Floor Statements

Mr. President, now, on the Florida abortion ban, this morning, unfortunately, the people of Florida woke up to one of the cruelest, most extreme, most dangerous abortion bans in the country. Starting today, Florida is outlawing most abortions after just 6 weeks--just 6 weeks--before many women even know that they are pregnant.

Let me say that again because the American people need to hear what Republican States are doing. A new Florida law goes into effect today that bans most abortions after just 6 weeks, before many women even know they are pregnant.

Florida's new abortion ban is draconian to the core. It rips away women's freedom to make their own decisions about their bodies. It blocks thousands of women from accessing basic reproductive care. And, horrifically, it leaves millions of women across the Southeast--already an abortion care desert--with little or no options.

If you live anywhere in the Southeast, the odds are now that you need to drive as far as Virginia or farther just to get reproductive care, a burden most people can't realistically take on. It is utter cruelty.

Sadly, abortion bans like the ones in Florida didn't happen in a vacuum. Today is yet another consequence of the hard-right MAGA Supreme Court's disastrous decision to overturn Roe v. Wade. It is the consequence of decades of the hard right trying to pack our courts with radical jurists.

In case people forgot, President Donald Trump proudly reminded us a month ago that he and MAGA Republicans are to blame for the annihilation of Roe. To this day, the former President and MAGA Republicans continue to boast of their radical views on abortion, despite those views being widely out of step with the American people.

Let us not forget that the majority of Floridians--the vast majority--don't agree with Florida's new abortion ban, much less the vast majority of Americans.

Make no mistake, Republicans will have to answer for their anti- abortion records today, tomorrow, and at the ballot box in November.

Mr. President, now, on Senate business, a very busy period has just ended for the Senate, and another one begins.

This morning, the Senate will vote on the confirmation of Georgia Alexakis to be a district judge for the Northern District of Illinois. Once confirmed, she will be the 195th Federal judge confirmed under President Biden.

On the legislative front, the next deadline Congress faces is May 10. That is the date by which the President must sign the FAA reauthorization. The Senate will begin the work of FAA reauthorization this afternoon by holding our first procedural vote on this bill. Both parties have an incentive to work together to get FAA done as quickly and as smoothly as we can to keep our skies safe and our Federal employees well taken care of.

Getting FAA reauthorization done will provide for more air traffic controllers, for more safety inspectors at manufacturing plants, and better customer service standards--all of which are so badly needed.

So I hope the Senate can get this important piece of legislation done with as much bipartisan good will as possible.

Madam President, over the decades, millions of Americans--most often Americans of color--have had their lives derailed and destroyed by our country's failed war on drugs. The consequences of this harmful campaign linger on to this very day. So I was pleased by yesterday's news that the DEA, under the Biden administration, is preparing to take a truly historic step: rescheduling cannabis from a schedule I substance to a schedule III substance under the Controlled Substances Act.

Reclassifying cannabis is a necessary and long overdue step, but it is not at all the end of the story. It is time for Congress to wake up to the times and do its part by passing the cannabis reform that most Americans have long called for. It is past time for Congress to catch up with public opinion and to catch up with the science.

So, today, I am proud to join with my colleagues Senators Booker and Wyden to reintroduce the Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act, a comprehensive and necessary update to the Federal Government's approach to cannabis. I am proud to be the first majority leader ever to call for an end to the marijuana prohibition because I have seen both the consequences of outdated drug laws and the benefits of commonsense cannabis regulation at the State level, and it is time for Congress to follow suit.

Support for cannabis reform is growing in the Senate. Our bill now has 18 sponsors, the most ever for this bill. We will keep working to build more support because when liberals and conservatives and activists and entrepreneurs and veterans groups can all come together on one issue, that is a clear sign the momentum is real.

I am very proud of the bill we are releasing today. Our legislation will finally remove marijuana from the Federal list of controlled substances. It will expunge the criminal records of so many Americans with low-level marijuana offenses that haunt them--inhibit them--for decades. And it will help our country close the book, once and for all, on the awful and harmful and failed War on Drugs, which all too often has been nothing more than a war on Americans of color.

In short, our bill is about individual freedom and basic fairness. We cannot tolerate any longer the tragedy of the young person getting arrested because they have a small amount of marijuana in their pocket.

For years, that is all it took--getting caught with a little bit of marijuana--for you to get saddled with a serious criminal record that prevented you from getting a good job, buying a home, getting ahead in life. And, of course, this injustice happens predominantly in Black and Latino communities. That is unfair. It is un-American. And our bill will right this grave wrong.

In place of the War on Drugs, our bill would lay the foundation for something very different: a just and responsible and commonsense approach to cannabis regulation. It would call for new guidelines on how marijuana products are labeled, require new standards to prevent impaired driving, require HHS and NIH to support research into cannabis's health aspects, and more. Our bill, if passed, would close the door on outdated and very harmful modes of thinking at the Federal level, while allowing for reform and sensible regulation to take root.

So, again, I want to thank Senators Booker and Wyden for being terrific partners in putting this bill together. It has been a longstanding effort, one that has required a lot of feedback from the public and a lot of perseverance.

As Senate majority leader, I will continue to push for every chance we get to bring cannabis policy into the 21st century, and passing our bill would be an excellent way to make that happen.

Madam President, over the decades, millions of Americans--most often Americans of color--have had their lives derailed and destroyed by our country's failed war on drugs. The consequences of this harmful campaign linger on to this very day. So I was pleased by yesterday's news that the DEA, under the Biden administration, is preparing to take a truly historic step: rescheduling cannabis from a schedule I substance to a schedule III substance under the Controlled Substances Act.

Reclassifying cannabis is a necessary and long overdue step, but it is not at all the end of the story. It is time for Congress to wake up to the times and do its part by passing the cannabis reform that most Americans have long called for. It is past time for Congress to catch up with public opinion and to catch up with the science.

So, today, I am proud to join with my colleagues Senators Booker and Wyden to reintroduce the Cannabis Administration and Opportunity Act, a comprehensive and necessary update to the Federal Government's approach to cannabis. I am proud to be the first majority leader ever to call for an end to the marijuana prohibition because I have seen both the consequences of outdated drug laws and the benefits of commonsense cannabis regulation at the State level, and it is time for Congress to follow suit.

Support for cannabis reform is growing in the Senate. Our bill now has 18 sponsors, the most ever for this bill. We will keep working to build more support because when liberals and conservatives and activists and entrepreneurs and veterans groups can all come together on one issue, that is a clear sign the momentum is real.

I am very proud of the bill we are releasing today. Our legislation will finally remove marijuana from the Federal list of controlled substances. It will expunge the criminal records of so many Americans with low-level marijuana offenses that haunt them--inhibit them--for decades. And it will help our country close the book, once and for all, on the awful and harmful and failed War on Drugs, which all too often has been nothing more than a war on Americans of color.

In short, our bill is about individual freedom and basic fairness. We cannot tolerate any longer the tragedy of the young person getting arrested because they have a small amount of marijuana in their pocket.

For years, that is all it took--getting caught with a little bit of marijuana--for you to get saddled with a serious criminal record that prevented you from getting a good job, buying a home, getting ahead in life. And, of course, this injustice happens predominantly in Black and Latino communities. That is unfair. It is un-American. And our bill will right this grave wrong.

In place of the War on Drugs, our bill would lay the foundation for something very different: a just and responsible and commonsense approach to cannabis regulation. It would call for new guidelines on how marijuana products are labeled, require new standards to prevent impaired driving, require HHS and NIH to support research into cannabis's health aspects, and more. Our bill, if passed, would close the door on outdated and very harmful modes of thinking at the Federal level, while allowing for reform and sensible regulation to take root.

So, again, I want to thank Senators Booker and Wyden for being terrific partners in putting this bill together. It has been a longstanding effort, one that has required a lot of feedback from the public and a lot of perseverance.

As Senate majority leader, I will continue to push for every chance we get to bring cannabis policy into the 21st century, and passing our bill would be an excellent way to make that happen.

Mr. President, now on another note--sad note--yesterday, in North Carolina, four law enforcement officers, including a deputy U.S. marshal, were killed in the deadliest attack against U.S. law enforcement in 8 years. Several other officers have been injured.

Today, the Senate mourns the loss of these dedicated public servants. We grieve with their families. And we must do more to prevent shootings like this that involve AR-style weapons. It is a tragic reminder that today too many dangerous assault rifles continue to plague too many of our communities, and Congress has a responsibility to get these weapons of war off our streets.

My heart goes out to all the families who have lost loved ones in this attack. And I thank all of our law enforcement officers who were on the scene working to keep the communities safe.

Mr. President, I would like to begin today by saying a few things about the protests at Columbia University.

Smashing windows with hammers and taking over university buildings is not free speech--it is lawlessness--and those who did it should promptly face the consequences that are not merely a slap on the wrist.

Free speech, discussion, and even strong disagreement are fundamental American values, and campuses should be places where those values are cherished. Campuses cannot be places of learning and argument and discussion when protests veer into criminality, and those who commit such acts are doing nothing to convince others that their cause is just.

It is also unacceptable when Jewish students are targeted for being Jewish, when protests exhibit verbal abuse, systemic intimidation, or glorification of the murderous and hateful Hamas, or the violence of October 7.

As I said in my speech here on the floor last November and many times since: That is anti-Semitism. It is loathsome. It is unacceptable.

Mr. President, it is my understanding that the Senate has received a message from the House of Representatives to accompany

I ask that the Chair lay before the Senate the message to accompany H.R. 815.

I move to concur in the House amendment to the Senate amendment to H.R. 815, and I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

I move to concur in the House amendment to H.R. 815, with an amendment.

I ask consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I have a second-degree amendment at the desk.

I ask consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. President, I move to refer H.R. 815 to the Committee on Appropriations with instructions to report back forthwith with an amendment.

I ask consent that further reading of the motion be dispensed with.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I have an amendment to the instructions at the desk.

I ask consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I have a second-degree amendment at the desk.

I ask consent that further reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. President, the Senate convenes at a moment nearly 6 months in the making.

A few days ago, the House of Representatives, at long last, approved essential national security funding for Ukraine, for Israel, for the Indo-Pacific, and for humanitarian assistance. Today is the Senate's turn to act.

For the information of Senators, at 1 p.m. this afternoon, the Senate will hold two rollcall votes related to the supplemental: one on a procedural motion and then a vote to invoke cloture.

The time has come to finish the job to help our friends abroad once and for all. I ask my colleagues to join together to pass the supplemental today as expeditiously as possible and send our friends abroad the aid they have long been waiting for. Let us not delay this. Let us not prolong this. Let us not keep our friends around the world waiting for a moment longer.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum call with respect to the cloture motion on the House message to accompany H.R. 815 be waived.

Mr. President, today, the Senate sends a unified message to the entire world: America will always defend democracy in its hour of need.

We tell our allies: We will stand with you.

We tell our adversaries: Don't mess with us.

We tell the world: We will do everything to defend democracy and our way of life.

In a resounding bipartisan vote, the relentless work of 6 long months has paid off. Congress is sending the supplemental to President Biden's desk.

Getting this done was one of the greatest achievements the Senate has faced in years, perhaps decades. A lot of people inside and outside Congress wanted this package to fail. But, today, those in Congress who stand on the side of democracy are winning the day.

To our friends in Ukraine, to our allies in NATO, to our allies in Israel, and to civilians around the world in need of help: Help is on the way.

To our friends in Ukraine: America will deliver more ammo and air defenses and basic supplies that you need to resist Putin on the battlefield.

To our friends in Israel: America will soon deliver aid to help you fight the scourge of Hamas and stand up to Iran.

To innocent civilians in the midst of war, from Gaza to Sudan: America will deliver food and medicine and clothing.

To our friends in the Indo-Pacific: We will stand with you to resist the Chinese Communist Party.

And to the whole world: Make no mistake, America will deliver on its promise to act like a leader on the world stage, to hold the line against autocratic thugs like Vladimir Putin.

A few months ago, Putin made a bet that American aid would sooner or later come to an end. We are showing Putin that betting against America is always--always--a grave mistake.

Over the past few months, I have spoken repeatedly and at length about the supreme importance of getting this supplemental package done. Starting in October and through Thanksgiving and Christmas and New Year's and into the spring, I said again and again that we had to work in a bipartisan way, Democrats and Republicans alike, if we wanted to pass this bill.

When we succeeded in getting the supplemental through the Senate the first time in February, it was for two reasons above all: persistence and bipartisanship. At certain points, it might have seemed hard to see how we would reach our goal, but we never lost hope that if we persisted, we could finish the job.

Today, thank God, our persistence has been validated, and the bill sent to us by the House is largely the same as the bill in substance as what the Senate has championed all along.

It wasn't easy to reach this point, but today's outcome yet again confirms another thing we have stressed from the beginning of this Congress: In divided government, the only way to ever get things done is bipartisanship. I am very pleased that in this moment, when it mattered most, both parties found a way to work together even when it wasn't easy.

Again, persistence and bipartisanship are what saved the day. Leader McConnell and I, who don't always agree, worked hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder to get this bill done. Together, we were bipartisan and persisted.

Now, it is troubling that a very small minority within the hard right tried desperately for months to prevent Congress from doing the right thing. These isolationists have now secured their ignominious place in history as the ones who would see America stick its head in the sand as our enemies sought to undermine us. Had they won, they would have presided over a declining America. I am glad that today we will see that effort fail.

This is an inflection point in history. Western democracy faces perhaps its greatest test since the end of the Cold War. The conflicts we see right now in Europe, in the Middle East, and the tensions of the Indo-Pacific will go a long way in shaping the balance of power between democracy and autocracy in the decades to come, and the consequences for America's long-term security will be profound.

If Putin is allowed to seize the territory of a neighboring sovereign nation, if the Chinese Communist Party is allowed to consume the Indo- Pacific, if Iran is allowed to dominate the Middle East, and if America were to stand by and do nothing, it is the United States that would suffer the consequences most of all in the long run.

Failure to act now could not only undermine the legitimacy of our democratic values, it would have impacts across American life. It would hurt us politically, economically, militarily, and socially. It would harm the competitiveness of U.S. businesses, endanger the safety of our troops, cripple America's innovative potential, and make the world a more hostile place for our civic values--individual liberty, freedom of expression, equal justice under law, and opportunity for all. We always try to live up to these ideals, but they will not survive if autocratic powers like Putin and the Chinese Communist Party overtake America in this century.

That is what is at stake in the war in Ukraine, where we face Putin. That is what is at stake in the Indo-Pacific, where we face Xi. That is what is at stake in conflicts in the Middle East, where we face Iran. Nothing less--nothing less--than the future of American security and the future of the democratic order that has survived since the end of the Second World War.

So we have a choice. We can either make a downpayment on defending our

security or find ourselves on the back foot, facing much graver threats in years and decades to come. The only answer is the right one: We must act now.

We have learned in recent years that democracy is a fragile and precious thing. It will not survive the threats of this century--the new threats--if we aren't willing to do what it takes to defend it. And if America will not lead the way to protect democracy in this age, no other nation will. That is the burden, that is the duty of a nation as great as ours.

There are so many people on both sides of the aisle who deserve credit for this immense accomplishment.

I thank President Biden for his stalwart leadership. He never flinched or winced. He knew how important this was and was always working with us and importuning us to move forward.

I thank Leader McConnell, as I have mentioned before, for working hand in hand with us, not letting partisanship get in the way.

I thank Speaker Johnson, who rose to the occasion. In his own words, he said he had to do the right thing despite the enormous political pressure on him.

I thank Leader Jeffries, who worked so well together in his bipartisan way with Speaker Johnson.

Let me say this once again about my friend the Republican leader: We were of one mind to get this bill done. It was our bipartisanship, our linking of arms together, that got this large and difficult bill through the Congress despite many political ideologues who wanted to bring it down. Bipartisanship once again prevailed, and I thank him for his leadership.

I want to thank my Senate colleagues, particularly in my caucus. The dedication and unity and strength you have shown have made this possible. I was able, as leader, to work with the Republican leader in the House, the Speaker, the minority leader in the House, and the President because I knew I had our full caucus behind us--strongly, fervently.

The speeches that we heard at our Tuesday lunches, made by many who are sitting here, would make every American proud, and I thank you, thank you, thank you for that.

For the past 6 months, our friends and allies across the world have been watching what has been going on in Congress and asking themselves the same thing: Will America stand by her friends to face down the forces of autocracy? Will America follow through on its commitment to be a leader on the world stage and safeguard the cause of democracy? Will America summon the strength to come together, overcome the centrifugal pull of partisanship, and rise once again to meet the magnitude of the moment? Today, with both parties working together, the Senate answers these questions with a thunderous and resounding yes.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, finally, finally, finally, tonight, after more than 6 months of hard work and many twists and turns in the road, America sends a message to the entire world: We will not turn our back on you.

Tonight, we tell our allies: We stand with you.

We tell our adversaries: Don't mess with us.

We tell the world: The United States will do everything to safeguard democracy and our way of life.

This bill is one of the most consequential measures Congress has passed in years to protect America's security and the future--the very future--of Western democracy. And after overcoming a lot of opposition, tonight, Congress finishes the job.

To our friends in Ukraine, to our friends in Israel, to our friends in the Indo-Pacific, and to innocent civilians caught in the midst of a war from Gaza to Sudan: America hears you. We will be there for you.

And to the whole world, rest assured. Rest assured that America will never shrink from its responsibilities as a leader on the world stage.

Tonight, we make Vladimir Putin regret the day he questioned American resolve.

I thank President Biden for his unflinching leadership. I thank Speaker Johnson and Leader Jeffries for working together valiantly to pass this bill. I thank Chair Murray and Vice Chair Collins for their excellent work.

And I particularly want to thank my caucus for standing firm. We were always united. You gave us strength to get this job done. I salute you.

And, particularly, I want to thank Leader McConnell. We worked on this bill arm in arm, together, shoulder to shoulder. Without that kind of strong bipartisan leadership, this difficult bill would never have passed.

We now come to the end of a long, difficult, and Herculean effort. Our allies around the world have been watching Congress for the last 6 months and wondering the same thing: When it matters most, will America summon the strength to come together, overcome the centrifugal pull of partnership, and meet the magnitude of this moment? Tonight, under the watchful eye of history, the Senate answers this question with a thunderous and resounding yes.

For a little more good news, for the information of Senators, the Senate will not be in session on Monday, April 29. The next rollcall vote will be at 5:30 p.m. on Tuesday, April 30.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that all postcloture time be deemed expired.

I ask unanimous consent that the pending motion to concur with amendment No. 1842 be withdrawn.

Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 598.

Mr. President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum calls for the cloture motions filed today, April 23, be waived.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of the following bills en bloc: Calendar No. 326, S. 3639; Calendar No. 328, H.R. 292; Calendar No. 327, S. 3640; Calendar No. 331, H.R. 3944; Calendar No. 361, S. 3851; Calendar No. 320, S. 2143; Calendar No. 329, H.R. 996; Calendar No. 321, S. 2274; Calendar No. 330, H.R. 2379; Calendar No. 322, S. 2717; Calendar No. 324, S. 3357; Calendar No. 323, S. 3267; Calendar No. 325, S. 3419; Calendar No. 363, H.R. 3865; Calendar No. 362, H.R. 2754; and Calendar No. 364, H.R. 3947.

I ask unanimous consent that the bills en bloc be considered read a third time and passed and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the en bloc consideration of the following Senate resolutions: S. Res. 661, S. Res. 662, and S. Res. 663.

Mr. President, this resolution concerns the criminal case pending in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York against Senator Robert Menendez and co-defendants. The parties have indicated that they may seek to introduce into evidence relevant documents and testimony from Senate staff and Members at the trial.

This resolution would authorize Senate individuals called to appear to testify and produce documents in this case and related proceedings, except concerning matters for which a privilege is asserted. It would also authorize the Senate legal counsel to represent individuals called to testify at trial as fact witnesses regarding their performance of official Senate responsibilities.

I ask unanimous consent that the resolutions be agreed to, the preambles be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc.

Mr. President, finally, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn to then convene for pro forma sessions only, with no business being conducted on Friday, April 26, at 10 a.m.; further, that when the Senate adjourns on Friday, April 26, it stand adjourned until 3 p.m. on Tuesday, April 30; that on Tuesday, following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hour be deemed expired, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day and morning business be closed; that following the conclusion of morning business, the Senate proceed to executive session to resume consideration of the Alexakis nomination; further, that the cloture motions filed during today's session ripen at 5:30 p.m. on Tuesday.