Madam President, now we have had five amendments that will be pending at some point. At an appropriate time, after my colleague from Alabama arrives, in consultation with others and with the leadership, we will work out a time when we may…
Madam President, now we have had five amendments that will be pending at some point. At an appropriate time, after my colleague from Alabama arrives, in consultation with others and with the leadership, we will work out a time when we may have consideration of these amendments and have votes. Many Members are curious about votes this evening. We would like to give a clear indication of when the votes are likely to occur. Let me take a few minutes and respond.
First of all, all of us in this Chamber, including myself, have expressed ourselves over the years in terms of what has happened when people have been devastated by natural disasters, including those in the gulf area. I have traveled down there reviewing the area and seeing what happened. We all care deeply about what happened to people in the Gulf State areas, in terms of the devastation that occurred. Let me point out quickly that is not the debate, in the sense whether we understand it. It is what we can do about it.
The bulk of this legislation, as presently written--it is a given that most of the 5.5 million properties that are going to be covered are in the Gulf State areas. FEMA borrowed money
from the Federal Government to pay the $17 billion in claims. The flood insurance program generates about $2.5 billion each year as a result of premiums as part of the fund, and about $1 billion of that goes to administrative costs. There might be a legitimate amendment as to why there is so much administration in that program. That is how it breaks down. You are left with $1.5 billion to cover this. As a result of natural disasters and floods, here we are left with a debt of $17 billion, which FEMA owes to the Federal Government. In the process of paying that debt, they are increasing the premium costs, unless we take action. So you can have a choice. We can drop the bill, basically-- defeat it, as some suggested, who may vote against it--in which case the very people we are concerned about are going to end up with a larger cost because somebody has to pay that debt. That is a bailout otherwise, if we don't do something about it. So the idea is, how do you do that?
The major thrust of the bill is to forgive that debt, take it off the books, so the people who pay these premiums will not have a surcharge added to their costs to meet that obligation. That is the fundamental purpose of the bill, to forgive that $17 billion, which otherwise becomes a cost to the very people paying the premiums. So I began the discussion by saying the thrust of this bill was to do that.
The second part--Senator Nelson has it exactly right, the author of the second part. He came to the committee a number of months ago and asked to include a commission to deal with catastrophic natural disasters. There is a significant debate as to how to handle this. A significant percentage of our population lives within 100 miles of the coast of the United States. Obviously, there are natural disasters that occur inland as well. But how we deal with catastrophic costs, how we set up the mechanism to deal with it is a significant debate, with hardly unanimity around it. Rather than trying to pretend that one committee can solve all that, Senator Nelson suggested a commission made up of people who would bring knowledge about all this and report back to us in 9 months their recommendations as to how we might deal with catastrophic disasters that occur in our country.
That is the second part of this bill. There are a lot of other ideas. I addressed some of them earlier--wind issues and the like. I don't argue about the legitimacy of the issue. The question is, we have a responsibility to be actuarially sound. I know that is not something we have a great reputation on, but we try to do that occasionally, to insist upon having a system that will allow us to collect revenue, pay for a program, keep the costs down, and cover the kind of catastrophe people face.
Our bill does a number of things that are more than just vague terminology in dealing with the insurance industry. I, for one, believe we ought to do more in this area to try to get greater accountability. That is not an issue for debating here.
Let me mention some things we have included in the bill before we accept the notion that nothing is here at all. No. 1, in the program we require the insurance companies to participate in State-sponsored mediation.
We require the insurance industry to submit all data on costs to operate this program and require FEMA to conduct rulemaking so the insurance companies are only paid for actual costs.
We created a flood advocate to help consumers who have problems with the flood program so they can have direct access to it. That was one of the major problems a few years ago.
We also direct FEMA to collect information from the insurance industry on claims where there is both wind and flood damage. I might add, this gets exactly at the problems raised by our colleagues from Louisiana and the other gulf State areas. FEMA will now be required to look at how insurance companies are dividing damages to ensure that companies are not improperly shifting costs to the Federal flood program.
I know others may want to add other things. But to suggest we did nothing to require greater accountability is not to be terribly honest about what is in this bill. Obviously, there are those who would like to get rid of the industry altogether and maybe just have a Federal program where FEMA becomes an insurance company. That is an option, if people want to do it. I don't know there is a will here to do it, but that is one option.
There is no requirement in law that an industry provide this kind of coverage. You have to be somewhat careful that if you become so onerous in your requirements or your indictment of them that getting these very companies to write the policies becomes harder. If they don't write the policies, who does? Does the Federal Government then become an insurance company? I don't think there is a will to do that. Maybe there are some who would like to.
Before you decide to beat this horse into oblivion, be careful about how far you go. If you do it to such a degree there is no one there to write the programs to begin with, we may find ourselves in deeper trouble. But to say they ought to be able to do exactly as they want to do, and not be mindful of some of the egregious examples my colleague from Louisiana referred to, would also be wrong.
In this bill we tried to identify some specific areas that were the subject of hearings that informed us where there were matters clearly the industry and those responsible for overseeing them could demand more and get more out of them.
I believe we have done a good job in this bill on those issues. Could you add some more things? I am not going to argue that. We did try to do our best. Again, we had a unanimous vote in our committee after significant debate on this bill. But the idea of having an ombudsman going in and basically drawing a conclusion about things before actually determining it--be careful what you wish for. If in fact we don't end up with people coming in to provide the coverage, we could find ourselves in even worse shape than we are in today. I invite my colleagues to look at the legislation and the specific provisions I just mentioned that we have included in the legislation to require greater accountability out of the industry.
Now let me address the second point, and that is the mandatory requirement that people within certain high-risk areas be required to pay some premiums. I ask my colleagues to think about the consequences of this amendment should we strike the portion of the bill that requires people who live in areas behind levees or downstream of dams to purchase flood insurance. Currently, home and business owners in these residual risk areas, as they are called, are at great risk of flooding. There are over 122 levees and dams that have already been categorized as weak, failing.
With all due respect to my colleague from North Dakota--and I have been to his community where these problems exist--these manmade projects do not always work. So the fact that taxpayers in Connecticut and elsewhere have paid to build them is a good thing. Maybe we ought to be talking about how those costs of premiums ought to reflect the quality of the levee or the dam that has been built in those areas. But to suggest somehow that since we built the levee anybody living in that residual risk area should not assume any responsibility if it breaks down is maybe going to far.
Let me tell you what we are talking about. Most cost less than $1 a day to cover this. What you get for that is roughly $250,000 to cover structures and $100,000 to cover the contents. That is $350,000 in most cases for less than a dollar a day, for living in a residually high- risk area where a levee or dam exists. This idea somehow that we all can get our levees built and dams built and we bear no other responsibility for trying to cover against those risks and the costs, when they occur, if that levee or dam breaks and it gets flooded out and there is no insurance requirement in those areas--who pays for that damage? Again, we are right back here draining the Treasury instead of requiring an insurance program. A dollar a day for roughly 350,000 dollars' worth of coverage, I do not think that is overly burdensome.
I know people don't like any additional cost. But if you are asking me to craft a program that is actuarially sound, that allows us to build up that fund so we do not have to drain the Treasury or forgive a debt that is now
owed by FEMA to the National Government, then requiring some responsibility--I have it in my own State of Connecticut. The Connecticut River in Hartford, we have a huge levee, a dam there. I certainly think my constituents who live along that have to pay something. They made the choice to be there. Some don't make the choice. They live there. But asking for less than $1 a day for over $350,000 in coverage for structure and contents in order to bear some responsibility--Lord forbid it breaks down--I don't see that as being overly burdensome, as some would suggest.
What percentage of problems occur in this area? We are told here-- again, I am relying on data that has been given to us--we all know that dams fail, levees fail. What better evidence than what happened to our colleagues from Louisiana, the failure of the levees and the problems that ensued from it. I will provide the lists and put them in the record of the 122 levees we know are failing today. One percent of all flood policies are outside the 100-year floodplain, many of these in residual risk areas. This 1 percent of policies accounts for 25 percent of flood claims. Let me repeat that. One percent of the policies accounts for 25 percent of the flood claims. So 1 percent of policies not currently in mandatory purchase areas are responsible for 25 percent of all the claims that come in--one-quarter of them.
You could just persist in this and say we are not going to have anybody pay anything at all. Yet 25 percent of the entire fund is going off to provide coverage in areas where, again--it is only 1 percent of the policies that are being written. Clearly, the risks outside the 100-year floodplain are significant--25 percent of all claims are coming from them, despite the dams and the levees we have here. We should ensure that adequate insurance coverage for all homes and businesses in these risky areas are covered. That is what we are trying to do.
Flood insurance should not be viewed as punitive. It is a cost to insure against a known risk. Flood insurance premiums for homeowners in these residual risk areas are not prohibitively expensive. The maximum amount of coverage--$250,000 for structures and $100,000 for contents-- will cost less than $1 a day. That is the maximum insurance. For a majority of people, the cost will be much less, less than $1 a day to ensure a family can rebuild from a flood.
I ask my colleagues to look at recent experiences in New Orleans, as well as the recent flooding in Missouri along the Black River, in Nevada near Reno, and in Lake County, IN. These are just a few examples, but each caused devastation when levees did not provide the needed protection.
I also ask my colleagues to look at the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers review of levees last year. That review identified 122 levees at risk of failure in the country. Surely, people who believe they are protected should know of their risks and should carry affordable insurance to hedge against those kinds of devastating events that occur even when significant efforts have been made to protect people in those areas.
No one likes to vote for something where you have to have a fee charged. We bear the responsibility of having a program that works, that is actuarially sound, that makes a difference, that doesn't put us in a position of having to constantly bail out--in this case FEMA--as a result of these claims coming in. If there were a way of doing this where I could wave a magic wand and no one would have to pay a nickel and somehow this would all be done by someone else, I would love to achieve that. But miracles do not exist when it comes to costs. We tried to minimize those costs and have a good program that doesn't drain the Treasury and doesn't expose all taxpayers to these costs and asks people to contribute in some degree to get the kind of protection we are looking for. That is what we have designed.
If this bill fails--and there are those recommending by their vote it ought to fail--then those premiums are going to go up, and the very people we are talking about bear a tremendous financial burden. In the absence of this bill, they will pay a tremendous amount to pay off that debt to FEMA. It is not a free charge unless we take action to excuse that obligation.
Then, second, that commission to examine these other very important issues, and then the provisions in this bill itself to achieve greater accountability within the insurance industry--that is why this bill passed unanimously out of the committee, Democrats and Republicans, people from coastal States and noncoastal States working together to craft the legislation that Senator Shelby and I put together.
I realize we are not going to write something that everybody agrees with every dotted i and crossed t. That is beyond my capabilities. What you have asked me to do as chairman of the committee, with Senator Shelby, is craft a bill that will allow people to have reasonable costs, get some real help and relief, protect against these kinds of problems that are obviously going to occur again, but this time we will have done something about it ahead of time instead of waiting for it to happen and be back here again trying to come up with some supplemental appropriation where billions of dollars are being asked for out of the Federal Treasury to pay for the damages that might have otherwise been paid for under an intelligent insurance program, balanced and sound.
I apologize if I can't make everybody happy with this bill, but we did our very best to craft legislation that I think accommodates the fundamental points.
If you want me to craft legislation that allows money to be spent and no one has to pay a nickel for it, you are going to have to find someone else. I can't do that for you. I have a proposal of less than $1 a day for 350,000 dollars' worth of coverage. I do not believe that is unreasonable for people living in residual risk areas, particularly where 25 percent of the claims are coming out of those areas where only 1 percent of the policies are being provided for.
With that, at the appropriate time we would like to have some votes on these amendments. I will be urging my colleague to reject these amendments. I appreciate the intentions behind those who offer them, but in good conscience we need to pass a bill that can make some sense, become the law of the land, and provide some protection we are seeking with this legislation.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent the list of levees of maintenance concern be printed in the Record.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I am about to make a unanimous consent request dealing with a series of amendments we are going to vote on. Then following my unanimous consent request, I know the Senator from Alabama would like to be recognized. I ask unanimous consent that he be recognized at the conclusion of my request.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that at 6 p.m., the Senate proceed to a vote in relation to the following amendments: Wicker amendment No. 4719; Vitter amendment No. 4722; Vitter amendment No. 4723; Landrieu amendment No. 4705, as modified further; further, I ask that there be 2 minutes of debate equally divided prior to each vote and that there be no second-degree amendments in order prior to the votes. Finally, I ask consent that the first vote be a 15-minute rollcall vote and the remaining votes be 10-minute votes.
I thank the Chair and my colleague.
Mr. President, I have great respect for our colleague from Mississippi. The point we wish to make on this amendment is not that we disagree. The simple question, as pointed out by Senator Nelson from Florida, is that this amendment, as presently crafted, could end up costing billions more than we anticipated. There were $17 billion in claims in excess of the $1.5 billion in funds. Some predict this could be as much as $60 billion to $100 billion.
We have a commission we are working on as part of the bill. We have to grapple with wind. We have to have an actuarially sound program. The last thing we want to do is destroy a flood program, which we could do by overwhelming it as a result of claims under
wind, without standards under which we judge those conditions and concerns. Based on what happened in 2005, the claims under wind might have been five times $17 billion.
I am determined as a member of the committee to spend more time on this. In fact, we would have spent more time but for the foreclosure crisis to try to come up with answers. At this juncture, to adopt this amendment would cause the program to be put in great jeopardy.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote and move to reconsider the previous vote as well.
I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. President, let me take 30 seconds to say to Members, if they have any amendments on this bill, I will stay around this evening. Anyone who has an amendment, we will consider them this evening. There will be no votes until tomorrow, but I will stay around tonight to engage in debate on amendments.
Let me express my opposition to the Landrieu amendment. This is less than $1 a day; at the most it is $350 a year for 350,000 dollars' worth of insurance. Twenty-five percent of all the claims against the flood insurance program come out of residual risk areas. One percent of the policies are coming out of that area. If we are going to have an actuarially sound program, you have to ask people to contribute.
Here is a list of dikes and dams that are failing right now. There is no guarantee these are going to last forever. We learned that painfully in Louisiana. When they don't, just like homeowner policies, you want to have something in place that will allow people to get back on their feet again other than coming to raid the Treasury to do so. Again, $350,000 for the maximum of less than $1 a day is very little to ask for a program that is actuarially sound. That is what we are trying to do with this bill so we don't end up raiding the Treasury in the long run.
I urge defeat of the amendment and ask for the yeas and nays.
I move to reconsider the vote, and I move to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was agreed to.
Mr. President, pending some language to be drafted on a UC request, let me respond to the comments of Senators Nelson and Martinez of Florida.
First, I commend Bill Nelson and the two House Members who crafted this legislative proposal to deal with the national catastrophe events. I commend them because they thought about this in a constructive way as to how they can possibly get resources to come into the States to deal with national catastrophes. Every one of us is confronted with this problem, whether you are in Florida with hurricane season, or in the Midwest with cyclones and tornadoes and floods, or whatever else may occur. We have all been confronted with how to deal with devastating natural disasters. It has been a long-time interest of mine.
Some years ago, going back almost 20 years, Senators Stevens, Inouye, others, and I tried to craft exactly something like this. We didn't get very far back in those days. The idea was to try to come up with a national plan that would allow us to be able to deal with these issues.
I begin my comments about the Nelson amendment as a complimentary one. We tried to accommodate it to some degree, because there are a lot of different ideas on how to do this. The authors of the original idea in the other body have a very creative idea. I welcome that. And there are others; it is not the only one. Rather than trying to adopt this in the middle of a flood insurance bill, as you heard Senator Nelson talk about earlier, we adopted a commission study for 9 months to examine these various ideas, and to come back to us with recommendations within that 9-month period. So we will
look clearly at this idea, but there are others as well. That is the intention.
We also included in the legislation several other ideas to try and deal with some of these problems. Two initiatives particularly, I admit, don't address the overall problem. They assist homeowners in communities faced with these problems. One is to provide a tax credit to homeowners who live in coastal areas--and it is not in the bill; it is a separate piece of legislation--who have seen property insurance rates substantially increase. That is certainly the case in Florida, where they have seen significant increases in those rates.
The bill I have introduced would give homeowners an immediate relief to offset part of the rise in premiums as we grapple with the long-term solutions. Again, it is not an answer, but it is some financial relief before we sort out this issue. I hope it will be on an appropriate vehicle, and I hope we will have an opportunity to offer that idea in the next several weeks.
I have also introduced a bill to provide grants and loans to home and business owners to undertake mitigation efforts. The best we can do for people in harm's way is to help them lessen the risk in the first place, with things such as storm shutters, hurricane clips, elevating essential utilities, and even elevating an entire house, in some cases. That will not only reduce insurance costs but save lives.
Mitigation costs are not inexpensive. We thought it might be a great help to assist in this so when problems arise, there is an effort to reduce the amount of damage that would occur. First, I admit these are not solutions to the issue raised by our colleague from Florida. I urge my colleagues at this juncture to add a specific idea such as this. But this is going a little beyond where we are prepared to go. That is my note of caution.
There is a vote on this tomorrow. I will be voting against the amendment offered by Senator Nelson, but not because I am opposed to the idea. In fact, I would make a case that I believe there may be legal authority that exists today to do some things already that he is talking about in his amendment. Some may be redundant based on what existing law would allow States to do to assist with funds in these areas. Some would clearly require new authority.
I urge colleagues, when considering this, not to give up. We will get to it. We have to. I think the best way to approach it is in a more comprehensive fashion. I thank them for their ideas, and I commend the two House Members of the Florida delegation, the principal authors of this idea. I commend Senator Martinez, as well, for addressing these issues. I met with both of the House Members in my office several weeks ago and, ironically, at the time they came to my office, the chief executive officer of the Travelers Insurance Company, Jay Fishman, a very good friend of mine, a good fellow, was in the office, and he has authored his own idea that has attracted broad-based interest. Despite the fact that somebody would say it has come from the CEO of an insurance company, he is an original thinker; he thinks outside of the box. In fact, both of the members of the Florida delegation were quite taken with his idea and thought it was very creative as a national model. That is one other idea that is out there that we happened to discuss that day in the lengthy conversation we had on this issue.
There are many ideas, a lot of which have very sound merit, but they need to be thought out. I am a little uneasy about taking an idea and adopting it as an amendment as part of a flood insurance bill without understanding the full implications of what is involved in it. For those reasons, I will be objecting, or at least asking my colleagues to turn down this particular approach--not because it is a bad idea or it may not work but because we are not quite ready to accept that at this juncture.
Mr. President, I note the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.