Floor Statements

Madam President, I rise today in support of my bill, the Truth and Healing Commission on Indian Boarding School Policies Act. If voted into law, this bill would begin the process of delivering long overdue justice to stolen Native children and to their communities.

The Indian Boarding School system was one of the most devastating Federal creations in American history. The scale was truly staggering. For over a century, the United States forced hundreds of thousands of children out of their homes and into over 500 ``boarding schools.'' These boarding schools were not unlike prisons.

At least 408 schools were federally funded. They were scattered across 37 States, including Alaska and Hawaii. By the 1920s, 83 percent of school-age indigenous children were in boarding schools--imagine, four out of every five Native children taken from their families, some never to be seen again.

The process was a waking nightmare. Armed officers were sent onto reservations to rip children as young as 4 from their families. Mothers and fathers who resisted could be severely punished.

Once at boarding school, kids were stripped of their heritage. Their hair was cut off, their clothing was burned, and they were given new names. Children who tried to practice even remnants of their Native cultures could be starved, whipped, and put in solitary confinement. Many children were farmed out to nearby properties for forced labor. Some were deployed to fight in war. Some were sexually abused.

Conditions at the boarding schools were deadly. Dormitories were overcrowded so that diseases spread easily. Documentation shows that hundreds of children died in these schools. It is estimated that the actual number of deaths was in the thousands or possibly even the tens of thousands. So far, 53 mass graves have been uncovered. Some are unmarked. Many children's remains were never returned to their families.

The boarding schools' motto was ``Kill the Indian, and save the man.'' This approach was part of a larger effort. By isolating children from their families and their cultures, it was possible to break down the fabric of Tribal nations and take land more easily. Decision makers calculated that it was ``cheaper to educate our wards than to make war on them.''

Congress funded the majority of these schools, often using funds held in trust accounts that were legally designated for the benefit of Tribal nations. Congress paid for the schools and then authorized law enforcement to take Indian children from their homes and their Tribes. It now comes to this Congress to do everything we can to begin to heal the damage that this body inflicted.

Make no mistake, the harms of the Indian boarding schools live on today. In my time working on this bill, I have heard countless harrowing stories from survivors and from their families. There isn't an indigenous community in this country that hasn't been affected. Survivors have faced chronic medical issues and psychological trauma. They have struggled to reconnect with their loved ones, their language, and their cultures. We cannot rectify that past until we face it head- on.

There is still so much that we don't know about these boarding schools. We don't know how many children died in boarding school custody. We don't know the full spectrum of the violence that occurred. We don't know all of the ways the schools affect survivors and

descendants to this day. My bill would establish a Truth and Healing Commission to find those answers.

The Commission would formally investigate the Indian boarding schools to determine what happened and the lasting impact these schools have on survivors, their families, and their Tribal communities.

The Commission would hold hearings and convenings for victims to speak about their experiences, some for the very first time.

The Commission would have the authority to use subpoena power to gather witness testimony and to review documentation.

The Commission would be charged with making recommendations about how the history of the Indian boarding schools should inform Federal policy today.

It would address how the Federal Government should acknowledge its role in this systematic attempt to eradicate indigenous cultures and how to take that history into account when developing new Federal policies and budgets.

One last note. The boarding school policy ended just before 1970. Most of those affected have passed away, but there are remaining survivors in their sixties, seventies, and beyond. Every day that goes by, these survivors grow older, and their chance to tell their stories moves further away. These people have been harmed enough. Their wounds go deep, and they deserve a chance to stand before the U.S. Government and tell their stories in their lifetimes.

I urge my colleagues not to delay adoption of this bill. Our actions cannot make up for the harms that Congress inflicted, but by moving now, we can at least offer some token of care to those survivors who offered themselves up as living witnesses of a cruel chapter in American history.

Make no mistake, this work will be painful, but it will make us a stronger Nation. By telling the truth, we can give communities a better chance to heal, and we can begin to repair the U.S. Government's relationship with Tribal nations.

This bill has broad support. It is bipartisan. It is supported by boarding school survivors, and 32 Members of Congress have cosponsored the bill.

I urge my colleagues now to pass this bill. We should delay no longer.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, on rollcall vote 192, I voted yea. It was my intention to vote nay. Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that I be permitted to change my vote, because it will not affect the outcome.

Mr. President, on rollcall vote 193, I voted yea. It was my intention to vote nay. Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that I be permitted to change my vote because it will not affect the outcome.

Mr. President, I rise today to recognize my friend and my former colleague, Rich Cordray. Rich's career demonstrates public service at its very best.

Nearly 14 years ago, I picked up the phone and made one of the smartest phone calls I have ever made. It was to Rich Cordray. I asked him to take a chance on me to join me in starting a new Federal Agency. That just-getting-started Agency turned out to be the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.

Rich was finishing up his term as attorney general for the State of Ohio. As AG, he had earned a strong reputation for being the kind of public servant who looks out for the little guy. He was in multiple battles, and he led major lawsuits against both Bank of America and AIG. Protecting consumers seemed to be in his blood, so it was a natural fit for Rich to take charge of the enforcement arm of the CFPB.

Establishing the CFPB was a huge task. Critics said the new consumer Agency was a pipe dream. Republicans said that it would never get through Congress. Armies of lobbyists poured millions of dollars into opposing it. But none of that fazed Rich at all. He always stayed level, calm, and absolutely determined. He did the work needed to bring that Agency to life because that is just who he is.

Rich's courage and determination paid off. On July 18, 2011--a day I will never forget--I stood beside President Obama in the Rose Garden as he announced Rich Cordray as his nominee to be the first official Director of the CFPB. President Obama told me two things about Rich: He said he liked Rich, and he said he thought Rich would be a good leader. I agreed. I just knew that Rich would be terrific, and we were both right.

As CFPB Director, Rich forced the biggest financial institutions in this country to return billions of dollars to the consumers they cheated, and through his work, he proved that government could work not just for the millionaires and billionaires but for ordinary people.

One of the ways he did it was by having what I call the perfect balance of nerve and skill.

I will share just one story. Rich has never been shy about taking on the biggest financial institutions in this country. In the early days, he investigated Capital One for misleading customers about their cost of ``free'' add-ons to their credit cards. These ``free'' services actually cost customers a total of about $140 million. So what did Rich do? He put in the work, fought back the armies of lobbyists and lawyers, and forced Capital One to send the hidden fees back to every single customer they had cheated. The best part--the customers didn't have to wade through reams of paperwork or stay on hold for hours. Rich set up the system so that the checks came automatically in the mail. He set the standard for what it means to protect consumers. But that is not all. On top of getting hard-working Americans their money back, Rich and his team got Capital One to pay an additional $25 million fine. It takes a special kind of leader to get that done.

At every turn, Rich Cordray has been fearless. Thanks to Rich, the CFPB has become the watchdog that so many of us fought for, and his legacy is felt each and every day as the CFPB continues to put money back into the pockets of working people.

Since it got off the ground, the CFPB has now returned over $20 billion and helped more than 205 million consumers. I will say that again--$20 billion returned and 205 million consumers helped. That would not have happened without Rich Cordray. That record of public service is awe-inspiring.

Nobody would have blamed Rich if he had said: OK, I am tired, and I am ready to throw in the towel. But that is not Rich. After his work at the CFPB, he asked: What more can I do? And for the past 3 years, he has led the Office of Federal Student Aid at the Department of Education--a powerfully important and often thankless gig.

Since joining the Department of Education, Rich has changed millions of lives for the better, and, again, that is not an exaggeration. His North Star was always clear. He worked day in and day out to protect working people who are getting crushed by student loan debt.

Rich stood up to the student loan servicers who were cheating Americans, and, like he did with the big banks, he held these guys accountable.

For years, servicers failed borrowers over and over and over but faced no consequences as they raked in hundreds of millions of taxpayer dollars. Rich reversed the Trump-era guidance that stopped States from protecting their own residents against abusive servicer behavior. He implemented new accountability standards for servicers, and he backed that by hard data on customer service and performance. When those servicers didn't meet those standards, Rich wasn't afraid to hit them with penalties and push out the bad servicers. Rich was committed to ending the days of lousy service and big profits for the loan servicers.

One of the most important ways that Rich changed the lives of Americans all across this country was by overseeing the Biden administration's efforts to cancel student debt. With Rich Cordray's help, President Biden has canceled more student loan debt than any President in the history of this country. Nearly 5 million people have seen their student loans canceled, and the administration has a plan to cancel debt for 30 million Americans in total.

Rich Cordray led the way in fixing the broken debt-cancelation programs and making them work for hard-working Americans. I will give you just one example on this.

Before President Biden took office, only 7,000 people in total, everywhere in the United States, had gotten relief through the Public Service Loan Forgiveness Program--7,000 total. Today, the laws are the same, but with Rich at the helm, nearly 1 million public servants have had their debt wiped out. For working people in this country, for mommas and daddies, for firefighters and nurses, for DMV workers down the street and the teacher at your local elementary school, this debt cancelation has been absolutely life-changing.

On a personal note, I am beyond proud of Rich. Rich is one of the most effective and honest public servants I have ever met. He has talent and dedication. But what makes him so special

is that Rich has always centered everyday Americans in his work. From serving as a State rep back in Ohio, to becoming their first ever solicitor general, to taking office as the State's treasurer and then its attorney general, Rich proved each and every day to the people of Ohio that their government could work for them. When he came to Washington, he always made sure that people all across America knew he was working for them. Whenever he traveled, wherever people reached out to him, Rich would listen. He would sit down with people, hear their stories, hear how they were cheated by a big bank or on a student loan, and then he would set about making things right.

Rich, the American people owe you a great debt for your work on their behalf. When our country needed you, you answered the call. You are a true example of public service and one of the most fearless leaders I have ever known. It is an honor to know you and an even higher honor to call you a friend.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today because reproductive freedom is under attack.

In 2022, Donald Trump's far-right Supreme Court took away the constitutional right to an abortion, completing the Republican Party's decades-long plan to overturn Roe.

In some States, the Court's decision revived abortion bans that had lain dormant since the 1800s. In other States, the decision triggered new abortion restrictions prewritten to go into effect the very day that Roe v. Wade was overturned. The results have been horrific.

But here is the thing the Republican Party missed: From Kansas to Ohio, to California, reproductive rights are popular. Americans overwhelmingly support the right to an abortion, the right to IVF, and the right to contraception. In fact, these rights are so popular that Republicans want you to believe they support them, but their actions speak for themselves.

First, Republicans said they wouldn't overturn Roe v. Wade. Donald Trump and his extremist Supreme Court did, and Trump is still bragging about it. Now, over 20 States have banned or severely restricted abortion access, passed laws criminalizing doctors who perform abortions, or threatened access to pregnancy care, miscarriage care, fertility assistance, and more.

Then Republicans claimed they wouldn't go after IVF. Just this year, Alabama's Supreme Court virtually outlawed IVF in the State, and just a few weeks later, my colleagues in the Republican Party blocked Federal legislation that would protect access to this care.

Now, the Republican Party is saying they won't go after contraception. Well, that makes sense since 92 percent of Americans support birth control. But, guess what, Republicans now have contraception in their sights, and they are even trying to redefine what constitutes contraception. Sure, they support contraception--ah, but not an IUD; or they are all for contraception--hmm, but not Plan B.

Contraception is a must, except Republicans in Congress have a bill, the ``Life at Conception Act,'' that would give an embryo so-called personhood rights, which would outlaw abortion, outlaw IVF, and, yes, outlaw some forms of contraception. That bill has the majority support of the Republican caucus, including Speaker of the House Mike Johnson. On top of that, Republicans blocked Democrats from passing this very same bill to protect the right to contraception last year. But tomorrow, every Senator will have to say where they stand, proving that no matter what Republicans say about wanting to support contraception, when it comes down to it, they won't.

Tomorrow's vote should be a turning point. It is time we take these Republican lawmakers at their word.

Millions of people across this country are already experiencing a new form of hell thanks to Donald Trump and the extremist Supreme Court that overturned Roe, and Black, Brown, and low-income communities are feeling a disproportionate impact.

So, now, as Donald Trump continues to push for a nationwide abortion ban and says he is ``looking at'' contraception, Democrats are standing up and fighting back. Already, President Biden and Vice President Harris have taken a series of steps to strengthen access to affordable, high-quality contraception and adequate access to reproductive healthcare more generally.

Tomorrow, I will be joining my Democratic colleagues, led by my partner Senator Markey and by Senator Hirono and Senator Duckworth, in voting for the Right to Contraception Act. Birth control is safe, effective, and an important part of reproductive healthcare.

It is time that we fight back against the Republican war against reproductive freedom. It is time we codify the right to contraception into law.

I am furious that millions of women have lost fundamental rights. I am furious that their freedom to make their own decisions has been taken away by a small number of extremists. I am alarmed by what the extremist Supreme Court and congressional Republicans are prepared to do to unravel a future of protection for women under a Republican Presidency.

This is about the right to make decisions about our own bodies and our own futures. It is all on the line, and we need these protections written into law. That is what tomorrow's vote is about.

I don't want to hear from Republicans who say they support contraception but can't make it the law of the land. If they really support contraception, then they will vote yes on the bill that comes up tomorrow. If not, actions speak louder than words. They will demonstrate that it is not only going after abortion, it is not only going after IVF, it is also all about going after contraception.

These are the decisions women should make for themselves. They should have the freedom to do that. These are not the decisions that should be made by extremist Republican lawmakers.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, we are about to hold a vote under the Congressional Review Act.

The CRA was passed in 1994 to give Congress a 6-month window of 60 legislative days to review an Agency rule and, if Congress doesn't like that rule, 60 days to overturn it. However, our vote today is not a vote on a notice and comment rule. In fact, our vote today is on something that doesn't even have the force of law. Our vote today is on a Staff Accounting Bulletin issued by the SEC back in the spring of 2022.

Now, the SEC has issued these bulletins--they are called SABs--for nearly 50 years without anyone ever suggesting that they were subject to the CRA. The CRA has a time limit for a reason--so that settled law is settled law, something that everyone can count on--and the CRA is limited to Agency rules so that a single Member of Congress can't tie up Agencies and Congress with expedited procedures under the CRA by raking over the details of every Agency action.

Today's vote--coming more than 2 years after the SEC wrote the bulletin and applying to a staff bulletin rather than a rule--is far outside the scope of the CRA. We should not be holding this vote. All by itself, that is a good

enough reason to vote no, but let's talk about the substance of this SAB for just a minute.

The fairness of our markets depends on transparency. Investors in pension funds and 401(k)s and workers who are trying to save for retirement all have a right to know what they are investing in. The Securities and Exchange Commission is the guardian of those financial disclosures that give investors information about a company's business plan, about its leadership, and about the risks that it faces in the market.

So to help public companies disclose information about their businesses in a consistent way, from one business to another to another so that investors can make comparisons, the SEC issues Staff Accounting Bulletins--these SABs--to clarify guidance about emerging issues in the accounting industry: how to tell people about this business. SAB No. 121 was published to provide accounting guidance to companies that hold customers' digital assets. It says that, because of some of the unique technological and legal risks associated with digital assets, public companies that safeguard cryptoassets for their customers should make the risks associated with holding those assets visible to investors.

One way that this risk shows up is that if a company safeguards property for someone--if just an ordinary company is holding property for someone, like stocks or bonds or jewelry--the company bears the risk that the property could be stolen. That is why companies that hold property for others carry insurance, and it is why they have really big safes.

But if the company safeguards crypto, there is a special risk that is not there with other kinds of property. Crypto can get hacked. In fact, there have been some pretty major crypto hacks in which assets just vanish. The risk isn't theoretical; it is real--FTX, $600 million-- poof; Binance, $586 million--poof; Ronin Network, $625 million--poof; and Poly Network, $611 million--poof--all in just the last 3 years. We have seen multiple hacks of crypto platforms. The unique risks of crypto can create liabilities that seriously impact a company's financial condition. SAB 121 simply clarifies how companies should account for those risks in their financial disclosures. That is all it is doing.

Now, there is a second kind of problem with crypto, and that is, if a company safeguards property for someone--stocks, bonds, jewelry, like we talked about earlier--if the company doing the safeguarding goes bankrupt, the true owner of the stocks or the bonds or the jewelry can get their property back, but if the company that goes bankrupt is holding crypto, the peculiarities of crypto ownership and possession mean that the creditors of the bankrupt company could keep the crypto. The true owner may just be out of luck. Once again, SAB 121 simply clarifies how companies should make clear those risks in their disclosures.

So let's talk for just a minute about what SAB 121 doesn't do. It doesn't bring customers' cryptoassets onto a crypto platform's balance sheet or make the platform the owner of a customer's digital assets. Instead, SAB 121 requires the disclosure of what other substantive laws, including bankruptcy laws, are already doing.

This effort to reverse the SEC's accounting guidance would deprive investors of accurate information on the risks of holding cryptoassets and corrode public trust in our financial system and our institutions.

The vote today is about ensuring that the SEC is able to issue guidance that will help companies of all sizes produce strong, consistent, timely, and meaningful accounting disclosures. It is about protecting critical informational tools that investors and companies have relied on for half a century, and it is about maintaining the integrity of our markets, which rely on a clear, consistent accounting rule book.

Democrats should stand with President Biden against this effort to attack the SEC's authority. I urge my colleagues to oppose this bill.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I rise in opposition to the amendment. Before I get to the substance, let me remind my colleague, I think, of something we have discussed a lot.

Any amendment added to this bill at the moment is the equivalent of killing the bill. Many have said: If we go past midnight tonight, it doesn't really matter.

Already, telecom companies--a number--have contacted the Department of Justice saying: If this bill expires--as it will at midnight--they will stop complying with 702, one of the most critical components of our intelligence backbone.

The specifics of this amendment are opposed by every law enforcement agency in America. It also is opposed by a number of Jewish community groups, including B'nai B'rith and the Anti-defamation League.

I would agree with the Senator from Kentucky: We ought to have a debate about data brokers. But 702 is not the place to have it. As a matter of fact, the House decided not to include this in their discussion of 702.

If we pass this amendment, the only people who are going to be taken out from purchasing data will be law enforcement--not foreign companies, not foreign governments, or others.

Mr. President, I rise today in pursuit of peace in the Middle East. After nearly 5 months of war in Gaza, the human suffering must end. Just today, Americans woke up to the news that Israeli troops had opened fire on Palestinians desperate for humanitarian aid, killing dozens and adding to the more than 30,000 people in Gaza who have been killed during this conflict.

Hamas's October 7 terrorist attack on Israel took more than a thousand lives. Israel, like every nation, has the right to defend itself and the right to prevent another terrorist attack like this one from ever occurring again.

Other rights are important as well. The people who live in the Middle East deserve a lasting peace and deserve to live their lives with dignity and self-determination.

For decades, the United States Government has supported a two-state solution to guarantee those rights for both Israelis and Palestinians-- two states for two people. For years, I have spoken out against the diminishing prospects for a two-state solution. For years, Palestinians have been poorly served by their leaders, both in the West Bank and in Gaza. For years, even before October 7, Hamas's governance of Gaza was a major impediment to peace. And also for years, I have believed that Israel's long-term strategic interests were endangered by Prime Minister Netanyahu's leadership.

Since October 7, it has only gotten worse. Prime Minister Netanyahu and his rightwing war cabinet have created a massive humanitarian disaster, pushing the region even further away from a two-state solution. Indiscriminate bombings in Gaza have killed tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians, wiping out entire families and leaving thousands of children orphaned. Nearly 2 million people have been displaced, and 45 percent of the residential buildings in Gaza have been destroyed. The Israeli Government's refusal to allow adequate humanitarian aid into Gaza has left hundreds of thousands of people on the brink of starvation.

And still, more than 100 hostages are held by Hamas. The Israeli Government's top priority should have been to bring those hostages home, but, instead, Prime Minister Netanyahu focused on revenge. He publicly invoked the plight of hostages to justify indiscriminate bombing that thwarts the negotiations that would bring them home. This is a betrayal of the families whose loved ones are still held hostage by Hamas.

Netanyahu's opposition to a two-state solution is fierce and longstanding. For decades, he has undercut Palestinian independence. He has deliberately propped up Hamas to try to keep the Palestinian people divided. He approved Qatar's payments to Hamas--payments that may have been used for Hamas's military operations. He expanded settlements in the West Bank, turning the region into a patchwork of disconnected parts that undermine Palestinian hopes for a united homeland.

The result has been a vicious cycle of violence. That is why, for years, I have advocated that U.S. military aid should help Israel and Palestine move toward peace, not subsidize policies that move peace further out of reach.

Today, Netanyahu is doubling down on his opposition to peace. The Prime Minister has openly and directly rejected U.S. policy. He has promised he will not compromise and he will hold fast to his rejection of a Palestinian State.

Under his leadership, the Knesset has backed him to the hilt. The Prime Minister has also tried to pressure Egypt and other countries in the region to accept Gazan war refugees, raising the specter that his government is working toward permanently expelling Palestinians from their homes. He has insisted that Israel and Israel alone must control the entire area of the Jordan River, leaving no room for a Palestinian State.

And the fallout from his bombing campaigns is not limited to Gaza. He has given cover for Hezbollah, the Houthis, and other terrorist groups to expand the conflict.

The bottom line is clear: Netanyahu's leadership in this war has been a moral and strategic failure that is in direct opposition to American policy and American values.

Netanyahu cannot bomb his way to the return of the hostages. Netanyahu cannot bomb his way to security in the region. Netanyahu cannot bomb his way to peace.

The only path to protect Israel's long-term security and to ensure that Palestinians have equal rights, equal freedom, and the self- determination they deserve is a two-state solution--two states for two peoples.

This has been the stated policy of the U.S. Government dating back decades, and if this far-right Israeli Government does not share that goal, then it is our responsibility to make clear that the Netanyahu government does not get a blank check for U.S. aid.

That is why I have been fighting to condition aid to Israel and protect civilians in Gaza. Over the last few months, I have called for Israel to prevent harm to civilians and for accountability when U.S. weapons are used to target refugee camps and safe zones. I have challenged the administration's decision to bypass Congress in approving arms transfers to Israel. I have worked with my colleagues, led by Senator Van Hollen, on an amendment to condition aid to Israel.

Earlier this month, President Biden delivered a critical step, issuing a national security memorandum that makes clear that any country that receives aid from the United States must follow international law, including Israel. This is a good policy, but enforcement is crucial. Oversight of its implementation is necessary to ensure that it is a meaningful step and not just lip service.

Netanyahu has made clear he plans to launch a military offensive in Rafah, where more than a million Palestinians with nowhere safe to go are currently taking refuge. The administration has warned that expanding operations to Rafah would be a ``disaster'' that the U.S. Government does not support.

Meanwhile, humanitarian aid remains strangled and hunger and disease are sweeping Gaza.

Netanyahu is on dangerous ground. Every day that he continues, more innocent civilians in Gaza suffer and are killed, and thousands more Americans say ``enough'' and call on our government to end U.S. aid for such actions.

President Biden has indicated that we are on the verge of a cease- fire that would free the hostages and would allow desperately needed humanitarian aid in. I hope that is true, and it is a meaningful step toward an enduring peace.

But until then, the United States has a responsibility to ensure that our weapons aren't used to target innocent children and families in Gaza. We also have a responsibility to ensure that our support is used to advance long-term peace and stability in the region.

We recognize that it takes two parties to negotiate a meaningful peace, and we should also urge the allies of the Palestinians to do the same. All nations should push in the same direction: Condition aid, return the hostages, resume the cease-fire, and advance peace through a two-state solution.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, just now, my friend and colleague Senator Tammy Duckworth, a longtime champion for IVF and a longtime champion for families, put forward an important bill that would ensure that families

have access to the services they need to have a baby, including IVF.

Since then, Republicans have blocked this bill to protect IVF. Now, remember that for all their talk about supporting IVF, when it came down to it right here in this Chamber, Republicans blocked IVF protection.

Republican opposition to IVF is terrifying. It makes me furious. But it should not surprise anyone. Donald Trump set the stage for the attacks on reproductive rights when he stacked the Supreme Court with ultraconservative Justices and overturned Roe v. Wade. Since then, Republicans have banned or severely restricted abortion in 24 States. They are trying to ban medication abortion nationwide. Now in Alabama, these extremists have virtually outlawed IVF, fertility care that gives people a chance to start a family.

This has always been about conservative politicians controlling women's bodies. This has been Donald Trump and the Republicans' plan all along. And the opposition to Senator Duckworth's proposal today shows that Republicans are doubling down against reproductive freedom. They are coming for medication abortion, they are coming for birth control, and they are even coming for prenatal care. Make no mistake-- we will fight them every step of the way.

I want to talk for just a minute about the people who are affected by these extremist policies: families in Alabama who have been wanting and praying that IVF can help them have a baby; women who have injected themselves with medication for weeks or months or even years; people who have spent their entire life savings trying to start a family, only now to see their hopes go down the drain; LGBTQ families who have spent years taking on every obstacle just for the chance to have a baby of their own, and for some, this was the last chance.

Now Republicans like Donald Trump and those in this Chamber might try to backtrack, might try to say that they are working to protect IVF, but it is all talk. Senate Republicans' actions today speak louder than any empty promises they make. Americans can tell when Republican politicians try to talk out of both sides of their mouths.

The American people want reproductive freedom. The American people support parents and those desperately trying to become parents.

So here is what comes next. Democrats have made clear that we stand with President Biden, with Vice President Harris, and with the millions of families affected by these heartless policies. We stand to protect reproductive rights for people all across this country. Together, we will fight for every person to have access to a safe abortion. We will fight for every family to have access to the services needed to have a baby. And we won't stop fighting until we secure the Congress that we need to protect reproductive freedom for everyone in this country.

I am proud to be a cosponsor of Senator Duckworth's bill, and together we are going to get this done.

I yield the floor.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. President, I rise today to recognize Northeastern University, on the occasion of its 125th anniversary.

Northeastern University began as the Boston YMCA Evening Institute for Young Men in 1898, established to meet the industry's emergent need for skilled workers in the vocational trades. Today, Northeastern is a global research university and a recognized leader in experiential lifelong learning that integrates real-world experience with education, research, and innovation. Launched over a century ago, Northeastern's signature cooperative education--co-op--model now spans every continent and more than 3,500 employer partners where students work, study, and research.

With an R1 Carnegie classification, the university's research enterprise, focused broadly on the domains of health, security, and sustainability, as well as cutting-edge fields like artificial intelligence and robotics, wireless technology, and the life sciences, has quintupled during the past 15 years and pushed the bounds of scientific discovery. Since 2011, Northeastern has embarked on an ambitious expansion across the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Today, Northeastern's global university system comprises 13 sites, making it the only U.S. research university with comprehensive campuses on both coasts and a leader in preparing graduates with global experience.

The university's success extends beyond learning and discovery to intercollegiate athletics, as reflected, most recently, by the Huskies' sweep of the 2023 men's and women's Beanpot ice hockey tournaments for a record sixth time.

Northeastern counts a long and proud tradition of partnership with the Nation's armed forces that includes a U.S. Army Reserve Officers' Training Corps--ROTC--unit, extensive collaboration in defense and homeland security research, and a nationally recognized student veterans organization dedicated to helping returning veterans transition to higher education and achieve professional career success.

On the 125th anniversary of its founding, the university's investments in entrepreneurship, women's empowerment, civic engagement, public art, and sustainability have made an extraordinary contribution to the economic and social fabric of the city of Boston, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, the United States, and the world. They are a credit to the nearly 300,000 Northeastern alums living, working, and making a difference in communities around the globe.

On the occasion of this milestone, I am proud to recognize Northeastern University.

Madam President, I want to start by saying a very special thank-you to Senator Butler for calling us here today.

Today should have been the 51st anniversary of Roe v. Wade; instead, too

many people can't get the medical care they need when they need it, where they need it. Students who are desperate for help get the runaround. Poor women face impossible hurdles. Children who have survived rape and become pregnant are frightened and confused. Fertility clinics are abandoning services, and families who hoped for a baby face excruciating heartache when a pregnancy goes wrong and doctors are barred from helping. At every turn, we see a new form of hell brought to us by an extremist Supreme Court and a powerful band of Republican lawmakers determined to obliterate reproductive freedom across the country.

To every person watching these events unfold and feeling hurt, I see you, I am with you, and I grieve alongside you.

But I do more than grieve, more than complain; I fight back, and I am asking you to fight back too because, right now, this is our moment to act and, if we don't, we might not get another opportunity for a long, long time.

Roe wasn't overturned by some accident. We are here because Republican extremists have been waging a decades-long war to take down Roe. They have poured billions of dark money into our politics to chip away at our rights. They handpicked judges with proven anti-abortion records. They took over State and local governments. They built an anti-Roe coalition right here in Congress. And the very second--the very second--that the Supreme Court gave them the green light, they jumped into action enacting the most severe restrictions possible on abortion access.

The result: Over the last year and a half, over 20 States have banned or severely restricted abortion access; passed laws criminalizing doctors who perform abortions; or threatened access to pregnancy care, miscarriage care, fertility assistance, and more.

Well-organized and well-funded extremists have brought lawsuits to further restrict access, hoping to undermine access in States that are firmly pro-choice. The result has been cruel and frightening. Some people have given in to despair, but I don't see it that way.

To me, the end of Roe marked a new era in the movement for abortion rights. Yes, an era that has been harrowing for people across the country, but also one that marks the end of a plan Republicans hatched 40 years ago to reverse Roe and the beginning of a new chapter. And in this new chapter, we are leading the way.

Together, we have made clear that an overwhelming majority of Americans support reproductive freedom and individuals' rights to make decisions about their own bodies. Across this country, millions of Americans have come together and said they are with us. Not just in places like California and New York, but in Kansas, Kentucky, Michigan, and Ohio.

The Biden-Harris administration has stepped up to vigorously protect reproductive freedom from defending medication abortion from baseless lawsuits to preserving access to care for servicemembers and veterans to strengthening protection for patients' sensitive health information.

Republicans know that the majority of Americans oppose overturning Roe, but they aren't letting up. Instead, overturning Roe is not enough for them; they want more. They have introduced legislation to ban abortion nationwide, and if they can't pass it through Congress, they will use a Republican President to dust off a 19th century anti- obscenity law, instead, to try to get the job done.

We cannot let that happen. We have the energy; we have the numbers; and we know what we need to do. President Biden has called on Congress to act. We need to pass the Women's Health Protection Act to protect our human rights and to roll back the extreme abortion bills that radical rightwing legislatures have enacted across this country, and we need to get in the fight right now to secure the Congress that we need to get this job done.

This won't be easy, but important fights never are. I know our strength; I have seen it in the millions of people marching in the streets for abortion rights. I have seen it in the thousands of calls made to Congressional offices. I have seen it in the resolve of people standing up for Kate Cox in Texas and Brittany Watts in Ohio. And that is how I know that even when it gets hard, we will persist.

From this moment on, what happens is up to us. Together we have the power to restore Roe and to protect our right to make our own decisions about our own bodies and our own futures. I am in this fight all the way. The stakes are too high not to be.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today to ask the Senate to confirm Ron Keohane to be Assistant Secretary of Defense for Manpower and Reserve Affairs.

In this role, Mr. Keohane will be the principal adviser to the Secretary of Defense on all matters relating to the civilian and military personnel policies. He is extremely well-qualified for this role, previously serving as the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Military Community and Family Policy.

We need someone with Mr. Keohane's sense of experience to oversee and develop policies to support our servicemembers and their families, as well as to oversee our DOD schools. Strong leadership is also essential to address our military recruiting crisis.

I recently held a hearing in my subcommittee, which the Senator from North Carolina attended, that identified a long list of areas where our military services can continue to step up to inspire more young people to serve. They need someone like Mr. Keohane to make sure that the services actually follow through.

No one is disputing Mr. Keohane's qualifications. The Senate Armed Services Committee voted unanimously to advance his nomination. The only reason that Mr. Keohane's nomination has not already been approved is because

the Senator from North Carolina is willing to play politics with our national defense.

As we all know by now, the Senator from North Carolina disagrees with the Department of Defense's policy to help members of the military and their families access healthcare, specifically reproductive healthcare. Republican Senators claim they wanted a vote on DOD's policy on abortion; but just this week, they lost a vote to move forward toward overturning that policy. So if they can't get it on a straight-up vote, they are now blocking Mr. Keohane out of spite.

Last week, after months of undermining our national security, the Senator from Alabama backed down with nothing to show for his nearly yearlong blockade of promotions for hundreds of senior military officials--nothing to show, that is, except for the long-term damage he inflicted on our military personnel, on their families, and on our military readiness.

So now the Senator from North Carolina is stopping well-qualified nominees. He has no specific objection to this nominee. In fact, the Senator serves on the Senate Armed Services Committee that unanimously advanced Mr. Keohane's nomination. But the Senator from North Carolina now blocks the confirmation of Mr. Keohane.

We need leaders at the Department of Defense. Blocking these confirmations is corrosive to our national security.

Our Nation cannot continue to hold key national security officials hostage. We must put the safety and well-being of our servicemembers first. Our greatest strength as a nation is our people, and we need a confirmed leader like Mr. Keohane to make sure that our servicemembers have everything they need to succeed.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate consider the following nomination: Calendar No. 109, Ronald T. Keohane, of New York, to be an Assistant Secretary of Defense; that the Senate vote on the nomination without intervening action or debate; and that, if confirmed, the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. President, I think what the Senator from North Carolina has just said is he doesn't like the abortion policy that the Department of Defense has adopted.

He is right. It is a new policy. It is a policy that was made necessary because an extremist Supreme Court overruled Roe v. Wade with the Dobbs opinion and forced the military to have to decide how to deal with access to healthcare, access to abortions for people who were now involuntarily stationed in States where that care was no longer available.

The Senator, and all of the Republicans, were offered a vote on the Department of Defense's policy. And we voted just this week on a measure that would move toward that vote. And it failed. In other words, the Republicans who oppose this policy simply don't have the votes.

So instead of yielding to the will of the majority and letting this policy go through without a problem, instead, they play politics with the people who are trying to serve our Nation.

That Mr. Keohane gets caught in this--someone who is willing to serve our Nation and, most importantly, right now, to help our servicemembers live their best opportunities in the military at a time when we are having recruiting challenges, is just putting politics ahead of the defense of the United States; it is putting politics ahead of our servicemembers and putting politics ahead of our servicemembers' families.

I think this is fundamentally wrong. They had a vote; they lost; they don't like it; and they are holding Mr. Keohane just out of spite.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I sit here as I have listened to Senator Tuberville say that the world is a more dangerous place. He has spoken about how we have weakened our military. Senator Tuberville is right on that, and one of the principal reasons is because of Senator Tuberville's own actions. He has held up hundreds of military nominations, hundreds of our military leaders, who have not made it to the posts they were assigned to.

It is clear that it was a grave mistake for one Senator to hold our military promotion system hostage over his personal disagreement with a Department of Defense policy. We need our commanders in the Pacific to deter China and our service vice chiefs to lead the military. I am relieved that he has released most of his holds, but he continues to weaken our military readiness and to undermine both recruiting and retention.

The Senate should not go home for the holidays until we confirm the remaining nominees. This Senator has held up nominations for nearly a year. It undermines our national defense, and it is unfair to our military and to our military families. He insults our military, and then he turns around and tries to blame President Biden for his own actions. The hypocrisy of this Senator is truly breathtaking. We have got to stay, and we have got to get these military leaders confirmed.

Madam President, nearly 2 months after Hamas launched brutal terrorist attacks on Israel, we continue to grieve for those who were killed, and we also pray for the return of loved ones taken hostage. And for those who have been injured, for rape victims, and for those who survived by hiding themselves among dead and dying friends, we offer love and support.

October 7 was the deadliest day for Jewish people since the Holocaust. I have seen video of Hamas's attack and their terrorists' contempt for Israeli' lives. As I have said before, Israel has both a right to defend its citizens from Hamas's terrorist attacks and an obligation under the laws of war to protect innocent Palestinian civilians in Gaza. Palestinians are not Hamas, and they should not be punished for Hamas's terrorism.

I want to be clear about how I see the war that Israel is currently waging in Gaza. Prime Minister Netanyahu and his rightwing war cabinet have created a humanitarian catastrophe, killing thousands of Palestinian civilians and risking a wider conflict in the Middle East.

The Gaza Health Ministry estimates that more than 15,000 people in Gaza

have been killed and more than 40,000 injured. The vast majority of those killed and injured have been Palestinian civilians, many of them women and children. This level of civilian harm is a moral failure. It is why for weeks I have called on Israel to stop bombing Gaza.

A 7-day cease-fire between Israel and Hamas gave hope that more hostages would return to their loved ones, gave hope that a massive amount of humanitarian aid would reach innocent Palestinians in need of food and water, and gave hope that negotiations would continue as the parties worked toward an enduring end to this fighting.

I applauded this cease-fire and urged its extension so that the parties could secure a lasting peace.

When the cease-fire lapsed, I urged the parties to get back to the negotiating table and build on the prior agreement so that the cease- fire could resume, but, instead, the fighting ramped up.

So I will say it again. Hamas must release the hostages and stop firing rockets at civilians in Israel. The Israeli Government must stop the bombing in Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid. All of us must do everything possible to resume the cease-fire and extend it for as long as possible.

The long-term goal must be peace--two states for two peoples.

Today, the Senate will vote on legislation to provide military funding to Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan. I will support this legislation because Ukraine is on the frontlines, fighting back a brutal Russian invasion that would destroy its existence as an independent nation.

A few months ago, I visited Ukraine and saw firsthand the courage of the Ukrainian people, who are literally putting their lives on the line to keep democracy alive.

This legislation also contains $10 billion in humanitarian aid for families around the globe, including in Gaza. It also provides emergency shelter funds for migrants who are newly arrived in the United States. It includes money for mosques and synagogues that are dealing with threats here at home.

I strongly support those provisions. In fact, I fought hard for those provisions. But I want to be clear that when it comes to U.S. military aid to Israel, American support cannot be a blank check to a rightwing government that has demonstrated a gross disregard for the lives of Palestinian civilians. U.S. military aid always includes conditions, and there is no exception even for our allies.

The United States regularly conditions military aid on compliance with U.S. law and international humanitarian law. In the case of Israel, I have long argued that the United States should use all of the tools at its disposal, including placing conditions on U.S. military assistance, to move the parties closer to permanent peace and a two- state solution.

Prime Minister Netanyahu's actions are not moving closer to a two- state solution. Instead, his actions set conditions for endless violence.

Since October 7, extremist settlers in the West Bank have deliberately hunted down and killed Palestinians and, according to the United Nations, displaced more than 1,000 people.

In Gaza, Israeli forces have struck hospitals and refugee camps, killing scores of civilians in pursuit of its military targets.

Israel has ordered Palestinians to evacuate for safety and then bombed the safe zones.

The videos from Gaza of dead children and wailing parents are shattering. They document the current Israeli Government's continued moral and humanitarian failures.

It now appears that Israel is prepared to impose in southern Gaza the same staggering level of civilian death that it carried out in the north. That is wrong.

I lay these actions at the feet of Prime Minister Netanyahu. If the Prime Minister insists on conducting military operations with little regard for civilian life and in a manner that moves the region deeper into perpetual war, then he does not deserve America's blanket financial support.

I understand the desire to help Israel and the people of Israel, but given the actions of the Prime Minister, Congress should condition any military funding on an agreement that civilian lives will be protected, that Palestinians will receive the humanitarian aid they need, and that international law will be fully respected.

Over the past 2 months, I have had many conversations with people across Massachusetts about the path forward. This conflict is horrific, and it is deeply personal. I have talked to Israelis who have lost beloved friends and family. I have held parents who have had children violently taken as hostages. I have talked to Palestinians who have had family members killed. I have held hands with people conducting a desperate, long-distance search for missing loved ones. I have joined the sometimes-frantic efforts to help Palestinians who are desperately trying to get out of Gaza but can't. The pain runs deep for all of them.

This conflict has also sparked a wave of hate here in the United States. The Council on American-Islamic Relations in Massachusetts has received a record number of calls reporting vandalism, violence, and retaliation against Palestinians. A man in Boston was arrested for attacking the Holocaust Memorial, and synagogues in Attleboro are receiving bomb threats.

I have had Muslim and Palestinian constituents talk to me about being pulled over for extra screening at the airport while their White travel companions sailed right on through. I have heard stories of how hard it can be to land a small business loan or get a credit card application approved even when they meet all the criteria.

Anti-Palestinian hate is endangering our neighbors. Three college students in Burlington were shot on their way to dinner. I have had moms tell me they are now afraid to say that they are Palestinian, and they are now afraid for their children to leave the house.

Anti-Semitism is endangering our neighbors. Hillel leaders tell me they are afraid to walk alone on campus or speak up in classes. Mothers say they worry about bringing their toddlers to activities at their synagogue because it could be the target of an attack.

In these moments, each of us has an obligation to speak out clearly and loudly against hate. Each of us has an obligation to actively oppose hate in all of its forms. Anti-Semitism must be rejected. Islamophobia and anti-Palestinianism must be cast off. We should make our intentions clear. We should work toward those goals until they are finally true. No one should be afraid. No one should feel unsafe. And it is on our shoulders to build an America where there is no place for hate.

But there is more for us to do. We cannot give up on peace. Hamas leaders make their goals clear: perpetual war and death. But, as I said earlier, Hamas is not the Palestinian people, and the Palestinian people are not Hamas.

In the midst of the chaos and pain of this terrible war, I hold fast to the possibility that people of good will, both Palestinians and Israelis, can build a lasting peace.

I have long believed that a two-state solution is the best path, is the only path for Israel's long-term security and the only way to ensure that Palestinians have the rights, the freedom, and the self- determination they need to build a secure future for themselves and their children.

In the short term, the needed work is obvious: Resume the cease-fire, accelerate humanitarian aid, protect innocent civilians, and release the hostages. In the long term, the hard labor--the labor that ensures that we won't be here again and again and again to mourn the deaths of the people we love and have lost to an endless cycle of war--the hard labor is to drive toward a just and lasting peace for both Israelis and Palestinians.

I yield the floor.