Floor Statements

Mr. President, well, the Sun may be shining outside, but today is a gloomy day here in the U.S. Senate.

Last night, Members of the other side of the aisle met to decide whether they were going to side with the American people or obey the wishes of former President Trump and his friend Vladimir Putin.

While I was not party to that meeting, the reports that came out of it were disturbing, to say the least. After months of good-faith negotiations, after months of giving Republicans many of the things they asked for, Leader McConnell and the Republican conference are ready to kill the national security supplemental package, even with the border provisions they so fervently demanded.

Those reports are disturbing because this is a good bill, a bipartisan bill that will address the problems at the border directly, expeditiously, seriously.

And don't take my word for it, just ask the conservative editorial page of the Wall Street Journal that called this ``a border bill worth passing'' or the president of the National Border Patrol Council--who rarely sides with Democrats--who called this bill ``far better than the status quo'' or the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which called this package ``a commonsense measure'' and warned that ``Congress cannot afford to ignore these problems any longer.''

So last night's reports coming from the Republican conference meeting are alarming because they represent a dramatic transformation in Republican thought. In October, Republicans objected to President Biden's national security supplemental request, telling the world they could not consider it without, in Leader McConnell's words, ``something credible on the border.'' He said his conference would give ``this supplemental request a serious look and probably recommend some changes as well.'' That was October 22, 2023.

Since then, Senators on both sides of the aisle have conducted intense, good-faith negotiations to try and find a way forward on the border. We thought we were close in December, but some on the other side did not want to be ``jammed'' by the Christmas holiday so we gave them more time.

Senator Graham reasoned that a delay was necessary and thought that President Biden ``should get involved in border/immigration negotiations.'' Well, President Biden did get involved, and he gave Senator Graham more time that he asked for. And yet again yesterday, he asked for more time once again.

In December, Senator Fischer accused Democrats of not wanting to address border security, saying that ``my democratic colleagues support [border] security for Taiwan, they support [border] security for Ukraine, and they support [border] security for Israel. But what they won't support is basic border security for the United States of America. We are told that our own border security is not related to the national security supplemental? That's absurd.''

That is what she said. ``That's absurd'' not to have border security in the bill, in December. Well, yesterday, she said she would refuse to even debate a bill that addressed our national security and border security--not even a debate.

The entire process has been quite a roller coaster. And it is not just my Senate colleagues who keep moving the goalposts. In November, Speaker Johnson said that ``with our appropriations bills for Ukraine funding, for example, we're going to marry that with border security. These two things are going to be handled together because we believe it's a top priority.''

But when former President Trump said he didn't want Republicans to solve the border problem, that he wanted it as a campaign issue, Speaker Johnson did a 180-degree about-face and obediently and obeisantly changed his tune.

Now, I understand politics. I understand electoral strategy. But for more than a year, Members on the other side of the aisle have been wailing that the border was an emergency situation; that the country was in urgent crisis.

As the senior Senator from Wyoming said, ``This crisis requires swift, serious, and substantive action,'' or like the senior Senator from Texas said, ``This current crisis cries out for a solution'' and ``nobody believes the status quo is acceptable.''

How about the words of Speaker Johnson just 1 month ago. Just 1 month ago, he said that the time to act on the border is yesterday.

This morning, Republicans are singing a new tune. Suddenly, this crisis is not so urgent. Suddenly, we need to take even more time before we address this crisis. One hard-right Republican Member of the House even ridiculously suggested that we wait until after November. This morning, a member of the Republican leadership who had recently called for swift action now says that action must wait until after the next election.

Give me a break.

Today, this is the new Republican line on the border: It is an emergency, but it can wait 12 months or until the end of time.

What utter bunk.

A cynic might suggest that this request for more time was a political ploy. But maybe we should take the Republicans at their word. Maybe we should take them at their word when they say: There is absolutely no reason to agree to policies that will further enable Joe Biden. Or when they say: Let me tell you, I am not willing to do too damn much right now to help a Democrat.

That is why this is a gloomy day. That is why the Republican Party is being thrown into disrepute by many of its own members back in their States.

Some Republicans will claim they have not had enough time to read the bill. Some Republicans will claim that they want an amendment process. Some will claim that they want guarantees their amendments will be accepted. Some Republicans will claim we need more time for debate and consideration. My guess is, they will ultimately want 10 to 12 months.

Finally, some Republicans will claim that we should separate--new tune--separate border solutions from funding for Ukraine.

I would like to address each of those claims right here, right now. For those who claim they have not had enough time to read the bill, on January 25, 10 Republican Senators wrote me a letter.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the letter be printed in the Record.

In that letter Senators Ricketts, Barrasso, Cassidy, Cotton, Ernst, Graham, Mullin, Sullivan, Risch, and Wicker asked one thing of me before the first vote on legislation. They asked for 72 hours to read the bill. We met that request. The bill was posted at 6:45 p.m. Sunday, February 4. If they want until 6:45 tomorrow evening, that is fine with me. Actually, I will even offer to delay that vote until sometime on Thursday to give even more time for Senators to make up their minds.

But I suspect they won't accept even that offer because they really don't want more time. They are just using it as an excuse. In fact, it will surprise no one that some of the signers of that letter actually did not wait 72 hours before they rejected the bill. Senator Cotton declared his opposition after 16 hours and 48 minutes, less than 25 percent of the requested time. Senator Risch took a little longer--an additional 15 minutes--to read the bill before announcing his opposition. Clearly, this wasn't about having 72 hours. That is OK. I can recognize when Senators grandstand. But this--this--is no time for grandstanding. This is a time for serious people to work together to solve serious problems.

Mr. President, Senators are elected to vote, not to be afraid, run away, make excuses, when it comes to voting on the tough issues. Senators are elected to debate and deliberate, not just to say no when a former President instructs them to. We were sent here to make laws, not just to make speeches.

If my colleagues want more time, fine--fine. All they have to do is vote yes tomorrow. That will mean the Senate will have up to 30 hours of debate before we lay down the motion to proceed. Again, I want to be clear. The vote tomorrow is not about the substance of the bill. No one is being asked to take a position on the supplemental tomorrow. The only thing a ``yes'' vote would allow is for the Senate simply to begin to consider, discuss, and debate the vitally important issues before us now. And we will have plenty of time to do so because we will stay here in session as long as it takes.

That brings me to the Republican's second claim. They want an amendment process. Well, during my time as majority leader, I presided over more amendment votes than the Senate held in all 4 years of the Trump administration. I would like to remind my colleagues about Senate procedure. If you want a chance to amend a bill, it turns out you actually need to get on the bill first. Voting no says no amendments. Further, once we are on the bill, you still possess the power to kill the entire bill if the amendment process is not to your liking. You can hold out for your amendments. You can hold out if you want to reread the bill again and again. And you can hold out if your amendments fail.

But our Republican colleagues--we know this--really don't want any of those things. And when they won't, they forfeit their ability to address the border situation at all. When they vote no, they forfeit their ability to address the border situation at all.

So I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to vote yes on the bill so we can discuss amendments, timing, and any other issues. The issues in Ukraine, in Israel, humanitarian aid, the South Pacific, and the border are urgent. So many of my colleagues have said they are urgent. Well, let's vote. It is urgent. We spent months talking and debating. It is time to vote. Make no mistake about it. A ``no'' vote says: I never want to move forward on the border, not with amendments, not without amendments, not now, not later. We must move forward. We cannot wait any longer. We have waited long enough.

Now, for my Republican colleagues who say that we need more time to debate and consider the bill and ``I don't want to be jammed,'' I have a question. In September, you told us we cannot provide support to the people in Ukraine without addressing the border crisis. In December, you told us that leaving for Christmas break was more important than solving the border crisis. Now, in February, you are telling us you need more time. So the question I would like answered and that the American people want an answer to is this: What date would work, my Republican friends? If you don't want to solve the border crisis and fight Putin today or tomorrow, when do you want it? Would Saturday the 24th of February be a good day for you, the day that marks the second anniversary of Putin's invasion of Ukraine, so it can have symbolic value? And since that falls on a weekend, maybe we could vote on Monday the 26. Just let me know. We can schedule it. We have other options. You just have to tell us what day would work.

We can change the schedule, but we are voting to move to proceed Wednesday night or if you want the extra day, Thursday. Would you be willing to address those tough issues in March, in April, in June, in July?

Mr. President, I suppose I won't get a response because it seems the only date Republicans seem to care about is November 5, election day. We all know what is going on here. Donald Trump would rather keep the chaos at the border so he can exploit it on the campaign trail instead of letting the Senate do the right thing and fix it. He would rather let Ukraine suffer on the battlefield instead of being tough on Putin. And instead of standing up to Donald Trump, Senate Republicans are ready to kill our best chance at fixing the border and ready to vote down this aid package for Ukraine in order to put what they think is their party's political interest above the interest of the country.

It is my hope, but not my expectation, that my friends across the aisle will resist the former President's exhortations and do what is right. That is why the Senate will move forward with our vote tomorrow. If Senators vote yes, we have options--more time to debate, an opportunity to consider amendments. If Senators vote no, those Senators should have to explain why they are ready to let the border emergency-- which they so decried--why would they let it continue? We have had 4 months--4 months--of dithering and delay. Tomorrow, the American people will find out whether Senators seek border security and oppose Russian expansionism or whether they stand with former President Trump in support of the chaos and Vladimir Putin.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, yesterday evening, after months of persistence, hard work, and arduous negotiations, a bipartisan group of Senators released the text of the emergency national security supplemental package. The bipartisan package is 4 long, tireless months in the making. Everyone worked doggedly to piece this bill together, from Senators to Senate staff, to the Biden administration. I must have called the negotiators hundreds of times, calling every day, multiple times a day.

I want to thank President Biden for his leadership and for making it clear from day one that he was willing to compromise with Republicans to get this agreement done.

I wish to thank my Senate colleagues who worked ceaselessly on this package--including Senators Murphy, Sinema, Lankford, Murray, Collins-- as well as Secretary Mayorkas and the rest of the administration. And all of our staffs worked so long and so diligently. We are blessed in the Senate to have great, hard-working, dedicated staffs.

Now, at times, I know it seemed as if negotiations would fall off the tracks. Many on the outside rooted loudly for this effort to fail. But everyone persisted and persisted. Even in dark moments, I reminded my colleagues of the immense stakes in this bill, and, to their everlasting credit, they kept moving forward. And now we have a bill.

The $64,000 question now is whether or not Senators can drown out the outside noise, drown out people like Donald Trump who want chaos, and do the right thing for America. I urge Senators of goodwill on both sides of the aisle to do the right thing and tune the chaos out. History is going to look over our shoulders and ask if the Senate rose to the occasion. We must--we must--act.

In a few moments, I will file cloture on the motion to proceed to the vehicle of the national security supplemental. This vote will be the most important that the Senate has taken in a very long time to ensure America's future prosperity and security. That is how important the vote on this national security supplemental is.

Senators should expect the first vote on this bill to come Wednesday. Everyone will have had 3 days to read this bill before taking a vote. We must keep working until the job is done. Passing this bill is too important to let the calendar get in the way.

Getting to this point was never guaranteed. A security package that includes bipartisan border legislation is one of the hardest things the Senate has tackled in years. From the start, I said the only way we would succeed was if both sides were serious about reaching a bipartisan package. I worked very hard to give negotiators the space they needed to do their work and to create an environment where bipartisanship could take root.

Many on the hard right wanted to hijack this process by demanding we take up H.R. 2, but I made clear the

only bill I would bring to the floor was one that could win bipartisan support. Not a single Democrat in the House or Senate voted for H.R. 2.

Today, I am proud that, after 4 months of hard negotiations, we indeed have a bipartisan agreement that is a product of compromise, hard work, and persistence. I am hopeful that enough Senators understand that this bill is too important--too important--to let politics get in the way, because, if we fail the Ukrainian people, then Vladimir Putin will likely succeed in his invasion of Ukraine. Putin will be emboldened, and Western democracy will face the greatest threat it has seen in decades.

If we don't help Israel defend itself against Hamas, the dangers of another October 7 will persist, and the war in the Middle East could grow much worse.

If we don't deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza, countless of innocent Palestinian civilians will be denied lifesaving assistance that cannot wait.

And if we don't secure our border right now, the crisis our Republican colleagues talk about so much is only--only--going to get worse.

Everyone agrees the border is a mess. For years--years--our Republican colleagues have demanded we fix the border. All along, they said it should be done through legislation. Only recently did they change that, when it looked like we might actually produce legislation.

Well, we are producing legislation in a bipartisan way, and, now, unfortunately, many on the hard right are running, are turning their back on this package. Everyone is asking the same question: Are MAGA Republicans serious about fixing the border or is this merely political?

If Senate Democrats wrote this national security supplemental entirely on our own, of course, it would look different. But we live in an era of divided government, and that means that both sides have to compromise if we want to pass a bill.

This bipartisan agreement is not perfect, but given all the dangers facing America, it is the comprehensive package our country needs right now. It will provide tens of billions in military assistance for Ukraine so they have more access to Javelins, ammunitions, Stingers, howitzers, and more. It gives Israel the security assistance it needs to resist those who wish to wipe a Jewish State off the map. It delivers lifesaving humanitarian assistance--food, water, medicine, clothing--not just for innocent civilians in Gaza but for growing humanitarian needs around the world. And it holds the line against the Chinese Communist Party in the Indo-Pacific.

It has other items we are very proud of too: hundreds of millions for the Nonprofit Security Grant Program to protect synagogues, churches, mosques, HBCUs, and other nonprofit organizations victimized by discrimination and hate. This is something I have worked very hard to secure for years.

It also includes the FEND Off Fentanyl Act, something we worked very hard on to pass in the Defense authorization bill. We are glad it has been included here.

And, of course, thanks to months and months and months of hard work by Senators Murphy, Sinema, Lankford, Murray, and Collins, and our staffs, and many, many others who provided their input, this supplemental package is a real opportunity for Congress to finally address America's borders and make progress toward a more efficient and well-resourced system. It will cut years of delay in the asylum process, while ensuring fair outcomes. It will invest in more frontline personnel and provide more funding for the border.

Make no mistake about it. Fixing our immigration system will not finish with this bill. Democrats will keep fighting to reach our ultimate goal of comprehensive immigration reform.

I believe so strongly in comprehensive reform. As you will recall, I led the Gang of 8 in 2013 to pass it, and we will keep fighting for it once our work on this supplemental is done.

In the coming days, I urge Senators on both sides to think carefully about what is at stake in this legislation. This moment, this bill, the actions here in the next few days are an inflection point in history, where the security of our Nation and of the world hangs in the balance. I know a majority of Senators want to get this done, and I know it will take bipartisan cooperation to move quickly. It is not going to be easy, but Senators owe it to the American people to tune out the political noise coming from the outside and do the right thing for our country--our beloved country.

This moment demands the Senate to show leadership. It hearkens back to the decades and moments when Senators did rise to the occasion. It demands the Senate's decisive action. In the coming days, I hope the Senate can, once again, rise to the occasion and lead America forward.

Madam President, I move to proceed to Calendar No. 30,

Madam President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

On the economy, Mr. President, the reports are in, the results are clear: Americans are feeling better and better about where the economy is headed under President Biden and congressional Democratic leadership. When

you pass an ambitious agenda like the ones Democrats have passed under President Biden, it can take some time for the effects to take hold. But now we are starting to see these benefits gain momentum.

Americans are starting to notice. As a Washington Post headline read this week:

Falling inflation, rising growth give the United States the

world's best recovery.

American citizens have noticed. The University of Michigan shows that consumer sentiment surged by nearly 30 percent over the last 2 months-- the biggest 2-month increase in over 30 years.

Earlier this week, another survey by The Conference Board showed American consumers are more optimistic about the economy today than they have been in over 2 years. Let me say that again. According to a new survey by The Conference Board--very well-respected--American consumers are more optimistic about the economy today than they have been over the past 2 years.

The chief economist at The Conference Board credited the surge in consumer optimism to ``slower inflation'' and ``favorable employment conditions.''

Look, a year and a half ago, when Democrats passed legislation investing in the American people, like the Inflation Reduction Act, the hard right predicted America would sink into recession. Instead, the opposite has happened. Jobs are up, the economy is up, wages are up, and inflation has cooled down. None of this happened on its own. It is a result of Democrats choosing to invest in infrastructure, invest in manufacturing and scientific innovation, lowering prescription drug costs, and more.

We are seeing big progress across the country. One year ago this week, I stood with President Biden to announce historic investment in one of the most important infrastructure projects in the country--the Gateway Tunnel. Just this morning, we learned that manufacturing investments--something that has plagued America for quite a while--is near an alltime high, more than double its highest point during the previous administration.

Look, Republicans know the Democratic agenda is working. It is why so many Republicans in Congress are openly taking credit for our achievements. All over the country, you see Republicans bragging about projects and jobs that they actually voted against in Congress. The hard right knows they have no real agenda to tout. As one Texas Congressman said on the House floor:

I want my Republicans colleagues to give me one thing--

one--that I can go campaign on and say we did.

Unfortunately, this Republican Congressman, his options are slim because they don't have much to tell the American people about that they did that was good.

Without real accomplishments on their own, the hard right is trying to take credit for the things Democrats are doing. It is laughable. And the American people, frankly, aren't falling for it.

So make no mistake. We still have a long way to go to make our economy more productive. But Americans can rest assured that under President Biden and congressional Democrats, we are on the right track.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, it is not often that the U.S. Senate is called to act on a multitude of national security issues all at the same time. But right now, that is precisely the task at hand.

Vladimir Putin has waged war against Ukraine and against Western democracy for nearly 2 years. Israel suffered its bloodiest day last fall at the hands of the terror group Hamas, and millions of innocent Gaza civilians are in desperate need of aid. The Chinese Communist Party threatens to increase tensions in the Indo-Pacific. And our southern border is in urgent need--in urgent need--of fixing.

These are daunting challenges. They are time-sensitive challenges. And in the era of divided government, the only way--let me repeat--the only way to pass a national security supplemental is through bipartisanship--bipartisanship.

Over the course of this week, Democrats and Republicans have continued serious negotiations on the supplemental package. But there are still some pieces remaining to be settled.

Democrats have been exceedingly clear that we are willing to treat these negotiations with the seriousness they deserve. We have worked with Republicans on border security and on a vast range of issues and on coming to an agreement, and we want to finish the job.

The negotiators' tasks have not been easy because the more progress they make, the louder voices get on the outside who want to kill these negotiations in their tracks. There are always going to be some who prefer to exploit the issue of the border instead of fixing it. So the real question is whether Senators can tune all of that noise out and focus on reaching an agreement. Opportunities like this one are extremely rare when it comes to border security, so we owe it to the American people to seize this opportunity, and that is what Democrats want to do.

Senate Democrats remain committed to seeing this bipartisan process through. For the sake of our friends in Ukraine, for the sake of security on our border, for the sake of the future of Western democracy in the 21st century, we will keep working to get the job done.

Madam President, conversations are ongoing. Some issues still need resolution, but we are getting very close on the national security supplemental.

The national security supplemental is so important to enabling us to address multiple crises around the globe. Vladimir Putin has waged war against Ukraine and against Western democracy for nearly 2 years, and America must step up. Israel suffered its bloodiest day last fall at the hands of the terror group Hamas, and millions of innocent Gaza civilians are in need of aid. The Chinese Communist Party threatens to increase tensions in the Indo-Pacific. Our southern border is in urgent need--in urgent need--of fixing.

Addressing these challenges is not easy, but we cannot simply shirk from our responsibilities just because a task is difficult.

Order of Business

So, for the information of Senators, the Senate will be in session and will hold a vote on Monday, February 5. There is no longer a no- vote day. While we are respectful of Members' schedules and try to limit inconveniences, these challenges at the border, in Ukraine, and in the Middle East are just too great, and we will need to be here working.

Next, as I said, discussions are going well, so I want Members to be aware that we plan to post the full text of the national security supplemental as early as tomorrow, no later than Sunday. That will give Members plenty of time to read the bill before voting on it.

As for the timing of the vote, I plan to file cloture on the motion to proceed to the vehicle on Monday, leading to the first vote on the national security supplemental no later than Wednesday.

Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 486.

Mr. President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 473.

I send a cloture motion to the desk.

I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum calls for the cloture motions filed today, February 1, be waived.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, every last Member of this body knows what is on the line as we work on the national security supplemental. From securing our southern border to helping our friends in Israel and innocent civilians in Gaza, to showing strength in the Indo-Pacific, and, of course, standing with Ukraine, the Senate's very resolve and courage is being put to the test.

A month ago, I said the only way we will rise to the occasion is if both sides are serious about finding a bipartisan compromise. The negotiation was never going to be easy. In fact, we all knew it would be immensely difficult.

Nevertheless, I said Democrats were willing to treat these negotiations with the seriousness they deserve. And for months, we have been true to our word, working with Republicans on border security, listening to their proposals, and coming to agreement on a vast range of issues.

We have not concluded negotiations. So we will keep going to get this done.

Democrats have always been ready and willing to have a debate on the border. We want to get this done. We have continued to work to get this done, and we remain committed--we remain committed--to bipartisanship. Both sides will have to give.

It is unfortunate, but, frankly, not surprising, that many on the hard right are mightily trying to sink the bipartisan work happening here in the Senate. But, in the Senate, our responsibility is clear: We need to put the needs of our country above the interests of party politics because the security of our southern border is on the line; the security of Israel is on the line; the health and safety of innocent Gaza civilians are on the line; the stability of the Indo- Pacific region is on the line; and, finally, as every Senator on both sides knows, the survival of Ukraine is on the line.

It will be 2 years since Vladimir Putin began his illegal, savage campaign against the Ukrainian people. American military assistance has been one of the most important lifelines for Ukrainian fighters since the start of the war, but now that aid has run out.

Congressional action is required if we want to send additional military assistance.

The matter here is very simple, as President Zelenskyy told us in December. Ukraine will win the war against Russia if more aid is approved by Congress, but, if no more aid is approved, Putin will win.

We dare not hand Eastern Europe over to Vladimir Putin. The supplemental is how we ensure that Western democracy is protected.

The work is not easy. It is very hard. There are still some issues outstanding, but we remain committed to bipartisanship, and we will keep working because we want to get this done.

Mr. President, on the Mayorkas impeachment effort in the House, last night, while most Americans were fast asleep, a House committee voted to advance the absurd effort to impeach Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas.

The Republican House majority is moving forward with the sham impeachment effort, despite producing no evidence that Secretary Mayorkas has committed any crime. House Republicans have not shown that he has violated the Constitution. House Republicans have failed to present any evidence of anything resembling an impeachable offense.

Instead, what House Republicans are doing by advancing the sham impeachment effort is denigrating our Constitution, all for the sake of appeasing one person and one person only, Donald Trump.

And let this be clear: This unserious spectacle by House Republicans does nothing--nothing--to secure our border.

While Senators on both sides of the aisle are actually negotiating in good faith on border security, House Republicans keep exploiting the border only for political gain--only to help Donald Trump on the campaign trail--instead of working to solve the problem.

There have already been many shameful and embarrassing moments in the Republican House majority, but abusing the Constitution by pursuing this sham impeachment effort is a new, ignominious low.

Mr. President, now on the Texas Pregnancy Study, last week, on what should have been the 51st anniversary of Roe v. Wade, I called the decision to overturn Roe one of the worst, most damaging decisions for Americans in modern history.

Just a couple of days later, a horrifying new study was released in the Journal of the American Medical Association, showing the devastating effects of the Roe reversal for women in America. According to this study, the State of Texas alone saw over 26,000 rape-related pregnancies in the year and a half since Texas outlawed all abortions, with zero exceptions for rape.

Let me say that again because the results are staggering, confounding, frightening: According to a new study in the Journal of the American Medical Association, the State of Texas alone saw over 26,000 rape-related pregnancies in the year and a half since Texas outlawed all abortions, and they have zero exceptions for rape.

There are over 58,000 total rape-related pregnancies in States with total abortion bans and zero exceptions for rape.

The numbers from this study are shocking. They are heartbreaking. And it is all the more maddening because the hard-right abortion restrictions in Texas are as cruel as they come: forced pregnancies, no exception for rape, no exception for incest.

Not long ago, the abortion restrictions in Texas would have been considered on the fringe of the fringe. Today, sadly, it is a reality for women in post-Roe America.

Make no mistake about it--an America where abortion is outlawed with zero exceptions is precisely--precisely--what the hard right wants. The hard right doesn't care about exceptions, even for rape or incest. They want the freedom of choice to be extinct, period--no ands, ifs, or buts. Democrats will never let that stand. We will never stop fighting to protect a woman's right to choose. And Republicans won't be able to run from this horror they created later this year when the American people go to the polls.

Mr. President, all through the weekend, negotiators continued their work on the national security supplemental. We are approaching the finish line, but the work is not done. We will continue to finish the supplemental. We will do everything we can to get the supplemental done because, for all the day-to-day intrigue, the big picture has not changed: This is an inflection point in history, where the balance of power in Europe, the future of Israel in the Middle East, and the fate of the Indo-Pacific hang in the balance. And, for the first time in over a decade, we have a golden opportunity to make meaningful, lasting changes to the southern border--the best chance we will likely have in a good while. So we have an obligation to the American people to get something done.

Now, Republicans in the House and Senate have insisted for years that Congress must make border security a top priority. The speeches, statements, op-eds, and tweets that Republicans have issued on border legislation could fill entire libraries. And we Democrats agree. We want to get something done on the border. We have negotiated with our Republican counterparts for months to get something done.

Look, it is entirely unsurprising and truly disappointing, at the same time, that many on the hard right, including Donald Trump, are now trying to thwart this bipartisan effort for the sake of electoral politics. But here in the Senate, both sides have an obligation to tune the partisan noise out and to continue working. Bipartisanship is the only way that action on the border is going to happen, that aid to Ukraine will be secured, that help to Israel and to the Indo-Pacific and aid to innocent civilians in Gaza will happen.

So for all the noise and partisan posturing, the big picture here does not change. The Senate will continue working on the supplemental this week. We know this is hard--very hard--but Democrats and Republicans in this Chamber have an obligation to tune out the outside noise and finish the work of protecting our national security.

Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.