Mr. President, as part of the unanimous consent agreement entered into this morning by the leader, a managers' package of amendments to the Interior bill is in order. I would like to proceed to that business now because of yesterday's…
Mr. President, as part of the unanimous consent agreement entered into this morning by the leader, a managers' package of amendments to the Interior bill is in order.
I would like to proceed to that business now because of yesterday's filing deadline for all first-degree amendments. Each of these amendments which constitute the managers' package have been filed at the desk.
Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that the pending amendment be set aside, and that the following amendments be called up and considered en bloc, and where modifications are noted, that those modifications be agreed to: Bingaman amendment No. 2492; Risch amendment No. 2501; Carper amendment No. 2505; Roberts amendment No. 2509; Feinstein amendment No. 2518; Feinstein amendment No. 2519; Feingold amendment No. 2522; Whitehouse amendment No. 2534, as modified; Bingaman amendment No. 2491, as modified; Schumer/Durbin amendment No. 2495; Tester/Crapo amendment No. 2507; and, Bingaman amendment No. 2493, as modified.
Let me make one note with respect to Carper amendment No. 2505. The amendment being included in the managers' package is very similar to pending Carper amendment No. 2456. But the version we are adopting now is the version that has been agreed to by both
sides. At the proper time, then, I believe we will be in a position to withdraw the pending Carper amendment No. 2456.
In order to comply with Senate rule XLIV, which requires Members to certify that they have no financial interest in congressionally designated spending items, I also ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record financial disclosure letters associated with amendments Nos. 2501 and 2518.
Mr. President, all of these amendments have been cleared on both sides, and I believe we are in a position to voice vote the package.
Before voting, through, I would yield to my distinguished ranking member for any comments he may wish to make.
I ask for a voice vote.
Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. President, I know Senator Boxer, the chairman of the Environment and Public Works Committee, has an hour reserved to come and speak.
First, I will respond to the comments of the distinguished Senator from Alaska. I hope she will understand there are many of us who have viewed her amendment with substantial alarm, for reasons that I thought I might spend a few moments speaking about.
Essentially, as I understood the amendment, which was blocked from coming to the floor, it attempted to prohibit the EPA from using any funds to enforce the Clean Air Act to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from stationary sources.
The proponents have argued that their only goal was to protect small family-owned farms and businesses from overly burdensome regulations. Yet the amendment would have gone much further. In fact, it would actually exempt some of the Nation's largest commercial emitters from climate
change regulation, including huge industrial facilities, such as powerplants and refineries.
I am very pleased that this amendment is not before us today. The underlying rationale, as I understand it from the amendment, is groundless. EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson has made it clear that the agency will not use the Clean Air Act to regulate either small businesses or family-owned farms. I was prepared, should the amendment have come up, to put down a side-by-side amendment that would have clearly exempted any farm, as well as any business, that emits under 25,000 tons of carbon dioxide per year.
Let me point this out. Stationary industrial sources account for over half of the U.S. greenhouse gas emissions, according to EPA. These are the leading cause of climate change, and they must be reduced if we have any hope of containing the worst impact of climate change. The amendment would have hampered the administration's effort to tackle one of the biggest pieces of the emissions puzzle: large industrial facilities. It would have been a major setback.
Thirdly, the amendment would effectively overturn the Supreme Court's landmark decision in Massachusetts v. EPA. In that decision, the Court found that the Clean Air Act requires the EPA to determine whether the emissions of greenhouse gases may be reasonably anticipated to endanger public health or welfare and then comply with the Clean Air Act requirements designed to protect public health from dangerous pollution.
Upon completion of an endangerment finding, the Clean Air Act requires EPA to control greenhouse gases from both stationary and mobile sources.
Many argue--and I happen to agree--that regulating the largest greenhouse gas emitters through new legislation, establishing a cap- and-trade system, would be more efficient and less expensive than regulating these sources under the existing Clean Air Act.
But until Congress enacts climate change legislation, EPA has a legal obligation to follow the Clean Air Act. So if one does not want EPA to take action under the Clean Air Act, then this body should want to pass a cap-and-trade bill.
The chairman of the EPW Committee, Senator Boxer, has been working very hard to put together a bill which has an opportunity to pass this Senate.
The point is, if we do not want the Clean Air Act to prevail, then the cap-and-trade bill is the only way to go. That is a clear incentive for the Senate and the House to pass a bill.
EPA has released a draft endangerment finding which it is going to soon finalize. Yet the amendment would have blocked EPA from completing the endangerment finding and from complying with its legal obligations to protect public health. The repercussions would have been major. It means EPA would not be able to complete a joint rulemaking with the Department of Transportation to increase corporate average fuel economy, which we call CAFE, and create a tailpipe emissions standard for automobiles.
That would have been a major problem. It would block implementation of the 2007 fuel economy law which I authored with Senator Snowe and which took us a long time to get passed and enacted.
By undermining the negotiated agreement between States and the Obama administration, the Murkowski amendment would also have likely resulted in States moving forward with their own tailpipe emissions standards which automakers have fought for years as too onerous. This would have stopped California and 14 other States and the District of Columbia from moving forward with implementing tailpipe emissions standards.
This amendment is vigorously opposed by the Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers, which includes General Motors, Ford, and Chrysler, the Association of International Automobile Manufacturers, and the United Auto Workers. To that end, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record at the conclusion of my remarks a letter from the Auto Alliance and the Association of International Automobile Manufacturers.
Mr. President, finally, the amendment would send the wrong signal to the rest of the world about the Senate's intentions on climate change. It would suggest that we want to ignore the clear imperative to act, despite the efforts of the administration to motivate the international community in advance of the Copenhagen summit.
There is some concern also about small emitters. EPA is not planning to regulate small emitters. EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson has clearly stated on several occasions that the agency will not regulate small emitters. She said it in her confirmation hearings, she said it again at Senate budget hearings, and she reiterated that comment when she appeared before the Senate Interior Appropriations Subcommittee hearing on EPA's fiscal year 2010 budget just a few months ago.
In fact, Administrator Jackson has sent a draft deregulatory rule to the Office of Management and Budget for review which would establish clearly that all but the very largest sources of greenhouse gas will be preemptively exempted from the stationary source permitting requirements in the Clean Air Act.
She has no intention of regulating small sources that emit under 25,000 tons of carbon dioxide or any small farm.
Mr. President, 25,000 metric tons is a very high threshold. According to EPA, it is equivalent to the emissions from burning 131 trainloads of coal per year--these would be exempted--or burning 2.8 million gallons of gasoline annually.
The 25,000-ton threshold would exempt every small source, focusing only on 13,000 of the largest emitters in the United States.
Let me say that again. The 25,000-ton threshold which EPA intends to proceed with, and which my side-by-side amendment would have had as one of the two criteria, would exempt every small source, focusing only on the 13,000 largest emitters in the United States.
EPA intends to only regulate the largest facilities, and these facilities are, almost without exception, already regulated under the Clean Air Act for emissions of other pollutants such as soot, smog- forming nitrous oxides, or acid-rain-inducing sulfur dioxide.
Let me now explain why the Murkowski Amendment would impact the joint EPA-Department of Transportation rulemaking on automobile greenhouse gas emissions.
This rulemaking is of critical importance, and the regulation implementing this law was negotiated by the White House in cooperation with automakers, the States, and labor.
But according to a letter I received from EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson last night, the impact of the Murkowski amendment ``would be to make it impossible for the EPA to promulgate the light-duty vehicle greenhouse-gas emissions standards that the agency proposed on September 15, 2009.''
She writes:
Because of the way the Clean Air Act is written,
promulgation of the proposed light-duty vehicle rule will
automatically make carbon dioxide a pollutant subject to
regulation under the Clean Air Act for stationary sources, as
well as for light-duty vehicles. The only way that EPA could
comply with the prohibition in Senator Murkowski's amendment
would be to not promulgate the light-duty vehicle standards.
These standards are something Senator Snowe and I have worked on for at least 7 years now, beginning with the SUV loophole and ending with the bill that became law, would be totally undermined. By undermining the negotiated agreement between States, the amendment would also likely result in States moving forward with their own tailpipe emissions standards.
As I indicated before, in 2002 California enacted a landmark law to reduce tailpipe emissions standards by 30 percent for all new sedans, trucks, and SUVs by 2016.
I also stated that 14 other States--namely, Arizona, Connecticut, Florida, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, and the District of Columbia--have adopted or announced their intention to adopt California's greenhouse gas emissions controls.
The amendment would have been a major roadblock in efforts to improve fuel economy standards for vehicles.
I don't think we can bury our head in the sand when it comes to climate change.
I would like to conclude by reminding my colleagues that it makes no sense at this particular point in time to put on the floor a major amendment which well could have devastated both the EPA and any effort to get to cap-and-trade legislation when, in fact, the EPW Committee is struggling to write a comprehensive bill which has an opportunity to pass this body.
Again I say, if people do not want the Clean Air Act prevailing, then the only way you can do that is with a cap-and-trade bill. That is the way the committee of this body is proceeding. I believe it is the correct way.
I believe our Nation is in serious jeopardy, as is the rest of planet Earth, with global warming. I believe it is real. Just this week, the Journal Nature published a new paper that found rapid deterioration of the ice sheets on Greenland and Antarctica. Yesterday on this floor, I showed the deterioration in the Arctic. I showed the deterioration in Greenland. I showed the deterioration in the Chukchi Sea. I showed the deterioration off Barrow, AK. It is happening all over the world.
The Flat Earth Society cannot prevail. I think there is a real danger signal out there for planet Earth. We know we cannot reverse it. We know that greenhouse gases do not dissipate and go away after a period of time in the atmosphere. We now know these gases that began during the Industrial Revolution are still present in the atmosphere, and we know that the Earth is not immutable, that it can change. We look at other planets and we see that they have changed over the millennia. What we do here to protect our planet Earth for the next generations is so key and critical.
This discussion has to be joined in an appropriate way, and an appropriate way is when a cap-and-trade bill is produced by the Environment and Public Works Committee and the chairman of that committee is on this floor and the bill is open for amendments and there is a free flow of debate and discussion.
I believe the science is real. I pointed out yesterday we have a project in intelligence whereby the satellites are tracking deterioration in the ice shelves of the world. I hope to present more of that information when there is a bill on the Senate floor.
I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record Administrator Lisa Jackson's letter.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I rise to oppose the amendment offered by the Senator from Louisiana. Over the past several weeks we have seen issues raised with increasing frequency and volume around the use of the word ``czar'' by the Obama administration.
I do believe it is unfair to suggest that the White House has a climate czar directing EPA's actions behind the scenes. I do not believe that is true. Effectively, the title ``czar,'' as we all know, does not exist. The current Assistant to the President for Energy and Climate is there to serve as an adviser to the President and to Administrator Jackson on energy and environmental issues. She also coordinates the work of multiple Cabinet level agencies on one of President Obama's key policy priorities--clean energy and jobs that are essential for long-term economic growth.
In a way, this is becoming quite political because it is not unusual for a President to have high-level staff members in the White House who help to coordinate policy issues that touch a number of Federal agencies. We have heard a lot about it. What we do not hear is that President Bush had 47 such advisers for other issues. We Democrats did not make a huge issue about it. So I have a hard time understanding, with all of the concern over climate change and the rapidity with which it is moving, that a Special Assistant to the President who was head of the EPA during the Clinton administration is somebody who is spurious. She is steeped in this. She can give the President good advice. He wants her to be an assistant. So I do not understand quite why she is being picked on.
I still believe the day-to-day work of protecting the environment is very much driven by Administrator Jackson and the EPA staff. I have met with the Administrator. I spoke with her on the phone this morning. I read into the Record a letter she wrote yesterday. She is very much hands-on. So I think all of the energy going into these attacks ought to be put into perspective, and that perspective is that the former President of the United States had 47 special assistants. We didn't make a big deal of it. So I do not understand why this one position is now taken and an amendment is there to eliminate it.
I urge a ``no'' vote on the Vitter amendment.
I yield the floor.
Perhaps I can engage the Senator from Louisiana. Candidly, I do not understand the wording of the amendment. Let me read it. You have read it, and I appreciate that. It does not make sense to me. Here is how it reads.
None of the funds made available by this Act may be
obligated for the purpose of departments or agencies funded
by this Act--
So none of the funds may be obligated for the purpose of departments or agencies funded by this act--
and lead--
It says ``lead'' but led, I think that is a misspelling--
by Senate-confirmed appointees, implementing policies of the
Assistant to the President for Energy and Climate Change.
I don't know what that means on its face.
Mr. President, Carol Brown's title is not czar, it is Assistant to the President. The President has chosen to appoint an assistant to assist him in evaluating, I assume, various issues pertaining to climate change. It is a complicated subject. She has experience. She has been in government. She has served as head of a department. But the actual policies come over the signature of the Administrator of the EPA.
What you are saying is, essentially, then, the President cannot have any special assistant for the purpose of coordination, asking questions, informing, helping produce--it does not make sense to me. I think on its face it is not clear.
If I may, I would like to respond to that. Let me give an example. The CIA is headed by a Senate-confirmed Director, Leon Panetta. He carries on policies from the National Security Council led by General Jones, a nonconfirmed official. Does the Senator from Louisiana believe that the National Security Adviser to the President should not have any role in intelligence and national security matters? What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander.
I move to table the Vitter amendment No. 2549. I ask for the yeas and nays.
Mr. President, I withdraw that request.
I object.
Mr. President, I know the Senator from Louisiana wishes to speak in morning business, which is fine. I wonder if I could make one brief announcement. Members are interested in bringing this bill to a conclusion. There are a number of amendments that were listed in the consent order. I ask that Members come to the floor to call up their amendments shortly. Senator Coburn has a number, Senator Reid, Senator Collins. Senator Ensign has a motion to recommit. If these Members could come to the floor and call up their amendments, it would be appreciated. We would be able to, hopefully, conclude the bill.
I certainly will.
The Senator has an hour.
I think directly following Senator Landrieu.
Mr. President, if I may, if the Senator would be good enough to mention the subject of the amendment as he reads the number, it would be appreciated. We could keep it straight that way.
Good. I just want to know about which one the Senator is speaking when he is speaking.
Mr. President, with respect to amendment No. 2511, Senator Coburn and I have come to an agreement. Therefore, there is no need for me to offer a second degree.
I ask unanimous consent that the Coburn amendment No. 2511 be modified with the changes at the desk, and that the amendment, as modified, be agreed to and the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.
Mr. President, I would be happy to do the same thing. If I may, Senator Coburn's amendment No. 2463, he and I have come to an agreement.
I ask unanimous consent that the Coburn amendment be agreed to and the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.
Madam President, if I may say through the Chair to the distinguished Senator from Oklahoma, the manager of the amendment and I are prepared to take the amendment. Moreover, we are prepared to convene a meeting between the two Department heads, have you present, and sit down and see what we can work out.
We will accept the amendment on both sides with the stricture I just added to it on the pending amendment.
Thank you, Madam President.
Amendment No. 2483
Madam President, regretfully, I have to oppose this amendment. The fact is, we would lose opportunities to conserve valuable lands because within national parks there are inholdings, and inholdings, when they become available--these are private properties that people own--the Federal Government buys them and adds to the public land. Let me name a few: In Georgia, I am told the Chattahoochee National Recreation Area would be involved; in many States, Civil War battlefield sites; in Ohio, the Cuyahoga Valley National Park; in the State of Washington, Mount Rainier, Olympic, and San Juan National Parks; in Texas, Big Thicket National Preserve; in Indiana, the Hoosier National Forest; in Utah, Dixie National Forest; in South Dakota, the Black Hills National Forest.
The point I wish to make is, on occasion, there are families who have large land holdings, and these are valuable, pristine land holdings. Their first preference might be to have the Federal Government buy these lands to hold them for the future and to conserve the lands. If the Federal Government can't do that, the lands go on the market, generally, for the highest and best use. With some of our prized and treasured possessions, that is not the way to go.
I will oppose this amendment. I am sure it will be in line for a vote.
Will the Senator yield? I know he is a gentleman.
Madam President, when we did the stimulus, we put in the maximum amount that the departments could use for maintenance and rehabilitation. I have the breakdown. It is hard to add it all up quickly, but I can give some idea. Bureau of Land Management deferred maintenance, $35 million; recreation maintenance, 25; trail maintenance, 20; abandoned mine site remediation, $30 million; habitat restoration, 25. It goes on. I recall as we did this, what we were told by our staffs is that was the maximum amount these departments could absorb in the length of time covered by the stimulus. I will leave my colleagues with that.
I appreciate that, but I cannot accept that. We believe the Land and Water Conservation Fund is working as it is supposed to. If anything, it has been underfunded. This bill proposes to appropriate $420 million of the $900 million that is authorized. That is less than 50 percent. The Land and Water Conservation Fund, we believe, is extraordinarily important. We would try to get it higher if we could, but we cannot.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the pending amendment be set aside and amendment No. 2504, as modified, be called up.
Madam President, there is a further modification at the desk, and I ask unanimous consent that the amendment be further modified.
Madam President, this modification, which has been agreed to on both sides, allows the Secretary of the Interior to make $200,000 available for preservation of the Martin Luther King papers. It is an amendment offered by Senator Isakson. I fully support the amendment.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the amendment as further modified, be agreed to.
Madam President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to call up amendment No. 2535.
Madam President, this amendment has been accepted by both sides. I ask unanimous consent that the amendment be agreed to.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to call up amendment No. 2527.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the amendment be agreed to.
Madam President, I yield the floor and suggest the absence of a quorum.
Madam President, in the interest of moving things along--Members are impatient. We have been on this bill for a long time. We wish to conclude. It is my understanding both sides are agreeable to take the Dorgan amendment No. 2441, so I ask for unanimous consent.
Mr. President, I withdraw my prior request and I ask unanimous consent that at 5 o'clock tonight, the Senate proceed to vote in relation to the following amendments and motion to recommit remaining in order to H.R. 2996, the Interior Appropriations Act, and in the following order:
The Vitter amendment, No. 2549; the Ensign motion to recommit; the Coburn amendment No. 2482; the Coburn amendment No. 2483; and the Reid amendment No. 2531; that the remaining provisions of the previous order are still in effect.
Mr. President, I yield back the time remaining on the Vitter amendment No. 2549, and I move to table it. I ask for the yeas and nays.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. President, I urge a ``no'' vote. I am going to move to table at the appropriate time. If we adopt the Ensign motion, we cut Park Service dollars, Indian health dollars, particularly water infrastructure. Mr. President, $2.5 billion in this bill is for sewer grants; $1.8 billion is for fire suppression. It is the first time we have met the fire suppression need fully so that they do not have to take from other accounts to fight fires.
I move to table the motion to recommit.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
The Senator is correct. We are prepared to accept the amendment.
A corollary part of this is Dorgan amendment No. 2441, which also moves along with this. So we are prepared to accept Dorgan No. 2441 as well.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
Mr. President, we oppose this amendment. We oppose it because it takes $420 million out of the Land and Water Conservation Fund. We oppose it because the committee in the stimulus bill put in as many dollars as these departments could absorb in the period of time for maintenance.
I move to table. I ask for the yeas and nays.
Mr. President, I move to reconsider the vote.
I yield back all time on the Reid amendment. It has been cleared on both sides. I ask for its adoption by unanimous consent.
Mr. President, I rise to provide additional clarification regarding a congressionally directed spending items included in the fiscal year 2010 Senate Interior Appropriations Subcommittee. At Senator Reid's request, the committee included $100,000 for the U.S. Forest Service to fund trail improvements in Nevada. It is my understanding that Senator Reid intended those funds to be used for improvements for the Tahoe Rim Trail, to be conducted through a partnership with the Tahoe Rim Trail Association. Due to a clerical error, the project is not listed correctly in the committee report, and I would like to ensure that the Record clearly reflects Senator Reid's intended use for these funds. Through the chair, I would like to ask my colleague from Nevada, the distinguished majority leader, if my understanding of his intent is correct?
Mr. President, I thank the majority leader for his clarification and I look forward to working with him to support his project as we move through the annual appropriations process.
FUNDING RCAPs
I thank the Senator for his comments on this. I appreciate the difficulties faced by rural communities in gaining and maintaining access to adequate drinking water. I also know well the good work of the RCAPs in assisting those communities. As we move into conference on this legislation I look forward to working with my colleague to see if we can maintain funding for this important program.
White Nose Syndrome
I thank Senator Lautenberg. Our offices have worked together on efforts to provide funding to fight WNS, and I share his concerns about this issue.
I agree with the Senator. We must tackle this issue head-on and make sure all stakeholders are working together to combat this challenge.
As I mentioned earlier, I share the Senator's concerns and agree that we need to focus more attention and resources on WNS. I commit to work in conference to increase funding for this disease as called for in his amendment.
Clean Automotive Technology
The Senator is correct. The President's budget proposed $18.975 million for the Climate Protection Program, and that is the same amount proposed in this bill. The House of Representatives approved $20.575 million.
I appreciate the Senator from Michigan bringing this to my attention and I assure him that I will keep his suggestions in mind as this bill progresses.
I would like to enter into a colloquy with my colleague from New York.
I would like to thank my colleague for bringing this to my attention and I will certainly look into this matter during conference negotiations.
Before you call the roll, I just want to thank the distinguished ranking member. A lot of cooperation went into this bill or it would have taken a lot longer.
I thank particularly the staff: Peter Kiefhaber, Virginia James, Scott Dalzell, Rachael Taylor, Chris Watkins; on the Republican side, Lee Fonnesbeck, Rachelle Schroeder, and Rebecca Benn. We thank you very much.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Inhofe amendment No. 2445 be in order.
This amendment has been cleared on both sides. I ask unanimous consent the amendment be agreed to.