Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 66) approving the renewal of import restrictions contained in the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, as amended. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent…
Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the joint resolution (H.J. Res. 66) approving the renewal of import restrictions contained in the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, as amended.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days within which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the resolution under consideration.
I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, as an original cosponsor of this joint resolution, I rise in strong support of H.J. Res. 66, which would continue the imposition of sanctions against the repressive regime in Burma for another year.
The purpose of imposing sanctions against Burma is to promote democracy and respect for human rights and improve living conditions for the Burmese people. Unfortunately, the ruling junta is still dedicated to working against, not toward, those objectives. For that reason I am in favor of continuing our practice of extending import sanctions against Burma for another year.
Burma's regime is one of the world's most repressive and continues to oppress democratic movements and humanitarianism. On November 7, 2010, the military junta, known, ironically, as the State Peace and Development Council, or SPDC, held an election for the first time in 20 years. However, while elections are usually considered a step towards democracy, in this case it was actually a step backwards. These elections were not transparent, inclusive, or credible.
Notably, Burma's leading pro-democracy party, the National League for Democracy, as well as others, was not allowed to participate in the elections. And by ensuring that most candidates were former high- ranking government and military officials, the election ``victory'' by the government-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party simply means that the military junta remained in control with the veneer of an election to simply justify itself.
Shortly following the elections, Aung San Suu Kyi--freedom fighter, Nobel Peace Prize recipient and Congressional Gold Medal winner, and general secretary of the NLD--was finally released after having been falsely detained for 15 of the past 21 years.
However, in a move highlighting how little things have changed in Burma, the junta recently warned Suu Kyi that ``there may be chaos and riots'' if she continues on her cross-country tour to meet with supporters. The government also chided Suu Kyi and the NLD for their political work and threatened that ``they should stop doing so to avert unnecessary consequences.'' On Suu Kyi's last tour in 2003, she was attacked by a pro-government mob that killed many of her followers and landed her under house arrest for the next 7 years.
In short, the recent election does not represent any kind of shift in domestic Burmese politics. In fact, the political situation in Burma and for the Burmese people has not changed at all.
The human rights situation is no better. The State Department human rights report on Burma, echoed by the March United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution, cites a laundry list of grave human rights violations that are simply appalling. According to the State Department, this repugnant regime, in which military officers wield the ultimate authority at every level of government, continues to use forced labor, denies participation in any democratic processes, and commits extrajudicial killings. The regime detains civic activists indefinitely and without charge, and it engages in harassment, abuse, and detention of human rights and pro-democracy activists. The regime is rumored to hold an estimated 2,100 political prisoners.
Ethnic violence inflicted by the army is also rife. There have been recent reports of renewed fighting in the northern Burmese province of Kachin between the government and ethnic minority villagers, resulting in reportedly up to 20,000 refugees. Not only have these people been driven from their homes and many killed, there have also been widespread reports of the rape of women and children.
What have we been doing on our end? I'm pleased that this Congress amplified our sanctions 3 years ago to eliminate trade in jewelry containing Burmese rubies and jadeite, even if the jewelry was made in, and exported from, a third country. The expansion was designed to bring about multilateral pressure on the regime through the United Nations and the World Trade Organization, similar to successful legislation on conflict diamonds. I urge similar campaigns against Burmese rubies and jadeite at the U.N. and WTO.
I must be clear that I generally view import sanctions with great skepticism. However, if there is a right way to impose sanctions, I think that these Burma sanctions are crafted to maximize the ability to effect change. For example, they require the administration to issue annual reports on Burma that include findings on whether U.S. national security, economic, and foreign policy interests are being served so that we can make an informed decision.
Perhaps the most critical aspect of the Burma sanctions program is that they require us to redirect our attention every summer to the question of whether these sanctions should be continued. Because they are not self-executing, we here in Congress must consider this issue and vote to continue them on an annual basis.
I continue to believe that our greatest hope for effecting real change in Burma is multilateralism. I am therefore disappointed that there has not been sufficient multilateral pressure against this regime.
I strongly urge the administration to put more pressure on our trading partners to place the leaders of this regime under targeted economic pressure that denies them access to personal wealth and sources of revenue.
I call on the United Nations, Burma's Southeast Asian neighbors in ASEAN, and the People's Republic of China to step up engagement considerably.
I support this resolution because it increases our chances to bring about this multilateral effort, to promote democracy and to end the longtime suffering of the Burmese people.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I am now pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Pitts).
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
I am in full agreement. We need to move and pass this, and I think we'll get it passed.
I must say to the gentleman from Washington, at least we have a trade bill on the floor. I hope there are many more to come. We're waiting for the President to send the three pending agreements to us so that we can move forward on these and embark on a very aggressive trade agenda.
I yield back the balance of my time.