Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise before you today to join with my colleagues in congratulating Spelman College on the occasion of its 125th anniversary.

One of our country's most distinguished colleges, this historically Black college for women founded in 1881 by Harriet E. Giles and Sophia B. Packard in Atlanta, Georgia, was ranked this year by U.S. News & World Report as being among the top 75 Best Liberal Arts Colleges.

Since its inception, Spelman College has provided women with access to education since the post-Civil War era, promoting academic excellence in the liberal arts and developing the intellectual, ethical, and leadership potential of its students. As a member of the Atlanta University Center (AUC) consortium, Spelman students enjoy the benefits of a small college while having access to the faculty and physical resources of five other historically black institutions.

Spelman College has grown from its roots as the Atlanta Baptist Female Seminary, to become one of the Nation's most prominent institutions of higher learning promoting both academic excellence and leadership development.

Spelman's steadfast commitment to preparing black women for service and leadership is clearly evident in the more than six generations of Spelman women who have reached the highest levels of academic, community, and professional achievement.

Spelman's most notable alumnae include Marian Wright Edelman, founder and president of the Children's Defense Fund; Ruth A. Davis, director general of the U.S. Foreign Service; Aurelia Brazeal, U.S. ambassador to Ethiopia; and Alice Walker, Pulitzer Prize winning novelist.

Spelman can well be proud of its achievements and exemplary service not only to its students, but to the City of Atlanta. May this outstanding college enjoy many more years of continued success.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to share with my colleagues the presence in the House of the participants in an important and exciting program today, The Charles B. Rangel International Affairs Program, and to welcome these extraordinary young people to their period of service in the Congress. The Charles B. Rangel International Affairs Fellowship Program was initiated from my desire that the State Department's Diplomatic Corps abroad would reflect the rich diversity represented by the American people at home. The program presents young adults from diverse backgrounds the opportunity to learn, participate, and become a part of the United States' diplomatic corps.

This program is a successful collaboration between the Congress, the State department, and Howard University, which administers the program with a cross-section of colleges and universities across the country. Former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell introduced the program on May 17, 2002 at a State Department ceremony and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has expressed her profound support for continuing and expanding this initiative.

In the last 2 years, the components of the Rangel Program were reviewed and evaluated by the State Department and were found to satisfy the stringent requirement for inclusion in the Department's prestigious Diplomacy Fellows Program. This milestone achievement has included the program in the distinguished ranks of such programs as the Presidential Management Interns, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and the Boren, Fascell, and Pickering Fellows Programs. As a result, fellows who successfully complete the Rangel Program and the State Department requirements will automatically receive employment offers and appointments to the Foreign Service.

In addition, I would like to personally welcome the 2006 Charles B. Rangel Fellows to Capitol Hill. We currently have Jacob Choi, a graduate of Brigham Young University, who will attend Harvard's Kennedy School of Government in the Fall, serving Rep. Eliot Engel's office; Christopher Hartfield, a graduate of Stanford University, who will attend Tuft's Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in the Fall, serving in Rep. Adam B. Schiff's office; Teresa Williamson a graduate of Dillard University who will attend Yale University in the Fall, serving in Rep. Donald M. Payne's office; Sara Marti a graduate of the University of Central Florida who will attend the University of Denver's School of International Studies, serving in Rep. Jose E. Serrano's office; Chansonett Hall, a graduate of Penn State University, who will attend the University of Pittsburgh's School of Public and International Affairs serving in Rep. Gregory W. Meeks' office; Yehia Hanan, a graduate of Howard University, who will attend Georgetown University's School of Public Policy, serving in Sen. Joseph R. Biden's office; Marcus Jackson, a graduate of Florida A&M University who is serving in Rep. Eni F.H. Faleomavaega's office; Paloma Gonzalez, a graduate of Lewis and Clark College, who will attend Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service, serving in Rep. Barbara Lee's office; and Brandon Jackson, a graduate of Cornell University, who will also attend Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service, serving in my office.

I have been eagerly awaiting your arrival. I have read each and every single one of your bios and I am extremely impressed with all of your diverse areas of study and accomplishments. I know your experience on the Hill will be an invaluable help to you in the Foreign Service.

I also want to take this opportunity to thank my colleagues and friends for the invaluable experiences that they are providing and for personally hosting a Rangel Fellow in their offices. The experiences to be obtained during their time in the House of Representatives will provide insight that is a special and unique part of this program. This Capitol Hill exposure and experience will be particularly useful as they enter the State Department as junior Foreign Service Officers. Thank you for the wonderful opportunities that you are providing this summer.

I am extremely proud of this program and its contribution to the country. I believe that in America, diversity is our strength. With our Nation's growing international involvement, there could be no better time than now to attract the very best, the brightest, and the most diverse talent available to represent the American people and champion our interests in every comer of the globe.

Mr. Speaker, it is my honor and privilege to stand on the floor of the United States House of Representatives to pay tribute to Jamaica's favorite son and national hero, The Right Excellent Dr. Marcus Mosiah Garvey. Dr. Marcus Mosiah Garvey had ``One God, One Aim, One Destiny'' for his life. That venerable aim was the ``Redemption of Africa.'' He was born in St. Ann's Bay, Saint Ann, Jamaica on August 17, 1887. Marcus Garvey was a publisher, journalist, entrepreneur, crusader for Black Nationalism, and founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League.

Garvey advanced proposals that were designed to promote social, political and economic freedom for Blacks, including launching the Black Star Line Corporation and its successor company, the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company. He was at the forefront of developing Liberia based upon the belief that Blacks should have a permanent homeland in Africa. Marcus Garvey asserted, ``Our success educationally, industrially and politically is based upon the protection of a nation founded by ourselves. And the nation can be nowhere else but in Africa.'' Garvey was a deep believer in race improvement through self-empowerment which undercut the ``Doctrine of Inferiority'' that plagued the minds of Blacks throughout the Diaspora. The Garvey Movement was an emerging force that spoke to the pride of being Black and the richness of Black ancestry. Garvey sought respect for Africa and dignity for those dispersed from its' shores.

Garvey furthered the paradigm of redemption and uplift of his race by establishing the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League in 1914 in Jamaica. Through the UNIA-ACL Garvey championed the cause of Africa and proclaimed that until Africa is free and redeemed, not only in name but dignity, no one would be free, Black or White. Garvey was a firm believer in the ``Brotherhood of Man'', that is to say, all of our destinies are inextricably linked together by the ``Parenthood of God.'' Moreover, the Creator has a purpose for everyone that he has created and that purpose does not include slavery or subjugation for any circumstances.

Garvey held that dignity and self-esteem were the most powerful and only weapons against racism and white supremacy. Garvey stated, ``the man or woman who has no confidence in self is an unfortunate being, and is really a misfit in creation. God Almighty created earth and every one of us for a place in the world, and for the least of us to think that we were created only to be what we are and not what we can make ourselves is to ipute an improper motive to the Creator for creating us.'' Garvey wanted every Black throughout the Diaspora to commit to self-awareness, confidence, conviction and actio. Only then would Africa become free and the bonds of condemnation fall and shatter.

Marcus Garvey was a scholar, a leader and a statesman who gave his life to mother Africa and Black people. History records that Garvey attracted an unprecedented fallowing, enjoyed by no previous Negro leader. Garvey sought to eradicate the evils that plagued Black existence. He believed that ``Chance has never yet satisfied the hope of a suffering people,'' but it will take measurable deliberate action toward the destiny that God has prepared.

In the 1920's, Marcus Garvey built the largest Black-led mass movement this country has ever seen. There was never a leader like him, before or since. In nearly all matters relating to the resurgence of African people, in this country and abroad, there is recognition of this man and his movement that seemed impossible in his lifetime. His prophesy has been fulfilled in the independence explosion that brought more than 30 African nations into being. The concept of Black Power that he advanced, using other terms, is now a reality in large areas of the world now governed by people of African origin. From the year of his arrival in the United States, in 1916, until his deportation in 1927, the community of Harlem, my home, was his window on the world. I am so proud that, from the work in my community he launched a great movement and became one of the most significant leaders of the 20th century.

Mr. Speaker, Jamaica's first national hero, the Right Excellent Marcus Garvy is honored in many ways throughout the world. If you visit New York City's Harlem neighborhood, you will find a park named after his Excellency. If you travel across the shores and visit Nairobi, Kenya, you can walk down a major street named after Marcus Garvey. If you should visit Lenton, Nottingham, you can drop in to the Marcus Garvey Centre. In Kingston the building housing the Ministry of Foreign Affairs bears his name, and in St. Ann there is a secondary school named after him. Marcus Garvey is celebrated and memorialized all across the world and now it is my pleasure to honor him now in the ``People's House.''

Mr. Speaker, on August 17th, people from all over the world will celebrate Marcus Garvey's birthday. We will celebrate him as a leader, a friend of Africa and a lover of Black people throughout the world. Even now, I can hear the reverberation of his words, ``Up you mighty race, accomplish what you will.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to inform my colleagues of the passing of Mr. Francis Anthony Davila-Lawrence, a loving father, veteran, public servant, union leader and community activist who passed away in Brooklyn, New York, on August 5, 2006. I would like to enter into the Congressional Record his obituary which captures his many contributions and achievements to the great State of New York. We will never forget him. Thank you.

Francis Anthony Davila-Lawrence, January 9, 1921-August 5, 2006

Francis Anthony Davila-Lawrence, known by some friends as

Frank and by other friends as Francisco, left this life on

August 5, 2006 at 85 years of age. Francis was born in Harlem

Hospital on January 9, 1921 to a Panamanian-Caribbean mother

and a Cuban father.

Francis was a New Yorker. He spent the majority of his life

working and building businesses in and about New York City.

Francis married twice, raising three children, whom he loved

dearly. With his first wife, Eunice Williams, they raised a

son, Michael, and a daughter, Aleta. Later in life, he

married Louise Simon, and raised a second son, Jason.

With Frank's passing goes a library of stories and

experiences. He grew up during the Great Depression. He

attended the very first World's Fair, seeing a microwave

decades before they would ever come to use in an American

household. He traveled throughout the Bronx, Harlem, and

Jamaica, Queens during his youth in a Ford Model T, which he

said had terrible brakes. He served in the Navy during World

War II, and then went on to serve with the Merchant Marines

as a civilian worker, and in the Coast Guard during the

1950s.

He was a hard worker. Frank worked as a cook at several of

the large hotels and restaurants in Manhattan before going to

work at the New York City Board of Education, where he worked

30 years, retiring as a Senior IBM TAB Operator. He had been

one of the few Black or Latino workers to be trained to work

on the then-massive IBM computers, which took up whole floors

to do what we do today with a laptop. While at the Board of

Education, he was an active unionist, serving in several

union leadership positions. He was an active participant in

the fight for dignity and fair wages for working people.

Francis dreamed of bigger and better things for his family

and worked to provide opportunities for his children. He

worked to exhaustion to make sure his family had what they

needed. Later, as a haustion real estate investor, he amassed

properties across New York City and elsewhere. Frank worked

so much that his family often joked that he worked eight days

per week. In addition to his full-time job, he maintained a

number of supplemental jobs, including working as a cook at

Brooklyn's famous Junior's Restaurant, working weekends for

the Free Sons of Israel, and as a security guard for the

ILGWU (International Ladies Garment Workers Union).

After his retirement at age 65, he purchased a small

newsstand in Manhattan's Wall Street district ``just to keep

himself busy.'' Frank's personality and laughter lit up

rooms. He had a gleam in his eye, and hardly held his tongue.

He was an excellent dancer. Throughout his life, he was an

avid reader, taking his glasses off and squinting one eye to

get a clear look at the words on the pages of the New York

Post or the Amsterdam News. He thoroughly enjoyed the

fantastic stories of the National Enquirer.

He had a gentle place in his heart that was untouched by

life's hardships. He loved dogs and cats. He also loved

children, putting a ship's silver dollar for luck into many

babies' hands. He was an optimist about his health, the

future, and his ability to do things at any point in his

life.

As a youth, he adventured widely, seeing many parts of the

world. When asked about his life's long list of adventures,

he said that more than anything he accomplished during this

lifetime, he found joy in seeing his children brought into

the world. He instilled a sense of family, honor, and justice

in his children, maintaining these things mattered most in

life.

He loved his children passionately. Family was the most

important thing in his life and he was more than anything

else, a proud father of three wonderful children whose

successes filled him with pride throughout his life.

Frank leaves to mourn his loss wife Louise, ex-wife Eunice,

children Michael, Aleta and Jason, daughter-in-law Norma,

sisters Gloria, Angela, and Marie, and a host of nieces,

nephews, extended family and friends.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Res. 605, a resolution recognizing the life of Preston Robert Tisch and his outstanding contributions to New York City, the New York Giants Football Club, the National Football League, and the United States. Mr. Tisch died, at the age of 79, on November 15, 2005, at his home in Manhattan, New York. The cause of his demise was a brain tumor, as said Jeffrey Stewart, spokesman for the family. New Yorkers knew Mr. Tisch as Bob and will always remember his stupendous economic support and leadership on several civic initiatives committed to the betterment of the city.

Having made his fortune from the real estate business in New York, Bob Tisch was a dedicated man who truly loved this city and exemplified the belief that the prime responsibility and highest calling of those fortunate enough to have achieved financial security was to use the resources and capacity to improve the lives of other people. Many New Yorkers were helped by the generosity of Mr. Tisch's civic commitment.

In May 2005, Mr. Tisch was interviewed for the online edition of Education Update magazine by Joan Baum, Ph.D. Dr. Baum described him as an ``extraordinary life of public service and philanthropy''. Mr. Tisch's service as Postmaster General of the United States in the 90s was mentioned. As well as his participation in a partnership program to fund community programs, sitting on the board as a founding member of Citymeals-on-wheels, and as an essential driving force behind the new Giants Stadium.

In 2000, Mr. Tisch founded a program known as ``Take the Field'', which benefited public schools by restoring athletic fields in New York to provide spaces for children to both practice and play. Since its inception ``Take the Field'' has already successfully restored 41 of 43 athletic fields in New York. By May 2005 Mr. Tisch's efforts had raised $135 million in private and public funds for ``Take the Field.'' Ernie Accorsi, Giants General Manager, 1998-present stated: ``Bob Tisch was a historic man in New York City history. His contributions ranged from government, both National and local, to the entertainment world to the sports world, but most important, to incredible charitable acts. His `Take the Field' program was one of the most innovative and beautiful efforts in athletics in this country. But in addition to these things and to his co-ownership of one of the great franchises in American sport, in addition to his brilliance and dynamic New York presence, was the soul of a good and decent man who cared about people and did countless deeds to help those less fortunate, acts which never received notice.''

Mr. Tisch wanted to improve health and increase the academic performance of not only students, but also of the communities as well. Mr. Tisch was very interested in education. Evidence of this is the Tisch School of the Arts and the Preston Robert Tisch Center for Hospitality, Tourism and Sports at New York University.

Mr. Tisch also served as Mayor David N. Dinkins ``ambassador'' to Washington, he was chairman of host committees for the 1976 and 1980 Democratic National Conventions, and also led the way in building a new convention center on Manhattan's West Side. He was the Chairman and Director of the Loews Corporation, one of the country's most successful financial companies.

In 1991 he purchased the New York Giants and loved to attend practices and share opinions with coaches. Mr. Tisch improved the Giant's business by sharpening the team's marketing strategies. As a member of the National Football League's Finance and Super Bowl Policy Committees, Mr. Tisch attained prominence in the sports arena equal to his position in the world of business.

We all mourn the loss of Bob Tisch, who left an indelible mark on our society. He will always be alive in our hearts and minds. As a friend, I will greatly miss a remarkable man whose companionship I treasured, and whose energetic, enthusiastic, and enormously big heart will never be forgotten.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 5837, a bill to amend the Workforce Investment Act of 1998 to provide for a YouthBuild program and to recognize the many achievements and accomplishments attributed to YOUTHBUILD USA.

The YouthBuild program started in my Congressional District of East Harlem in 1978 as a response to the failed public school system, the lack of workforce development programs available to young adults and the growing number of youth who were being driven into the criminal justice system, YouthBuild's mission is to provide a pathway to successful productive careers. YouthBuild started in the interstices between these three systems as a community-based comprehensive program designed with and for youth. It became simultaneously an alternative school, a job and career training program, a point of re-entry for adjudicated youth, a way to serve one's community by building the highly valued commodity of affordable housing, and a way to gain leadership skills to improve the community in the long run and to become somebody who could make a difference.

This combination has been highly attractive to the disconnected youth, and has created a pathway to a productive future for tens of thousands of young adults across the country.

YouthBuild spread from East Harlem throughout New York City, and from there around the country. It became a federal Housing and Urban Development (HUD) program in 1992, and with HUD's help has spread to 226 of America's poorest urban and rural communities. It has been incubated as a federal program in HUD--still outside of the existing public education, workforce development, and criminal justice systems. At HUD, the emphasis has been on broad community development.

YouthBuild has shown itself to be highly attractive to communities seeking a solution for the fact that 32 percent of America's youth are dropping out of school, a hundred thousand are aging out of foster care each year and need a supportive transition, and tens of thousands are returning to their neighborhoods from incarceration needing a guiding hand.

Now YouthBuild is being moved as a response to its success. It is consistent with the priorities of the Department of Labor to engage the most disadvantaged youth in education and job training in high-demand careers through a cost effective community-based solution. While it is consistent with HUD's general community development goals, it is consistent with the Department of Labor's central priorities for young adults.

YouthBuild programs are also working well as re-entry programs under a special grant with the Department of Labor and with various state governments. They are working as AmeriCorps programs especially designed for low-income youth in partnership with the Corporation for National and Community Service. They are also working with local public school systems and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation--40 YouthBuild programs have become diploma-granting public charter or alternative schools, expanding the reach of limited federal funds by attracting additional local public education funds and deepening YouthBuild's role as an alternative school. Since it has become simultaneously a school, a job-training program, a re-entry program, and a national service program, it is working now on the creative edge of all these systems.

Local YouthBuild programs are led by entrepreneurial and committed professionals rooted in local communities. They are knit together by a national non-profit organization, YouthBuild USA, that works in partnership with the federal government to hold local programs to high standards, to train them in best practices, and to recognize innovative promising practices. This public/private partnership has also proven itself to be a good delivery system which has been responsible for the effective implementation of a creative program design.

At a time when America is seeking solutions to the disconnection from school and work of over 5 million 16- to 24-year-olds, 2.4 million of whom are poor, at a time when we are realizing that some of our existing systems are not working for this sub-set of young adults, it is a good moment to highlight YouthBuild as a solution, and position it in the Department of Labor for its next stage as a visible and viable pathway to success for tens of thousands of young Americans.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my colleagues in supporting H.R. 6033 which would designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 39-25 61st Street in Woodside, New York, as the ``Thomas J. Manton Post Office Building''.

As you know, we lost our dear friend Tom just a few short months ago, and I cannot think of a more fitting tribute to one of the most distinguished Members who ever served in this great House, than to see this renaming become a reality.

The character of Tom Manton's life might be summed up in a few words: he was a man of great commitment, hard-working, an inspiring leader, and he was dearly passionate about the causes he believed in and the work he did on behalf of his constituency.

Manton was a man of great intellect. During seven terms in Congress, from 1985 to 1998, he was an important figure on reauthorization of the Superfund program, which provides for the cleanup of uncontrolled or abandoned hazardous waste sites. However, most of his legislative initiatives were focused on various local issues: stopping the Long Island Rail Road from building a waste-transfer station in western Queens, barring the creation of composting plants for sewage sludge in New York City, and using amendments to the Clean Air Act to aid local businesses. As well, he also sponsored a law that made benefits to permanently injured police officers, on par with payments to officers killed in the line of duty.

This loving husband and devoted father was also a very dear friend and colleague to me through all the years we worked together here in the Congress.

It was my privilege to know him and to work with him on matters involving not only our Nation, but the great State of New York. He combined with his charm, an unlimited energy and the highest integrity and work ethic.

Tom Manton was indeed a well respected and revered Member of this institution who gave of himself diligently, and was ever zealous to carry through to its ultimate conclusion, the cause of those who would benefit from his direction. No one is likely to forget neither the courage of his faith nor the warmth of his friendship.

In Tom's memory, let us move this bill forward.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to offer a personal explanation of the reason I missed Rollcall vote No. 433 on Thursday, September 7, 2006. This bill concerns H.R. 503, the ``American Horse Slaughter Prevention Act''. I was hosting a crime forum (``Crime in the Cities: America's Mayors Fight Back'') as part of the 36th Annual Congressional Black Caucus Legislative Conference.

I would have voted in favor of the bill (``aye'').

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Richard T. Greene, an innovator and entrepreneur whose effective leadership helped revitalize and rebuild my Harlem community. Mr. Greene, the man who is recognized as building the largest African American financial institution, Carver Federal Savings, died at his home in Brooklyn last Thursday on August 3, 2006, of heart failure. Mr. Greene's innovative spirit and foresight expanded needed financial services which provided the means for investment within the Harlem community. Under Greene, Carver also showed its support for the people of Harlem through a commitment to helping those less fortunate by creating grants up to $3,000 each year to 40 to 50 collegebound students in the Harlem community.

Mr. Greene was born on July 18, 1913, in Charleston, SC. At a time when very few African Americans were going to college, Mr. Greene graduated with a degree in business administration from Hampton University and did postgraduate work at New York University and the Wharton School of Banking and Finance. He also attained the rank of major in the U.S. Army during his World War II service, and was awarded an honorary doctorate from St. John's University.

Greene's most noted contribution came through the work he did as the president and director of Carver Federal Savings. Carver Federal Savings was established by business and church leaders in 1949, during a time of racial strife and segregation. It grew to become one the areas leading financial institutions. Through his tenure, Mr. Greene expanded the bank's presence in Harlem by chiefly investing in one to four-family homes and in churches.

Greene participated in many business development organizations, such as the Harlem Business Alliance, which he co-founded; the Apollo Theater Foundation; and the Harlem Urban Development Corporation (HUDC), on whose boards he served. For several years, he worked with David Rockefeller in the New York City Partnership, Inc. His professional affiliations included service with the Federal Home Loan Bank of New York, Second District, from 1989-1992; serving thrift institutions in New York, New Jersey, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands; and membership in the Washington, D.C.-based American Savings and Loan League, Inc.

I enter into the Congressional Record the obituary published in the New York Times on August 9, 2006, which provides an insight into Richard T. Greene's humanitarian efforts and accomplishments. He has truly left his mark on the Harlem community, and he will always be remembered for that. He was admired and loved by the community in which he served. What I hope people will remember from his life is that he always found a way to reach in and give back, touching the lives of many. As banks and financial institutions continue to grow and expand in New York and communities like Harlem we must reflect upon the lives and hard work of the individuals whose innovation made such progress possible.

[From The New York Times, Aug. 9, 2006]

Richard T. Greene Sr., 93, Is Dead; Made a Bank an Institution

(By Michael J. De La Merced)

Richard T. Greene Sr., who for 30 years was the president

and a director of the Carver Federal Savings Bank, which he

built into the country's largest African-American financial

institution, died at his home in Brooklyn last Thursday. He

was 93.

The cause was heart failure, his daughter, Cheryll, said.

Established by business and church leaders in Harlem in

1949, Carver grew to become one of the area's enduring

institutions. Mr. Greene began his long career there in 1960,

when Joseph Davis, the bank's co-founder and president, hired

him as an executive assistant. Mr. Greene quickly rose

through the ranks, becoming president in 1969.

During his tenure as Carver's president, Mr. Greene

presided over a series of expansions, as it opened offices

throughout the city and went public in 1994. Carver also

suffered hardships, including the savings and loan crisis of

the late 1980s, a fire in 1992 that destroyed its

headquarters, and increasing competition from larger

institutions like Chase.

``He was perhaps the most critical factor in preventing

Carver from getting swept away'' in the savings and loan

crisis, said Deborah C. Wright, Carver's current president.

He avoided the high-risk loans that got other institutions

into trouble, chiefly investing in one- to four-family homes

and in churches, and kept loans at a relatively low level

compared with deposits, she said.

Mr. Greene retired as president in 1995 and as chairman in

1997.

He was also active in many other Harlem institutions. Mr.

Greene was a founder of the Harlem Business Alliance and

worked with David Rockefeller in the New York City

Partnership. He also served on the boards of the Apollo

Theater Foundation and the Harlem Urban Development

Corporation and established the Carver Scholarship Fund,

which gives grants up to $3,000 each year to 40 to 50

college-bound students in the bank's markets.

Mr. Greene was born on July 18, 1913, in Charleston, SC. He

graduated with a degree in business administration from

Hampton University in Hampton, VA, in 1938 and served as an

Army officer during World War II. In addition to his

daughter, Mr. Greene is survived by his wife, Virginia; a

son, Richard Jr.; and three grandchildren.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in order to pay tribute to a significant national holiday recognized by the nations of the Caribbean that commemorates the emancipation of the slaves in the British Empire on August 1, 1834. This day celebrates arguably one of the most important events in the history of mankind to that date, preceding the end of slavery in the U.S. by some thirty years. It certainly was the beginning of the freedom of people of African descent in the British Caribbean.

Slavery has existed in various forms throughout most of recorded history. Because of its widespread nature, emancipation was not a single occurrence, but rather an action that took place at different times in different locations depending on the colonial power. Set aside as an anniversary marking the birth of liberty from legalized control, violence and enforced labor, the first day of August, Emancipation Day, serves as a reminder of how long and arduous the Caribbean's long walk to freedom actually was, encompassing the years leading up to the liberating act and the many years of colonialism which followed as a struggle to secure the promise of freedom.

The values and freedoms we exercise daily have come with a price. Freedom is never given freely. The emancipation of slaves in the Caribbean signified the emergence of a more civil and just society. However, there is unfinished business in regards to the recognition and atonement given to this important period in history. We must continue to look for ways that adequately address the legacy and history of slavery and lead to an appreciation of the struggle for liberation.

It behooves all of us, jointly, as well as individually, to mark one of the most significant events in world history. I enter into the Congressional Record the Carib News opinion editorial written by Dr. Harold Robertson, Trinidad and Tobago's Consul General in New York and thank him for providing a very detailed account of the path many Caribbean nations took to freedom. Although there still remains a lot to be done, by celebrating our past and our accomplishments, we are building a stronger foundation to build the future upon

[From the NY Carib News, Aug. 2, 2006]

Statement for Emancipation Celebrations 2006

(By Dr. Harold Robertson)

The Trinidad and Tobago Consulate, in collaboration with

TATIC (Trinidad & Tobago Independence Celebrations, Inc.)

recently marked their Emancipation Day on Friday, July 28,

with a celebration at the T & T Consulate in New York. The

Consul General Dr. Harold Robertson was the keynote speaker

who delivered the following address: ``Today's event is the

Consulate's annual celebration of what is arguably one of the

most important events in the history of the British Caribbean

and indeed in the Western Hemisphere--the Abolition of

Slavery and the legal transformation of African slaves to

free individuals.

Emancipation as a legal decision was not restricted to the

British Caribbean since slavery was also not restricted only

to that region. Slavery existed in virtually the entire

western hemisphere (with the notable exception of what is now

Canada), in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Moreover,

because of its widespread nature, abolition of the

institution was not a single occurrence but rather, an action

which took place at different times in different locations,

dependent upon the colonial power.

What cannot be gainsaid is that in this hemisphere slavery

was instituted for two basic reasons. Eric Williams in his

seminal work Capitalism and Slavery postulates that the

impetus was economic; and that the economic trigger was the

decision by the metropolitan powers to develop the new world

as a source of sugar. Sugar plantations required labor, cheap

labor, without which the great development of the Caribbean

in the 17th, 18th and early 19th Centuries would not have

been possible. There is certainly much evidence to support

this view; but one can take some issue with Williams' other

assertion that the use of Africans as slave labor in the

Caribbean and elsewhere ``in no way implied the inferiority

of the Negro''.

Based on these two pillars, the institution of African

slavery began with the importation of a dozen Africans to

serve as personal slaves to wealthy Portuguese in 1441, and

went on to subsist for some four centuries during which it is

conservatively estimated that approximately 50,000,000

persons were transported from Africa to the new world.

By the late 18th Century, early 19th, slavery in the

British Empire however was under sustained attack on two

fronts. One was the economic--the plantation system had

embarked upon a long slow decline, it was still profitable

but the world was changing, with the industrial revolution

exerting stronger influence. This was coupled with the

growing sentiment of humanitarianism in Britain. Economic

decline and humanitarian agitation in and out of Parliament

led to the great day, 1 August, 1834, when the abolition of

slavery was encapsulated in the coming into effect of the

Emancipation Act.

It is worthy of mention that Britain was not the first

country or place to end slavery in the western hemisphere;

that distinction belongs to the then Colony of Rhode Island

which, caught up in the revolutionary fervor of the time,

abolished slavery in 1774. Revolutionary France abolished

slavery in 1789, only to have it re-instituted by Napoleon.

Again in our hemisphere the next country to abolish slavery

was Haiti which in defiance of France drafted its own

Constitution in 1801, which abolished slavery in Saint

Domingue for all time. In spite of efforts by Bonaparte's

France to recapture St. Domingue the end result was failure

and on 1 January, 1804 Dessaline's Government adopted its

declaration of independence, changed the name of the country

to Haiti and confirmed Toussaint's ending of slavery. Simon

Bolivar's campaigns led to the end of slavery in Spain's

mainland colonies in South America in the early 19th Century.

These were the precedents to the Emancipation of Slaves in

the British Colonies--but what in practical terms did the end

of slavery mean for the British Caribbean. The first and

most obvious effect was the transformation of 540,559

African Slaves from chattel slavery to legal freedom. For

those of us familiar with the economic and demographic

reality of the Caribbean today, the picture on 1 August,

1834, doubtless makes for interesting observation. The

number of slaves set free in the individual British

territories reveals the following: Jamaica--255,290;

British Guyana (now Guyana)--69,579; Barbados--66,638;

Antigua--23,350; Grenada--19,009; St. Vincent--18,114;

Trinidad--17,539; St. Kitts--15,667; Dominica--11,664; St.

Lucia--10,328; Tobago--9,078; Bahamas--7,734; Nevis--

7,225; Montserrat--5,026; British V.I.--4,318.

The second critical factor was the decision of the British

Parliament not to compensate the former slaves for their

oppression, humiliation and degradation but rather to pay the

slave-owners for the loss of their property. Parliament in

London allocated 20,000,000 (over 1 billion dollars in

today's currency) for that purpose.

The British abolition was followed by similar actions among

European powers--France ended slavery in 1848 following

another period of revolutionary activity; Sweden in 1846,

Holland in 1863. Slavery in the remaining Spanish Caribbean

was ended not from Madrid but within the colonies themselves,

with Puerto Rico ending slavery in 1873 and Cuba in 1880. The

last major regional country to emancipate its slaves was

Brazil which ended the institution in 1888.

All of this brings us to the USA. Emancipation did not come

to the United States until 1 December, 1865, when Congress

ratified the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the

United States. It was that amendment, eight months after

Lincoln's death which abolished slavery in the United States.

The foregoing, in snapshot, provides a picture of the

events which we celebrate today. For us in the Caribbean,

emancipation and its repercussions served to trigger the

events leading to the emergence of modern society. In those

islands and colonies where land was available, the freed

slaves generally refused to work for their former owners.

They abandoned the plantations in favor either of forming

their own free villages or engaging in other activity.

Faced with a labor crisis, Caribbean plantation owners

reacted in the only way they

knew--importation of more labor. Initial efforts were

concentrated on Chinese and Portuguese workers, leading to

thriving communities of these ethnicities in countries like

Jamaica, Trinidad and Guyana. Indeed, this year the Chinese

Community will be celebrating the 150th Anniversary of their

arrival into Trinidad and already in some quarters the call

has gone out for official recognition of a Chinese arrival

day.

The greatest influx of new labor in the post emancipation

period, however, came from India and interestingly virtually

the same race-based philosophy that was used to justify the

enslavement of Africans featured in the importation of

Indians. Indians had been introduced to Mauritius and Fiji

and in early discourse over the suitability of the Indian for

labor in the Caribbean, officials of the East India Company

described the Indians as being ``more akin to the monkey than

the man. They have no religion, no education and in their

present state no want beyond eating, drinking and sleeping''

The Indians were not to be seen as slaves--Indian labor was

classified as indentureship--they were to work for specific

periods of time at the end of which they exercised the choice

of either returning to India or accepting a tract of state

land to remain as freemen in the Caribbean. As the time

rolled by the option of returning to India was gradually made

more and more difficult. Thus, it was that beginning in 1838

and extending to the end of the First World War in 1918 over

1,000,000 Indians were introduced into the Caribbean to work

on the sugar plantations. Today, the largest Indian societies

in the Caribbean are to be found in Guyana and Trinidad and

Tobago, but the immigration of Indians was widespread

throughout the Caribbean; 238,000 went to Guyana; 145,000

were sent to Trinidad; 39,000 to Guadeloupe; 34,000 to

Suriname; 21,500 to Jamaica; smaller numbers went to

Martinique, Grenada, St. Lucia and St. Vincent.

The repercussions of these events are of course still being

felt today. In the Caribbean, emancipation still remains a

work in progress, since it has taken on aspects which

extend beyond the mere end of slavery. Many Caribbean

societies face the struggle of blending different cultures

and ethnicities into a coherent social whole. Of course,

the infusion of different peoples has led to the

development of a pluralistic culture, perhaps best

exemplified in Trinidad and Tobago where calypso and soca

exist side by side with chutney, the steelpan with the

tassa and the cuisine ranges from pastelles and arepas to

sancoche and peleau, provisions and oil down, bake and

shark and buljol, roti and phouloorie, fried rice and chow

mein. It is also reflected in the general antipathy of

blacks to agricultural endeavor and the stereotype of the

Chinese laundry or the Portuguese rum shop. It is

reflected in sport, as in politics as we continue to

strive to develop the society which we all desire.

The Jamaican icon Bob Marley has exhorted us to emancipate

ourselves from mental slavery and nowhere is this exhortation

more apposite than in the incongruous situation where

politically independent countries of the modern Caribbean

continue to maintain the British Privy Council as their final

arbiter in jurisprudential matters. Emancipation will not be

fully achieved until that is corrected.

Whether in the Caribbean or in America the abolition of

slavery unleashed the compendium of forces out of which

modern society emerged. Still however, there is unfinished

business, not least of which is the increasing clamor for the

righting of a historical wrong--the payment of reparations to

the heirs of those who endured this most heinous institution.

So far, the concept of reparations is a notion which has

engaged the attention only of activists and academics. That

is changing; others are becoming conscious of the need for

atonement. For example, at its 75th General Convention held

this past June, the Episcopal Church of the United States

adopted a Resolution entitled ``Slavery and Racial

Reconciliation''. The Resolution acknowledged the Church's

participation in the fundamental betrayal of humanity

represented by slavery, observed that the repercussions of

slavery continue to plague our life and culture and called

upon Congress and the American people to initiate a study and

dialogue about the history and legacy of slavery and of

methodologies for the provision of monetary and non-monetary

reparations to the descendants of the victims of slavery.

There is much that still remains to be done. Only when

there is universal understanding of and reparations for the

blight of slavery will we be able to speak of complete

emancipation. For now, it behoves all of us, jointly as well

as individually, to mark one of the most significant events

in our history and indeed in world history; and to rededicate

ourselves to working for its total achievement. Trinidad and

Tobago has done its part; in 1985, Trinidad and Tobago was

the first country to declare Emancipation Day as a national

holiday. Other Caribbean countries have followed.

Mr. Speaker, if Franz Kafka were writing his famous novel The Trial today, he might find his inspiration in what is happening in America. In The Trial a man named Josef K awakens one morning and, for reasons never revealed, is arrested and subjected to the rigors of a bizarre judicial process for an unspecified crime. The agents who arrest him never tell him under what or whose authority he is being arrested. He is ultimately executed never knowing what he has done.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to enter into the Record a column by Bob Herbert entitled ``The Definition of Tyranny'' which appeared in the July 17, 2006 edition of The New York Times. The subject of Mr. Herbert's article is the Bush Administration's response to the Supreme Court's holding in Hamdan vs. Rumsfeld that the military tribunals in use at Guantanamo Bay were illegal. The President was not authorized by Congress, nor did he have the power under Title II of the Constitution, to make law for the tribunals or for the treatment of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay even though the country was engaged, he argued, in a ``war on terror.'' The Court also faulted the President's failure to apply Article III of the Geneva Conventions in its treatment of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay.

In response, the President has requested that the Congress make legal what the Court found illegal. This response brought to my mind the situation in which Josef K found himself in The Trial. I enter this article by Mr. Herbert for the edification of my colleagues in the House of Representatives.

[From the New York Times, July 17, 2006]

The Definition of Tyranny

(By Bob Herbert)

Congress is dithering and the American public doesn't even

seem particularly concerned as the administration of George

W. Bush systematically trashes such fundamental American

values as justice, due process, respect for human rights and

submission to the rule of law.

In the kangaroo courts that the administration concocted to

try detainees at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, a defendant could be

prevented from seeing the evidence against him, would not

have the right to attend his own trial and would not have the

right to appeal the sentence to a civilian court.

That's slapstick justice, a process worthy of the Marx

Brothers.

``You have been accused of being a terrorist.''

``Where is the evidence?''

``We can't show it to you.''

``That's ridiculous.''

``So is this court. We find you guilty. Take him away.''

The Supreme Court now says, in a vote that was closer than

it should have been, that this sort of madness cannot be

permitted. In its recent decision striking down the tribunals

for terror suspects at Guantanamo, the court said of the

defendant, Salim Ahmed Hamdan: ``He will be, and indeed

already has been, excluded from his own trial.''

The court said, in effect, that this is not the American

way, that ours is not a Marx Brothers republic. Not yet,

anyway. (It most likely will be if Mr. Bush gets to appoint

one or two more justices to the court.)

The Bush-Cheney regime believes it can do whatever

outlandish things it wants, including torturing people and

keeping them incarcerated for life without even the semblance

of due process. And it's not giving up. The administration

now wants Congress to authorize what the Supreme Court has

plainly said was wrong. White House lawyers, in a torturous

(pun intended) interpretation of the court's ruling, seem to

be arguing that the kangaroo courts, otherwise known as

military commissions, will be quite all right if only

Congress will say so.

They're not all right. They're an abomination (like the

secret C.I.A. prisons and the practice of extraordinary

rendition) that spits in the face of the idea that the United

States is a great and civilized nation.

``Can you imagine if the Hamdan decision, among others, had

gone the other way?'' said Michael Ratner, president of the

Center for Constitutional Rights, which has been waging an

extraordinary fight to secure basic legal protections for

prisoners at Guantanamo. ``I mean we'd be looking at a dark

nightmare.''

The court's decision brought into sharp relief the

importance of one of the most fundamental aspects of American

government, the separation of powers. Checks and balances.

The judicial branch put a halt--a check--on a gruesomely

illegal practice by the executive.

Mr. Bush has tried to scrap the very idea of checks and

balances. The Republican-controlled Congress has, for the

most part, rolled over like trained seals for the president.

And Mr. Bush is trying mightily to pack the courts with

right-wingers who will do the same. Under those

circumstances, his will becomes law.

Justice John Paul Stevens, who wrote the majority opinion

in the Hamdan case, referred to a seminal quote from James

Madison. The entire quote is as follows: ``The accumulation

of all powers, legislative, executive and judiciary, in the

same hands, whether of one, a few or many, and whether

hereditary, self-appointed or elective, may justly be

pronounced the very definition of tyranny.''

As the center noted in a recent report, ``The U.S.

government has employed every possible tactic to evade

judicial review of its detention and interrogation practices

in the `war on terror,' including allegations that U.S.

personnel subject prisoners to torture and cruel, inhuman and

degrading treatment.''

There is every reason to be alarmed about the wretched road

that Bush, Cheney et al. are speeding along. It is as if they

were following a route deliberately designed to undermine a

great nation.

A lot of Americans are like spoiled rich kids who take

their wealth for granted. Too many of us have forgotten--or

never learned--the real value of the great American ideals.

Too many are standing silently by as Mr. Bush and his cronies

engage in the kind of tyrannical and uncivilized behavior

that has brought so much misery--and ultimately ruin--to

previous societies.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend Mr. Richard Cohen for his recent article published in the Washington Post entitled ``Terror Alert: Severe Risk of Hype'' in which he calls into question the Bush administration's credibility when it comes to terrorism.

President Bush, Vice President Cheney and other top administration officials asserted before the U.S. invasion that Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear weapons program, had chemical and biological weapons and maintained links to al Qaeda affiliates to whom it might give such weapons to use against the United States. Unfortunately, research and intelligence reports have proven otherwise. Instead of being adept at making sound policy, the current administration appears to be skilled in the art form of deception and dishonesty.

Currently, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales is once again putting the American people on ``Terror Alert'' without having substantial information. Just last week Mr. Gonzales announced the arrest of seven terrorists. Have we not learned from our past mistakes? The announcement of the arrests of these alleged terrorists are part of a sad trend within the Bush administration to exaggerate the facts, labeling anyone thought to be acting suspiciously or fitting a racial stereotype an al-Qaeda type terrorist. What we see is the Bush Administration's need to once again hype certain issues to gain not only America's trust, but to use that to bolster its declining credibility.

This is a serious matter for a variety of reasons. First, if Americans are being asked to surrender a measure of privacy and civil liberties, they deserve to have an administration that will use data not to deceive but to protect. Also, the arrest of the seven alleged terrorists should not be used as evidence of the administration's success in protecting the Nation if the facts are not clear that a real threat is involved. The facts as revealed in press reports to date, as Richard Cohen asserts are suspiciously short of providing a reasonable case that these misguided youth were in any position to pose a real threat to accomplish their alleged goals. There is some likelihood in fact, that it was the FBI's sting operation that gave these would be perpetrators any credibility at all, and that their planning was led by the FBI operative who posed as a terrorist to entrap the inept plotters.

I enter into the Record the Washington Post column by Mr. Richard Cohen and commend him for presenting this issue regarding the Bush administration's penchant to hype Terror Alerts. In order to regain the American people's confidence the Bush administration should not use or target events to achieve some political gain. I believe the War on Terror can and will be won when leaders start leading responsibly, placing the interest of the people first and their political objectives second.

[From washingtonpost.com, June 27, 2006]

Terror Alert: Severe Risk of Hype

(By Richard Cohen)

It is the sheerest luck, I know, that Attorney General

Alberto Gonzales looks (to me) a bit like Jerry Mahoney,

because he fulfills the same function for the Bush

administration that the dummy did for the ventriloquist Paul

Winchell. At risk to his reputation and the mocking he must

get when he comes home at night, Gonzales will call virtually

anyone an al-Qaeda-type terrorist. He did that last week in

announcing the arrest of seven inferred (it's the strongest

word I can use) terrorists. I thought I saw Dick Cheney

moving his lips.

The seven were indicted on charges that they wanted to blow

up the Sears Tower in Chicago and the FBI bureau in Miami.

The arrests came in the nick of time, since all that

prevented mass murder, mayhem and an incessant crawl at the

bottom of our TV screens was the lack of explosives, weapons

or vehicles. The alleged conspirators did have boots, which

were supplied by an FBI informant. Maybe the devil does wear

Prada.

Naturally, cable news was all over the story since it

provided pictures. These included shots of the Sears Tower,

the FBI bureau, the seven alleged terrorists and, of course,

Gonzales dutifully playing his assigned role of the dummy.

He noted that the suspects wanted to wage a ``full ground

war'' against the United States and ``kill all the

devils'' they could--this despite a clear lack of materiel

and sidewalk-level IQs. Still, as Gonzales pointed out, if

``left unchecked, these homegrown terrorists may prove to

be as dangerous as groups like al-Qaeda.'' A presidential

medal for the man, please.

It is not now and never has been my intention to belittle

terrorism. Clearly, if what the government alleges turns out

to be the truth--look, that sometimes happens--then these

guys deserve punishment. But theirs was such a preposterous,

crackpot plot that the only reason it rose to the level of a

televised news conference by the nation's chief law

enforcement officer was the Bush administration's compulsive

need to hype everything. For this, Gonzales, like a good Boy

Scout, is always prepared.

Does it matter? Yes, it does. It matters because the Bush

administration has already lost almost all credibility when

it comes to terrorism. It said there were weapons of mass

destruction in Iraq and there were none. It said al-Qaeda and

Iraq were in cahoots and that was not the case. It has so

exaggerated its domestic success in arresting or convicting

terrorists that it simply cannot be believed on that score.

About a year ago, for instance, President Bush (with Gonzales

at his side) asserted that ``federal terrorism investigations

have resulted in charges against more than 400 suspects, and

more than half of those charged have been convicted.'' The

Post looked into that and found that the total number of

(broadly defined) ``terrorism'' convictions was 39.

This compulsion to exaggerate and lie is so much a part of

the Bush administration's DNA that it persists even though it

has become counterproductive. For instance, the arrest of the

seven suspects in Miami essentially coincided with the

revelation by the New York Times that the government has

``gained access to financial records from a vast

international database and examined banking transactions

involving thousands of Americans.'' Almost instantly, the

administration did two things: It confirmed the story

and complained about it. The Times account only helped

terrorists, Cheney said.

Is he right? I wonder. This is a serious matter. After all,

Americans are being asked to surrender a measure of privacy

and civil liberties in the fight against terrorism--

essentially the argument Cheney has been making. I for one am

willing to make some compromises, but I feel downright

foolish doing so if the fruit of the enterprise turns out to

be seven hapless idiots who would blow up the Sears Tower, if

only they could get to Chicago.

Cheney in particular has zero credibility, but his

administration colleagues are not far behind. Prominent among

them, of course, is the attorney general, a man so adept at

crying wolf and mouthing the administration's line that he

simply cannot be believed any more.

The Sears Tower. The Miami bureau of the FBI. Please.

Someone, put the dummy back in his box.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Leonard H. Robinson, a humble and committed public servant whose judgment and insight helped further USA policy initiatives in Africa and whose dedication and leadership helped change the lives on two different continents. Mr. Robinson who was a strong advocate for Africa, and for the rights of others, died unexpectedly at Washington Hospital

Center on July 25, 2006 of kidney failure following a short illness. Mr. Robinson's belief in the potential of Africa motivated others to look beyond themselves to see how their actions could be used to benefit others.

Born in North Carolina, Robinson earned a BA from Ohio State and did graduate studies at the State University of New York, the American University and Harvard's John F. Kennedy School of Government. Mr. Robinson believed that if you can conceive it, then you can achieve it, and he proved that with all of his many accomplishments. At the tender age of 23, Mr. Robinson was named the associate Director for India for the Peace Corps, where he later became the director of minority recruitment. Mr. Robinson left America at a time when people were not learning from one another to serve in a country that benefited from his help as a black man. This experience shaped how he envisioned the rest of the world, laying the groundwork for a long and successful career in the public sector.

Following his work in the Peace Corps, Mr. Robinson served two terms as a deputy assistant secretary of State for Africa. From 1983-1984 during the Reagan administration, Robinson oversaw economic and commercial policy at the State Department. When he returned to the African Bureau in 1990, he coordinated U.S policy toward west and central Africa and directed U.S diplomatic efforts to end Liberia's civil war, until President Bush left office in 1994. During that time, for six years between his State Department postings, Robinson served as president of the U.S. African Development Foundation which was established by Congress to provide small-scale assistance to community based organizations in Africa.

Also in 2001, Robinson helped in the creation of the Africa society to carry on public awareness and support for Africa as a direct outgrowth of the historic National Summit on Africa. This National Summit was initiated with funding from the Ford Foundation and the Carnegie Corporation of New York to build support for Africa in the United States. He was named President of the organization in 1999.

The Africa Society is helping educate America about Africa and has assisted in the expansion of a broad base of support for Africa through the initiatives taken on by Mr. Robinson. Bernadette Paolo, vice president and co-founder of the Africa Society said that Mr. Robinson ``gave everything he had to the Africa society, and to the continent of Africa for over 30 years. He contributed brilliance, passion, and visionary leadership. He was our founder, our inspiration and our star. His memory will serve to move us forward on our mission to educate all Americans about Africa''.

Africa for a long time and perhaps still is considered a poor and aids stricken ``country'' and not a rich and diverse continent. The African Society with Mr. Robinson's leadership has attacked this misconception. We all mourn the loss of such a true pioneer.

I enter into the Congressional Record the press release written about his life published by the Africa Society of the National Summit on Africa on July 25, 2006. As more and more American's perceptions and policy decisions change towards Africa, we must forever reflect on the individuals who gave their life so that we can begin the process of understanding the lives of others. One will not be able to speak about the progress between the USA and Africa without bringing up his name, for he has without a doubt made great contributions to achieving understanding between us.

[From the Africa Society of the National Summit on Africa]

Africa Society Staff--Leonard H. Robinson, Jr.

Leonard Robinson has more than 30 years working and living

experience in international affairs, with Africa and Asia as

regions of specialization. He served as Deputy Assistant

Secretary of State for African Affairs, from 1983-85 where he

was responsible for economic and commercial policy. And, as

Deputy Assistant Secretary of State from 1990-1993, he was

responsible for U.S. policy toward Central and West Africa.

His other portfolios for Africa included Narcotics,

Terrorism, Democracy and the Peace Corps. He also directed

U.S. diplomatic initiatives to help in the resolution of the

Liberia civil war.

Robinson spent six years as President of the U.S. African

Development Foundation, established by Congress in 1981 to

provide official assistance to community-based organizations

and grassroots enterprises throughout Africa. During his

tenure, annual Congressional appropriations increased from an

initial $lm to $17m. He has also worked with the U.S. Agency

for International Development, the Battelle Memorial

Institute, and the Peace Corps where he served as a

volunteer, Associate Director for India and as Director of

Minority Recruitment for the United States.

A native of North Carolina, Robinson received a BA from

Ohio State University; and attended graduate school at the

State University of New York, Binghamton, and post graduate

school at the American University, Washington, DC, and

Harvard's John F. Kennedy School of Government. He is the

recipient of two honorary doctoral degrees.

He is professor of African Studies at the University of

Massachusetts--Boston, and Senior Fellow at the Center for

Development and Democracy at the John W. McCormack Institute,

the University's think tank. He founded LHR International

Group, Inc. in 1997, a political policy consulting firm

specializing in the analysis of U.S. foreign policy for the

heads of state and foreign ministers of African and Asian

nations.

Mr. Robinson and colleagues founded The Africa Society in

2001 as a direct outgrowth of the historic National Summit on

Africa. The mission of the Africa Society is to educate and

inform all Americans about the great and diverse continent of

Africa. With a grant supported by the Ford Foundation and

the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the National Summit

on Africa was established in 1997 to educate all Americans

about Africa, to build a broad constituency of support for

Africa in the United States, and to formulate a National

Policy Plan of Action on U.S.-Africa Relations in the

Twenty-First Century--the Summit held a historic

conference on Africa in Washington, D.C., February 16-20,

2000. Over 8,000 Americans from every state, as well as

continental Africans, attended. Robinson will continue to

serve as President and CEO of the newly established Africa

Society of The National Summit on Africa.

Robinson is the author of several articles and

publications, and serves on a number of boards and advisory

councils including the National Peace Corps Association, and

Discovery Channel's Global Education Fund. In 2005 Mayor

Anthony Williams appointed and swore in Robinson to the Board

of Trustees of the University of the District of Columbia. A

frequent speaker, he has made presentations at World Affairs

Councils throughout the U.S., the Economic Commission for

Africa in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, at UNC-Chapel Hill, UMass-

Boston, Eastern Connecticut University, UCLA, The Monterey

Language Institute and the Miller Center at the University of

Virginia.

The University of Virginia appointed Robinson as its first

Diplomat Scholar in Residence in August 2004. He has been

listed in Who's Who in America since 1985.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Cora Walker, a just woman whose sincere determination and resolve not only helped change the way law became practiced in New York but also helped diversify its practitioners. Ms. Cora Walker who is recognized as being one of the first black women to practice law in the state of New York, succumbed to cancer at her Manhattan home on July 20, 2006. As a living example of an individual who defied the odds, Ms. Walker walked the path less traveled, opening it up for many others to follow.

Born in Charlotte in 1922, to William and Benetta Jones Walker, Ms. Walker was one of 9 children. Ms. Walker's family, at that time like most Southern families, wanted a life beyond the laws of segregation and Jim Crow. Their search for the American dream carried them to the Bronx. The new life in New York, however, brought unexpected changes, the biggest one being the sudden divorce of her parents. The separation of her parents, created a financial burden for the entire family

leaving her mother and her siblings dependent on public assistance. Although this incident proved to be tragic, just like the saying goes, ``only the most beautiful flowers bloom in adversity,'' Ms. Walker emerged from this hardship as the main provider and supporter of the family, eventually getting her family off of welfare.

Ms. Walker earned her bachelors degree and law degree in a special 6- year program in which students earned both a bachelors and law degree. She is recognized as being the first African-American woman to graduate from the St. John's University School of Law in 1946. Recognizing the disparity between the number of black and white lawyers, Ms. Walker spent much of her career working for the National Bar Association, the organization of Black lawyers formed to support the advancement of Blacks in the progression and helped found the Associations Counsel Conference, an annual meeting that helped black lawyers cultivate relationships with corporate clients. It is through her work within this organization and others that gave her the skills to become the first woman to serve as president of the Harlem Lawyers Association.

Although she was admitted to the Bar in 1947, the color of her skin still proved to be the only measure being used to judge her capabilities and worth. A woman who defied so many odds, who found the self-will within, to do the unthinkable, whose courage should have been commended, was still black. Sadly, the only position offered to her was the position to be the firms' secretary. Unwilling to write the story of a woman who came, fought the great battle and lost, she decided to re-write history with her own thoughts utilizing her own gifts.

Her efforts culminated in the establishment of her own firm. Although she ran unsuccessfully for the New York Senate in 1958 and 1964, she was recognized at that time as being one of the most powerful leaders in Harlem. Her legacy rings true even today. Not only does the African American community mourn her loss, but all the lives she touched by being a symbol for justice everywhere as well feel her loss.

I enter into the Congressional Record the obituary published in the New York Times on July 24, 2006. She has truly left her mark on our society and she will always be remembered for that. As the percentages of African American lawyers continue to increase across the country, we must acknowledge the pioneers whose contributions to justice and equality made the opportunities we have today a reality.

[From the New York Times, July 20, 2006]

Cora Walker, 84, Dies; Lawyer Who Broke Racial Ground

(By Margalit Fox)

Cora T. Walker, a prominent New York lawyer who nearly 60

years ago became one of the first black women to practice law

in the state, died last Thursday at her home in Manhattan.

She was 84.

The cause was cancer, said her son Lawrence R. Bailey Jr.,

a lawyer, who practiced with his mother for many years.

For decades, Ms. Walker ran a private practice in Harlem,

first on 125th Street and later from a restored brownstone at

270 Lenox Avenue. From 1976 until her retirement in 1999, she

was the senior partner in Walker & Bailey, one of the city's

few black law firms, which she established with her son.

The firm's practice eventually included corporate clients

like Conrail, the Ford Motor Company, Texas Instruments and

Kentucky Fried Chicken. But Ms. Walker continued drawing up

wills and preparing personal-injury claims for the men and

women she described as the ``plain, ordinary, not elegant

people'' of her Harlem community.

Active in Republican politics, Ms. Walker ran

unsuccessfully for the New York State Senate in 1958 and

1964. In 1970, The New York Times included her--the only

woman--on a list of the most powerful leaders in Harlem.

Cora Thomasina Walker was born on June 20, 1922, in

Charlotte, N.C., one of nine children of William and Benetta

Jones Walker. The family moved to the Bronx when she was a

child. When she was an adolescent, her parents separated,

leaving her, her mother and her siblings dependent on public

assistance.

After graduating from James Monroe High School in the

Bronx, Ms. Walker promptly informed the Welfare Department

that their help was no longer required: she would support the

family. She took a night job as a teletype operator with

Western Union and also sold Christmas cards.

At the same time, Ms. Walker was enrolled at St. John's

University, then in Brooklyn, in a special six-year program

in which students earned both a bachelor's degree and a law

degree. She received a bachelor's degree in accounting from

St. John's in 1945 and a law degree the next year.

For much of her career, Ms. Walker was active in the

National Bar Association, a historically black organization.

She helped found the association's Corporate Counsel

Conference, an annual meeting sponsored by its commercial law

section. Begun in 1988, the conference helps black lawyers

cultivate relationships with corporate clients.

In the 1960s, Ms. Walker became the first woman to serve as

president of the Harlem Lawyers Association.

Ms. Walker's marriage, to Lawrence R. Bailey Sr., a lawyer,

ended in divorce. In addition to her son Lawrence Jr., of the

Bronx, she is survived by another son, Bruce E. Bailey, a

physician, of Norwich, Conn.; a sister, Danetta Black,

formerly of White Plains; and three grandchildren.

In 1947, when Ms. Walker was admitted to the New York bar,

she found the doors of the city's law firms tightly shut.

(One firm relented and offered her a position--as a

secretary.) So she struck out on her own.

Her first client was an undertaker, for whom she did

collections. Before long, by dint of reading self-improvement

books, Ms. Walker had learned to ``join everything, give

everybody a card, join a political club,'' as she told The

New York Times in 1989.

In 1999, the New York County Lawyers' Association installed

a plaque outside the Lenox Avenue brownstone where Ms. Walker

had her office, commemorating her half-century in the law.

The building has since been sold, her son said, and the

plaque is now gone.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Harold George Belafonte, the acknowledged ``King of Calypso,'' and one of the most successful African American pop stars in history. His ingenious assimilation of folk and jazz, with an emphasis on African rhythms and third world theme allowed him to rise to unheard of popularity in the days before the advent of the civil rights era. His album ``Calypso'' was the first recording in the music industry to sell over one million copies. It set the standards and laid the groundwork that led to his winning the Grammy Award for lifetime achievement in 2000.

The son of Jamaican-born immigrants, Harry Belafonte was born on March 1, 1927, in Harlem, New York. Soon afterwards, his mother sent him home to Jamaica, where he spent his formative years and early adolescence. His exposure to life on the island and all its variety has been a constant inspiration to him and became the reservoir of his cultural and artistic expression.

After serving in World War II, he returned to New York and became involved in the theater community of New York. His first Broadway musical, John Murray Anderson's ``Almanac'', won him the coveted Tony Award. The overwhelming success of Carmen Jones, the Oscar Hammerstein adaptation of Bizet's opera ``Carmen'', made him one of the most sought after African American actors in the history of Hollywood.

He won the Emmy Award for his performance in the television musical epic ``Tonight with Belafonte.'' He is one of the nine winners of the 2006 Impact Award recipients by the AARP magazine. He was the first recipient of the Marcus Garvey Award for Lifetime Achievement in 2000, which created the tradition of honoring humanitarians in the Jamerican Film and Music Festival in the subsequent years. He was also the first to receive the Nelson Mandela Courage Award and was honored with the 1994 National Medal of Arts from President Clinton, as well as numerous other awards and honors. I am awed by the talent of this remarkable man. His success continues to be a great inspiration for African American artists.

Harry Belafonte is a pioneer as an actor and musician and he is equally a committed social activist. A close friend and confidante of Martin Luther King Jr., he was the driving force who mobilized the cultural and artistic community in support of Dr. King's work, leading to their financial support and their personal identification with the needs of the Civil Rights movement. Dr. King himself acknowledged Belafonte's contribution, ``Belafonte's global popularity and his commitment to our cause is a key ingredient to the global struggle for freedom and a powerful tactical weapon in the civil rights movement here in America.''

In 1987, he accepted the appointment as UNICEF's Goodwill Ambassador. The second American to hold this title, he continues to play a vital role in holding special concerts to raise funds and gamer support for UNICEF programs, along with his assignments to UNICEF missions. In 1985, he assembled 45 top performers to record the song ``We Are the World,'' raising millions of dollars for emergency aid in Africa.

In 1987, he created a historic symposium in Dakar, Senegal for the immunization of African children, the positive response to which has lead to a successful campaign for the eradication of curable diseases among African children. In 1988, he performed a concert in Harare, Zimbabwe, to focus global attention on child survival and development in South African countries, especially those victimized by the apartheid war. In 1989, the U.S. Committee for the UNICEF honored him with the Danny Kaye Award, for his important contribution in service of the children of the world.

Seeing the effects of HIV/AIDS in South Africa firsthand, he launched the Harry & Julie Belafonte Fund for HIV/AIDS in Sub-Saharan Africa using a U.S. $100,000 honorarium from the Ronald McDonald House Charities' Award of Excellence. He received the award in 2000 in recognition of his humanitarian work.

Recently he was presented with the Black Entertainment Television (BET) Humanitarian Award, which he dedicated to Malcolm X and Nelson Mandela, as well as to the poet soldiers of the civil rights activists such as Fannie Lou Hamer. ``I had a mission to overthrow oppression,'' he said in his speech honoring social activists all over the world.

Harry Belafonte has been a harsh critic of U.S. foreign policy, opposing the embargo on Cuba, the war on Iraq, as well as condemning the Bush administration for refusing aid from Venezuela and Cuba in the aftermath of the devastation of Hurricane Katrina. He has taken a strong position against the spying on American citizens sanctioned by the USA PATRIOT Act and conducted by the Bush Administration outside of the law.

His calling President Bush as the ``biggest terrorist in the world,'' has created controversy and made him unacceptable to some, but he shows little concern over the reaction to his words because he sees the need to speak the truth as he sees it.

He has called upon the American people to demand their constitutional rights from the government. Instead of spending billions of taxpayer dollars abroad in a needless war, he suggested that we should focus on reforming our broken social security and Medicare system to ensure social benefits for our citizens.

Mr. Speaker, I wish to honor this remarkable man for all his achievements and for what he continues to do for civil rights and as a Goodwill Ambassador for UNICEF.

On behalf of all of us, and in recognition of Harry Belafonte's extraordinary career, I declare that:

(1) Harry Belafonte is as popular among White audiences as Black audiences, shattering the traditional divisions between Black and White music. Whether plaintive or rousing, the music of Harry Belafonte transforms the everyday lives, pain, and joy of the common people into songs that resonated with and inspired people of all nationalities, races, and classes.

(2) His multiracial appeal enhanced the movement toward racial equality and increased understanding and tolerance across racial boundaries during the Civil Rights movement.

(3) As a supporter of that Movement, he performed benefit concerts and provided additional financial support to causes led by his friend, Rev. Martin Luther King.

(4) His activism and search for justice extends beyond the borders of the U.S. as evidenced by his strong opposition to the apartheid system in South Africa as well as his contribution as a Goodwill Ambassador for the UNICEF.

(5) Harry Belafonte, at this point in his career, is an immensely respected and dazzling figure in American culture and is equally esteemed and admired as a fighter against injustice at home and abroad.