. He was an exceptional actor and appeared in many movies, television shows and stage plays.

He married Ruby Ann Wallace, also known as Ruby Dee, in 1948. She was also an actress and civil rights activist. Their contribution to the civil rights movement was significant and inspiring. They played a key role in planning the historical 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom and served as emcees. They were friends of Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and Rev. Jesse Jackson and worked side by side with them to advance the rights of African Americans. Mr. Davis had the honor of delivering the eulogy for Martin Luther King, Jr.

In 2007, their album ``With Ossie and Ruby: In This Life Together,'' won a Grammy Award for Best Spoken Word Album. Mr. Davis passed away on February 4, 2005. His contributions to the performing arts and civil rights movement will live on for years to come.

Madam Speaker, I rise in tribute to Bertram M. Lee Sr., a trailblazing entrepreneur who exemplified the truest ideals of courage, fortitude and commitment. Bertram believed that there was nothing he could not achieve or conquer with personal dedication and faith as his instruments.

Bertram, who died in October 2003, gained national recognition as a successful entrepreneur and philanthropist. He broke through the barriers that sought to limit his vision to accomplish more than was expected of a person of his background. He launched large, sophisticated firms and expanded opportunities for other Black entrepreneurs and executives in media and telecommunications industries. As lead investor and president of Dudley Station Corporation he was in the vanguard of minority ownership of major media properties. His efforts culminated in 1982, when New England Television Corporation, a minority-led consortium acquired WNEV-TV, Boston's CBS affiliate. Under his leadership as President of the corporation from 1982-1986, both the value of the station and its journalistic quality increased.

Bertram went on to become the first minority owner of a professional sports franchise as co-owner and managing partner of the Denver Nuggets basketball team. In banking, he showed outstanding leadership as chairman of the board of directors of Boston Bank of Commerce. He also served on the boards of Shawmut Bank and Reebok International, Inc. A common thread woven through all of his accomplishments was his ability to expand existing boundaries and open opportunities in areas that were traditionally closed to African-Americans.

In politics, we worked together on the historic campaign to elect David Dinkins, the first African American mayor of my beloved city of New York. We shared a view of the world that believed in, and struggled for, the empowerment of African Americans no matter where they were on the globe. I urge my colleague to join me in recognizing this great American.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and concur in the Senate amendment to the bill (H.R. 3996) to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to extend certain expiring provisions, and for other purposes.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

This is an extraordinary time for those of us in the Congress, because a constitutional change is taking place that never was expected, and that is where the minority in the Senate can actually dictate to the House of Representatives exactly what they will and what they won't do. And so the whole question of whether or not the fiscal responsibility of supporting revenues for this bill is even going to be considered is something that we cannot expect the Senate ever to respond to because they need 60 votes in order to fulfill their Senate responsibility.

So what do we have on the floor today? We have the principle that most Republicans as well as Democrats have agreed to in the past, and that is that the time has come for us to be fiscally responsible.

Now, when the Congressional Budget Office has an item in this budget and it is called the alternative minimum tax and they put in that budget a receipt of $50 billion, it means to me and should mean to others that if you are going to delete that provision, you are deleting the $50 billion. And in order for the books to be balanced, as any family, any corporation, and I hope most intelligent and motivated countries, you raise the revenue to pay for it.

So this is not happening. The President says you don't have to pay for it. Go to the Japanese, go to the Chinese, borrow. And why should you pay? Let your children and your grandchildren pay for this tax relief that was never but never expected that it would hit these middle-class people.

Now, what are our options? We could stick to our fiscal guns. We could say the right thing to do is not to pass a bill that is not paid for. We could say that the taxpayers are not really entitled to the benefits of waiving the PAYGO rules. Or, we could say, why hold 23 million taxpayers hostage because of the irresponsibility of the minority in not being willing to pay for this, no matter how many alternatives we give them?

Well, we choose to say, protect the taxpayer. Forget the loopholes, forget the revenue losses, forget the indebtedness, at least for now, because we don't want those hardworking people, most of them hardworking couples with children and with deductions, to wake up in the morning and find there is a feud between the House and the Senate and the Republicans and the Democrats that would cause them to carry this burden. And the President says, remove it and don't pay for it.

Well, we come out on the side of the taxpayers, and we just hope that we can pass this suspension, get on with the protection, and then, in a responsible way, maybe the Republicans and Democrats in the House and Senate can deal with this in a more permanent way next year.

Madam Speaker, I hope that those that are listening come to the floor on this historic occasion as we hope that we can reverse the thinking in the House and the Senate in pay-fors.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kind), a member of the committee.

I am glad that the last speaker is so young and vibrant that he may be able to share with the President his views. It was never intended that this tax would hit the people. That's why for 7 years the President never did anything to remove it. He never expected it to hit the people. That's why every year except this year he put it in the budget and expected the $50 billion. No one ever expected this to exist. That's why the Congressional Budget Office says we should be getting $50 billion. This argument is so persuasive, I can't wait to get home to explain it to my creditors.

I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), our majority leader, and thank him so much for the work he has done for the majority and, therefore, for the Congress and our country.

Madam Speaker, I have two requests. One, that Dr. McDermott, one of our most expert legislators, who is trained as a psychiatrist, be given the opportunity to try to bring some reasonableness to the last speaker's remarks for 1 minute.

And also, that I be allowed to yield the balance of my time to the chairman, Richard Neal, of the Select Committee on Revenues, who had the responsibility of guiding us through the alternative minimum tax.

Madam Speaker, at the end of this day, notwithstanding the philosophical arguments that we have exchanged on this floor and whatever they do in the other body, the American people and taxpayers are going to ask the question, Did this Congress deliberately allow a $50 billion tax burden to fall on their shoulders? And we have to be in the position to say we have a long way to go in getting our tax reform straight. But it would be just so totally unfair for people to say that because of our differences of opinion that on this close to Christmas Day, we have blessed them with billions of dollars of a tax burden that they should not have.

It was the Congress that allowed this to go forward in 1969 without fixing it for indexing. And I hope it will be this Congress that would say that we remove this burden.

I do really hope that even though this President has only 1 year left in his term of office that somewhere, maybe the Treasury Secretary, maybe the Republican leadership, that they might come forward with any plan or some plan to remove the alternative minimum tax. And even though we know it's going to cost over $800 billion or maybe $1 trillion, I just hope that maybe next year that it's not smoke and mirrors and we didn't intend to tax in the first place, but we either cut programs or raise the revenue but, for God's sake, not only do the right thing for our taxpayers that are out there today wondering what we are going to do, but for those taxpayers that decades from now after many of us have gone, they'll ask the question, Why did you burden us with this load? Why did you have us to have to pay this indebtedness to Japan, to China? And why didn't you do the right thing?

Madam Speaker, I rise today in reverence of the trailblazing life led by our colleague, Congresswoman Julia Carson, and to commemorate the myriad achievements attached to her name. She spent over 35 of her years--more than half of her life--as a spirited public servant, pushing her message of hope and equality in the Indiana legislature, and subsequently, the halls of Congress.

Her 1996 election from the Indianapolis district marked a litany of historic firsts: the first woman, the first African American from that area to serve in the House, and up until her passing, the only one in that delegation to fit that profile. Hers was a unique--strong, proud-- voice, and the people of her district--the people of America--were all the better for it.

Known to all as ``Miss Julia,'' Congresswoman Carson was raised in modest conditions and retained that modesty throughout. She was born to a single mother, a housekeeper, who instilled in her the core values that impelled her to always agitate for justice. Her convictions drove her to be a vehement critic of the Iraq invasion of 2003, and her respect for history led her to push for the conferring of a congressional gold medal to civil rights heroine Rosa Parks.

Representative Carson, herself, was a heroine, and although her presence is infinitely missed, her aspirations for this great Nation will never leave us.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in memory of anti-war powerhouse Norma Becker, whose energy, spirit, and integrity fueled the opposition to the Vietnam War. A New York City memorial service held in her honor on November 3 drew hundreds, underscoring how her passion for peace won over the hearts and minds of many. She, herself, exemplified equal measures of heart and mind--impressing others with the sharpness of her intellect and her thoroughly analytical and logical approach to problems, but impelling them to act through her vision, her sensitivity, her soul.

She was a public school teacher with a voracious appetite for learning and social indignation. For 10 years, she presided over the Fifth Avenue Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, the most prominent metropolitan antiwar coalition in the country. She was a founding member of Mobilization for Survival and served as chair of the War Resisters League for 6 years. She lent her voice and talents, not only to the cause for peace, but to the Civil Rights Movement, as well.

She has engraved her legacy into the American consciousness, and the country is the better for it. I submit for the Record and the interest of my colleagues some of the tributes paid to Norma Becker during her memorial service.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to echo the country's growing insistence that crack cocaine sentencing be reformed and that a sensible, fair policy replace it. I introduce the December 11 Washington Post editorial, ``Sense in Sentencing,'' and the December 12 New York Times Post editorial, ``Justice in Sentencing,'' to highlight how from all branches of government momentum is indisputably picking up in favor of reform. This week, a decisive Supreme Court granted judges greater discretion in sentencing, and the U.S. Sentencing Commission decided to retroactively apply the recent reduction of its sentencing recommendations--both a nod to the prevailing outrage concerning excessively stiff crack cocaine penalties.

The Commission and the Court have done all they can. Now, it's our turn. The impetus falls on Congress to end the sentencing inequity that slaps the same 5-year sentence for possessing 500 grams of powder as it does for 5 grams of crack. That's a 100-to-1 disparity--and an average difference of 40 months in jail time--for two drugs experts say have no significant differences. Well, here's one significant difference: Over 80 percent of sentenced crack offenders are Black. These arbitrarily lopsided mandatory minimums have fueled the disproportionate rate and length of incarceration of Black men and swelled our prisons to a world-leading 2.2 million.

The door to criminal and racial justice has been opened. It's now up to this Congress to step through it. Let's rally around The Crack- Cocaine Equitable Sentencing Act, H.R. 460, and correct the sentencing of uneven punishments for nearly identical offenses.

Sense in Sentencing:The Supreme Court Gives Judges Some Leeway in Drug

Cases

For roughly two decades, federal trial judges have chafed

under the constraints of federal sentencing guidelines and

mandatory minimums that often forced them to hand down

inordinately long sentences. Those injustices have been most

pronounced in drug cases, particularly those involving crack

cocaine. In two opinions released yesterday, the Supreme

Court handed back some flexibility to judges and increased

the chances that justice--not just retribution--will be

exacted in future cases.

By 7-2 votes, the justices concluded that trial judges have

the leeway to impose more lenient sentences in drug cases

than those called for by the federal sentencing guidelines.

To pass legal muster, the sentences must be ``reasonable''

and ``sufficient, but not greater than necessary'' to

``promote respect for the law, provide just punishment for

the offense'' and ``protect the public from further crimes of

the defendant.''

One decision yesterday concerned Derrick Kimbrough, who was

arrested in Norfolk in 2004 with 92 grams of powder cocaine,

56 grams of crack and a gun. He faced 19 to 22 years behind

bars, in large part because of the high penalties for crack

offenses; he would have had to possess 5,000 grams of powder

cocaine to get the same sentence. After considering Mr.

Kimbrough's record of steady employment and his military

service during the Persian Gulf War, the trial judge

concluded that Mr. Kimbrough should serve roughly 15 years.

In the second case, Brian Gall, along with seven others,

was indicted in Iowa in 2004 for conspiracy to sell ecstasy,

cocaine and marijuana. The conspiracy, according to the

indictment, ran from 1996 to 2002. Mr. Gall, a former drug

addict, sold ecstasy for roughly 7 months in 2000 but stopped

using drugs 1 month after he began selling them and pulled

out of the drug trade a few months later. He subsequently

earned a college degree and worked in construction before

starting his own company. When he was indicted, Mr. Gall had

been drug-free and law-abiding for roughly 4 years. The

presiding judge determined that the 30- to 37-month sentence

called for by the guidelines was unjust and

counterproductive. He sentenced Mr. Gall to 36 months

probation.

The justices rightly rebuffed the government's challenge to

the reduced sentences. They recognized the wisdom of allowing

those closest to the ground--the trial judges--to assess how

best to exact justice in individual cases, even while

endorsing the guidelines as a means to avert wide disparity

in sentences nationwide.

The evolution of crack sentencing could continue today

when, perhaps coincidentally, the U.S. Sentencing Commission

is scheduled to vote on whether to make retroactive the more

lenient penalties it instituted earlier this year. The

commission should vote yes and take yet another step toward

bringing sanity to the crack laws.

Justice in Sentencing

With a pair of 7-2 rulings this week, the Supreme Court

struck a blow for basic fairness and judicial independence.

The court restored a vital measure of discretion to federal

trial judges to impose sentences based on their assessment of

a particular crime and defendant rather than being forced

to adhere to overarching guidelines.

Beyond that, one of the rulings highlighted the

longstanding injustice of federal guidelines and statutes

imposing much longer sentences for offenses involving crack

cocaine, which is most often found in impoverished

communities, than for offenses involving the chemically

identical powdered cocaine, which is popular among more

affluent users.

The rulings provide fresh impetus for Congress to rewrite

the grotesquely unfair crack cocaine laws on which the

federal sentencing guidelines are partly based. Those laws

are a relic of the 1980s, when it was widely but wrongly

believed that the crack form of cocaine was more dangerous

than the powder form. We are pleased that the United States

Sentencing Commission recently called for reducing sentences

for some categories of offenders and has now called for

applying the change retroactively. The real work still lies

with Congress, which needs to rewrite the law.

Building on a 2005 decision that held the sentencing

guidelines to be advisory rather than mandatory, the new

rulings affirm that the guidelines are but one factor to be

considered by a trial judge in arriving at an individual

sentence, and that an appeals court must have a strong reason

to overturn that sentence.

In one of the cases, the justices supported a district

judge in Virginia who gave a military veteran convicted of

crack dealing a sentence of 15 years, rather than the 19-22

years that the guidelines recommended. The ruling described

the federal crack law as ``disproportionate and unjust.''

Writing for the majority, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg stated

that it would not be an abuse of a discretion for a trial

judge to conclude that the crack/powder disparity resulted in

a longer-than-necessary sentence for a particular defendant.

In the other case, the court found that a trial judge was

within his rights to impose a light sentence on a man briefly

involved in selling the drug Ecstasy while in college. In

reviewing sentences, wrote Justice John Paul Stevens for the

majority, appellate courts must apply a deferential abuse-of-

discretion standard to trial judges' decisions.

There is a danger that the new procedures outlined by the

court could end up making federal sentences unfairly

disparate across the country, undermining one of the

important objectives of having sentencing guidelines in the

first place. If that happens, Congress will have to address

the problem. For

the moment, the Supreme Court's latest adjustment in

sentencing strikes us as a positive development, one with

much potential for advancing justice.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the tenth anniversary of Dow Jones Indexes, which will be celebrated on December 14, 2007, in New York City.

Our good friend and former colleague, Guy Vander Jagt, who we lost this year, was proudly associated with Dow Jones and Company for much of his professional career, and I know that if he was still with us he would be joining in this anniversary celebration.

For over a century the name of the Dow Jones & Company has been linked with integrity and business investment in America. Much like other words that have entered the America lexicon in everyday use, ``Dow Jones'' means stocks and their value on Wall Street to virtually every American. It is remarkable that the Dow Jones Industrial Average is the oldest continuing stock market index in the world. However, over the past 10 years of serving the American people, Dow Jones Indexes has grown far beyond just the time-honored Dow Jones Industrial Average to become a leading authority in the global financial markets, researching, launching and supporting a staggering 130,000 indexes, tracking equity markets and other asset classes around the globe.

For example, The Dow Jones Wilshire Indexes are benchmarks for the entire institutional investing community--affecting the retirement plans of Americans across the land. The Dow Jones-AIG Commodity Indexes and the Dow Jones Sustainability Indexes are just two more examples of more specialized Dow Jones indexes that have changed the way the world views these markets. Through expansion and innovation in financial markets, the Dow Jones Indexes have continued to serve as a linchpin of the American financial industry. Indeed, across America and around the world their innovations have changed the very landscape of investing and the financial community. Today, over $2.1 trillion of assets--from millions of investors worldwide--are linked to indexes published by Dow Jones Indexes and STOXX, its joint venture in Europe that is co-owned with Deutsche Borse and the Swiss Exchange, SWX.

Through its growth, Dow Jones Indexes has helped to build awareness and drive the adoption of index-based products as an important investment category, a trend that is widely viewed to benefit investors by offering them diversified, transparent and low-cost investment alternatives. The indexes additionally offer investors tools with which they can appropriately evaluate their portfolio's performance, no matter what its composition.

It is with this background that I wish to recognize the Tenth Anniversary of Dow Jones Indexes and their service to the American people. I would like to recognize John A. Prestbo, one of the first recipients of the William F. Sharpe Indexing Lifetime Achievement Award, which recognizes the most accomplished innovators and practitioners in the indexing industry. He was awarded this prestigious honor for serving as the long time Editor and now Executive Director of the Indexes group within Dow Jones. Along with the stewardship of Michael Petronella, the group president and over 200 dedicated employees, they continue to innovate and grow and strengthen the vast family of Dow Jones Indexes, and with that growth they have helped to serve, enhance, and protect the dreams of millions upon millions of Americans who are planning their own financial futures.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of S. 888, Genocide Accountability Act of 2007, which ensures that U.S. laws provide adequate authority to prosecute acts of genocide. Genocide, despite its being such a heinous and atrocious crime, has taken place too frequently, it needs to stop and the perpetrators need to be held accountable for their actions. This systematic destruction of a group of people based on religion, ethnicity or nationality is one of the most horrifying acts that a person can imagine.

Genocidal tendencies can be traced back to the Armenian Genocide that occurred more than seventy years ago and again during the Holocaust. But the end of those conflicts did nothing to prevent genocide from being committed again. Acts of genocide occurred again in Cambodia, Bosnia and Rwanda and are currently taking place in Darfur. Too many have died and continue to die as we stand by and watch. It is our job to do whatever is in our power to end these conflicts.

Individuals who have committed acts of genocide have been identified as seeking refuge in the United States. The constitution of the United States does not allow them to be prosecuted here because they are not U.S. nationals. The Genocide Accountability Act of 2007 will give the U.S. the authority to prosecute the perpetrators in the U.S. as opposed to just deporting them and not knowing if they will ever be held accountable for their actions. This bill will assure that justice is served for their acts of torture and murder.

By passing this bill we are contributing to the welfare of the world. Genocide affects people around the world and not only the direct victims; therefore, I urge my colleagues to support this bill.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in celebration of the 80 years Dazivedo Watson graced us with his winning charm, political acumen, pioneering spirit, and love. His contributions to the African and Caribbean American community are bountiful; his contributions to his country: limitless. He remains, foremost in my mind, a humble public servant, a dedicated family man, and my good, good buddy. It is in this regard that I introduce the following laudatory letter, which best captures the litany of honors to his name and the essence of his brilliant character.

November 2, 2007.

Mr. Errol Watson,

c/o Crown of Life Love Ministry, 222 West 145th Street, New

York, NY.

Dear Errol and Family Members: I was deeply heartbroken to

learn of the passing of your dear father, grandfather, uncle

and my buddy, Dazivedo Watson. Just a few months ago, we

celebrated Dazivedo's 80th Birthday, and now we are saying

good-bye to a great friend, devoted family man, ally, and one

of Harlem's most distinguished political strategist, novice,

and loyal Democrat. Daz, as he was known to all of us, was on

the forefront of every political battle, whether as a

supporter or adversary, he dedicated his life to winning, and

never losing. In every campaign, Daz gave his all.

Dazivedo will be remembered, not only as an institution,

but also as Harlem's gift to the political process. As a

political advisor, confidante, and staffer to the late great

Harlem Councilman, Frederick E. Samuel, Daz helped to

influence African and Caribbean Americans to empower

themselves, their neighborhood, and their community. That

empowerment led to the election of the first African American

Mayor, David N. Dinkins, the first African American State

Comptroller, H. Carl McCall, the first African American

Lieutenant Governor, David A. Paterson, and the first African

American Chairman of the powerful House Committee on Ways and

Means, Charles B. Rangel. We are all in his debt.

Let me also extend my sympathies to the Frederick E. Samuel

Community Democratic Club family, and its illustrious

leadership, the Honorable C. Virginia Fields, the Honorable

Keith L.T. Wright and the Honorable Wilma Brown. Let our work

on behalf of the community reflect the legacy of our beloved

Dazivedo Watson.

Your family and our community have endured a great loss

with the passing of Dazivedo. My political family, and my

office and I will support you during this time of mourning

and grieving. Let us celebrate his life and keep his memory

forever in our thoughts and prayers.

Sincerely,

Charles B. Rangel,

Chairman, Committee on Ways and Means.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 861, I call up the bill (H.R. 4351) to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to provide individuals temporary relief from the alternative minimum tax, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, after my speaking, I ask unanimous consent that the balance of my time be controlled by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Neal), and that he be allowed to assign it to speakers on behalf of the bill.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I am so proud to have the opportunity to say once again that fulfilling our constitutional responsibility, the Ways and Means Committee has reported out a bill to provide relief to upward of some 25 million people from being hit by a $50 billion tax increase, which it was never thought could happen to these people.

By the same token, almost separate and apart from this, we have an opportunity to close a very unfair provision that we find in our Tax Code, that certainly no one has come to me to defend, which prevents a handful of people from having unlimited funds being shipped overseas under deferred compensation and escaping liability. It is just plain wrong if we were talking about this by itself. But we are not doing that. We are talking about bringing something together that I don't see how anyone can be opposed.

So let's talk about the things that we all agree on. Nobody, Republican or Democrat, liberal or conservative, believes that these taxpayers should be hit by a tax that we didn't intend.

Two, no one has the guts to defend the offshore deferred compensation. You may have some feelings about it because of a couple of friends, but we know it's indecent and immoral.

So what is the problem? We raise the money and we hope that, through this and others, we will be able to pay for the loss of revenue that is enacted by the patch. That is the $50 billion. I wish that I could yield all of our time to the Republicans to explain once again, as eloquent as my dear friend Mr. McCrery is, as to why this is not borrowing.

Mr. Dreier yesterday in the Rules Committee says it's not borrowing because we never intended for this to happen. Well, if it works for you guys, I'm going to try it when I get home with my creditors and say, hey, it wasn't meant for me to be broke and so it's not borrowing; just ignore it.

But it doesn't work that way on pencil and paper. Either you have got to cut programs by $50 billion, raise the revenue by $50 billion, or mumble for $50 billion. Enough of the mumbling. Can't we unite on this, and at least let them know in the Senate that the House of Representatives is the House of the People, that we believe in what we're doing? And let's remember this; that we know the President, when he is closing things that he wants to be closed on to raise revenue, it's not a tax increase. He and Secretary Paulson call it, what, a loophole closing. That's all we're trying to do in paying for this.

And so, remember, the President won't be with you in November, but I will be, trying to help all of us to understand that we did the best we could for the Congress and for the country. So we are giving the other body another opportunity. Hopefully this time they will not be irresponsible but they will join with us in doing two things: Reform the system for a provision that only benefits a handful of people at the expense of the United States Treasurer; and, two, prevent this burden from falling on 25 million innocent, hardworking American people.

At this time I would like to yield the balance of my time to Chairman Richard Neal.

Madam Speaker, a special thanks to Jim Clyburn, our Whip and leader, for reaching back to pay tribute to an American that so often people forget what one can accomplish in this great country if they are willing to work hard.

You know, Mr. Clyburn, I knew the world famous owner of Sylvia's when she was a waitress at a restaurant just one block away where she anchored her success, and she and her husband came together and went to South Carolina, two friends, in order to get the money necessary for her to start her own future. Mr. Woods, and we just lost him a few years back, would be up at 3 and 4 o'clock in the morning with that truck, going to the produce markets, picking the best vegetables, and then she would have her children and now her grandchildren, all a part of this wonderful family, and now that she's reached a point that her products are sold in supermarkets and throughout the world and that she has acclaimed a great deal of attention from tourists all over the world as these tourist buses are lined up, it doesn't surprise anybody to see Sylvia there asking these customers that she probably will never see again in life, How did you enjoy the meal and what can we do to help?

So let me thank you on behalf of all of Harlemites, even Congressman Gregory Meeks from the borough of Queens, who has to admit that coming from Harlem means a special thing to us, because he was one of us before he lost his way. And so when I heard that you were doing this on behalf of Harlem, who cherishes the rise of Sylvia's late husband, her children and her wonderful grandchildren, who still bring people from all over the world into the village of Harlem, let me thank you, Jim Clyburn, for reminding us that we have so many heroes and ``sheroes'' in our country, and they deserve what you're doing for them in South Carolina. I thank you.